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The Jews of Canterbury

Rev. Michael Adler

<plain_text><page sequence="1">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY By the Rev. MICHAEL ADLER, B.A. {A Paper read before the Jewish Historical Society of England, March 27, 1911.) Canterbury claims the proud title of Mother City of the British Empire, as being the spot where the English race first founded a settled home on English soil. The importance of the City arises from the circumstance that its situation lies on the direct road from Dover to London?a road that has been at all times one of the principal paths by which the stranger, after crossing the Channel at its narrowest part, has made his way inland. Among these outlanders that migrated from the Continent in the days after the coming of the Normans were many mem? bers of our own faith. Whilst the majority of them proceeded to the capital on the Thames, attracted by its fame as a centre of commerce, a small number went no further than the Cathedral City of Canterbury, where one of the earliest settlements of English Jew's wras established. At no period did the number of Canterbury Jewrs reach any considerable total, but the Kentish* Jewry occupied an important position among the pre-ExpuIsion settlements, in the year 1194 coming third in order of pre-eminence after London and Lincoln.1 It is the story 'of this Jewry that I now propose to relate, and its various vicissitudes present to us a typical example of the life of Jews in England in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. There exists at present no evidence to enable us to fix the date of the first establishment of a Jewish community in Canterbury. During the period of a hundred years after the Norman Conquest, it appears that Jews did not go to reside in Canterbury but spread themselves over cities to the north-west and north-east of London, as Oxford, Cambridge, Stanford, Norwich, and other places. Rumour has it that the city in 19</page><page sequence="2">20 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. which that restless Spanish scholar and poet, Abraham Ibn Ezra, wrote his Letter of the Sabbath, in the year 1158, was not London, as Dr. Friedl?nder2 and other authorities assert, but Canterbury.3 If there is any truth in this suggestion, we have here the existence of a settled community in the same year that Thomas ? Becket, whose story is so bound up with that of Canterbury Cathedral, was made Chancellor of England by Henry II. The earliest authentic mention of a Canterbury Jew is of one Dieulecresse4 (or Gedalya), who, in the year 1160, lent a certain Richard of Anesty the sum of 40s., for which the sum of 5s. 4d. was paid as interest. Thus the first historical detail on record concerning Canterbury Jews deals with one of those money-lenders, whose business transactions are so prominent a feature in the archives of Angevin England. Richard, the Primate, of Canterbury, who succeeded Thomas a Becket, alludes to the English Jews of his time, including those of the chief city of his See, in a letter he wrote in defence of the rights of the Church, in which he complained that " if a Jew or a layman of the lowest grade be killed, justice is done, but this is not the case with a priest." 5 Before passing on, I ought to refer to two Jews w7ho used to be assigned to Canterbury, but who are now recognised as having little or no connection with this city. Gr?tz6 described as a Canterbury Jew a famous Rabbi Benjamin who lived before the year 1171, and who had studied under the great Rabbenu Tarn, a grandson of Rashi. Dr. Joseph Jacobs, in his Jews of Angevin England,7 was at first inclined to agree with Professor Gr?tz, but afterwards located Rabbi Benjamin in Cam? bridge, the confusion arising from the similarity of the names of the two towns in Latin when used in their abbreviated forms. Aaron, a London Dayan of the year 1242, who was concerned in a divorce question about an Oxford Jew,8 also used erroneously to be claimed by Canterbury. Although he may have been born there, he did not reside as an adult in this city, where his fame as a Biblical commentator who wrote notes upon Rashi9 and as a Rabbinical authority would certainly have relieved the monotony of the story of the financial interests that almost exclu? sively occupied the daily lives of the Kentish Jews. The stern facts of historical research compel us, however, to surrender the fame of both these scholars to other cities. Without Benjamin and Aaron, there</page><page sequence="3">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 21 remains absolutely nothing of literary or intellectual interest known of the inhabitants of Kent, that dwelt beneath the shadow of the great Cathedral. The Jews of Canterbury were occupied in money-lending at an early date, as evidenced by the reference to Dieulecresse given above, and among those who borrowed of them were the monks of the Abbey of Augustine. The knowledge of these transactions came to the ears of Pope Alexander III., who, in a Bull dated February 1179,10 exhorted King Henry II. to protect the holy fraternity in their business relations with their Jewish neighbours. There is no allusion to Jews being in any way concerned in the excitement caused by the murder of Thomas ? Becket in 1170, but sixteen years later a quarrel broke out in the Church in which the Jews took an active part. In that year, 1187, Archbishop Baldwin,11 who had represented the Church militant at the Crusades and wras a redoubtable fighter, sought to compel the monks of Christ Church to submit to him. Between the monks of St. Augustine's Abbey and those of Christ Church there had always been fierce rivalry, and the Primate took the side of the Abbey against the Cathedral. The latter's priests wrere notorious for their luxury and independence. They claimed the right of electing the Archbishop, and Baldwin resolved to master them. For more than a year and a half the struggle continued. Kings and emperors were concerned in the fray, and three Popes 12 in turn attempted to compel Baldwin to leave the monks of Christ Church in peace. The Cathedral clerics refused to surrender, and the Archbishop wTas de? termined to starve them into obedience. Soldiers surrounded the precincts of the Cathedral, and under the orders of Baldwin prevented the provisioning of the besieged monastery. The majority of the people of Canterbury supported the monks, and the Jews were especi? ally active in showing their sympathy with the Christ Church rebels against the authority of the Archbishop. In a spirit of friendship, remarkable for the period, the Jews offered up prayer for the monks in their Synagogue, and lent more practical aid by smuggling supplies of food and drink to the hungry priests. In the w7ords of the historian of Canterbury, Gervase,13 " The Archbishop did not cease to take away nor the Jews to give. The Archbishop excommunicated, the Jews prayed. A wonderful contrast indeed ! " This interesting epi&amp;ode</page><page sequence="4">22 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. points to the existence of very amicable relations between the Jews of the city and the Cathedral clergy, that were maintained throughout, except when Stephen Langton was Primate, of which more later. These relations were the more intimate seeing that the houses in the Jewish quarter were the property of Christ Church, and the Synagogue, which is mentioned in the above narrative, stood on land belonging to the Cathedral. The exact location of the Jewry, and consequently of the Synagogue, is well established. The modern Jew, who, like Chaucer of old, is? " Ready to wend on his pilgrimage To Canterbury with full devout courage,"14 should turn his steps to the street called Jewry Lane, the site of the ancient Ghetto of his fathers. After passing through the noble towers of the West Gate into St. Peter's Street, he comes to the King's Bridge, upon which he observes on his right an ancient building entered by a low archway. This is the remains of the St. Thomas's Hospital, that is sup? posed to have been founded in honour of St. Thomas a Becket, and to-day forms part of a home for the aged poor. Next door has been built the new Post Office, which stands on the site of a house belonging, in pre Expulsion days, to Cresse the Jew,15 and marking the commencement of the line of Jewish houses facing the High Street. The Jewry began at this building, and continued as far as where the Church of St. Mary Bredman used to stand,16 now indicated by an open grass plot at No. 47 High Street. Opposite the Beaney Institute, which contains the Royal Museum and stands on the left-hand side of the road, there runs White Horse Lane, in the shape of a crescent, the end of which meets Stour Street, wThich commences from the High Street at the County Hotel. The end portion of the Lane that runs into Stour Street is to this day called Jewry Lane, and old maps of the City17 prove that the whole of White Horse Lane, from the High Street to Stour Street, used to bear the name of Jewry Lane, that took the place of its older designation, Little Pet Lane.18 To-day this short street contains a few houses, a boot-factory, and a Salvation Army barracks. The houses of the Jewry of old are reported to have numbered only twenty in all,19 but the very frequent allusions to houses in the quarter compel us to place the figure much higher. The buildings lay around this Lane in the small parish of St.</page><page sequence="5">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 23 Mary Bredman, near the bread and fish market,20 a stone's-throw from the great Cathedral of Christ Church, whilst some Jews' houses were in the adjoining Parish of All Saints. The references in the Hebrew and Latin deeds give us very clear indication of the position of the Jews' quarter, and it is quite easy to construct a plan of the portion of the city where the Jews lived. It might be mentioned, by the way, that facing the Old Jewry there stand to-day the business premises of the most prominent Canterbury Jew of modern times, Alderman Henry Hart, who for three years has served the office of Mayor in the Cathedral City, and this year is cele</page><page sequence="6">24 TUE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. brating his Jubilee of public work in Canterbury. The Synagogue, or " Schola Judaeorum," stood at the corner of Stour Street, facing the High Street, where now the "County Hotel" has been built. In Somner's Antiquities of Canterbury, written in 1640, he tells us that in this tavern, then known as the "Saracen's Head,"21 there was a 4'stone parlour mounted upon a vault and ascended by many stone steps, as the Jewish Synagogues and schools were alwayes built aloft. This w7as the remaines of a good part of that which wTas our Canterbury Jewes School or Synagogue." The Synagogue in pre-Expulsion days in England was used both as a house of prayer and as the court of the Beth Din. The Crow7n further frequently directed announcements to be made in the Synagogue rela? tive to questions of loans ; and, on several occasions, the Canterbury Synagogue was employed for this purpose.22 At the Expulsion in 1290, this building w7as presented by King Edward I. to the Robe-maker of Queen Eleanor, who bore the name of William Le Taylleur,23 and it is not known in what manner this individual utilised the structure. In the year 1320 it had become a private dwelling,24 but all traces of the Synagogue have now disappeared, and the site on w7hich it stood w7as occupied by a small tavern, now turned into the County Hotel. The role played by the Jew7s in the dispute between Archbishop Baldwin and the Cathedral monks in 1187-88, in wrhich the local populace and the Jew7s joined hands against the Archbishop, must have led to the establishment of friendly relations between the Jews and the Christian laity of the city. The general attitude of the citizens of Canterbury tow7ards their Hebrew neighbours wras remarkably cordial at all times, and re? flected the sentiments of the clergy of the Cathedral, for the Jew7s traded freely in money and in houses, and in the Jewish quarter several Chris? tians also resided. Only once, in the year 1261,25 is there any record of ill-feeling displayed by the general inhabitants against the members of the house of Israel in their midst, and this happy condition of affairs in all probability accounts for the fact that the Canterbury Jewry completely escaped the fury of the storm that created such havoc in the kingdom elsew7here, especially in London and York,26 immediately after the corona? tion of Richard I. (1189). The Archbishop who crowned Richard was the same Baldwin27 who had been so hostile to the monks of Christ Church a year before. A story preserved in an old Chronicle of the year</page><page sequence="7">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 25 119 3 28 further illustrates the freedom with which the intercourse between the Jew and his neighbour was carried on. It is related that a Christian woman named Godeliva was one day carrying a bucket containing water that had been sanctified by the martyred St. Thomas ? Becket, and was passing the inn of a certain Jew. At the invitation of a Jewess who suffered from a weak foot, Godeliva very kindly entered the inn for the purpose of "charming the foot," being skilled in charms and incanta? tions. "But," continues the tale, "scarcely had her foot entered the cursed house when the bucket flew into three pieces, and by the loss of the water she learned the wicked intuitions of her own mind, and under? standing that she had committed a fault, she returned no more to that Jewess." The Jews of Canterbury, as in other towns, must have increased in number after the year 1177, when the privilege of having local ceme? teries was granted by King Henry II.29 Of the men of note between 1160 and 1194?a date that stands out by itself in the history of Canterbury?only five are known, in addition to Dieulecresse, already mentioned. These are Berechya or Benedict, or in Norman-French Dieulebenie, and his brother Isaac, Samson, Jacob, and Isaac?all money-lenders. In the earliest entry on the Pipe Rolls,30 where Benedict, Jacob, and the two Isaacs are mentioned, fines are levied upon them for having transgressed the law with regard to usury. Isaac, the brother of Benedict, was punished and ordered to pay twenty marks because he was said to have committed perjury before the King's Court. The other details of this action are wanting. I need scarcely offer any explanation here for the circumstance that throughout this story of a small Jewry in pre-Expulsion England con? stant reference is made to money-lending transactions. The Jews of the day were excluded from all other occupations, both by the Church and the State, and it is because their livelihood was obtained in this way that the records of the Royal Exchequer contain so many references to them. Benedict of Canterbury was nicknamed the Little Jew, probably to distinguish him from another Kentish worthy of the same name who was called Benedict the Long.31 He owrned a house in London that, in the year 1215, King John32 took away and presented to the Earl of Surrey. He was a member of a jury of four Jews and four Christians appointed</page><page sequence="8">26 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. in 1219 to inquire into a dispute about a debt.33 Concerning Samson, Jacob, and Isaac, we shall hear more shortly. It is possible that these men of Kent acted as agents for the great Aaron of Lincoln, as among the debts found in the list compiled by order of the King after Aaron's death (1186) the Archbishop of Canterbury figures as owing the sum of ??151.34 In the year 1187, as the result of the Coronation erneutes and the consequent loss of receipts for debts, King Richard established the system35 of placing an Archa, or chest, in each Jewish centre where chirographs, i.e., duplicates of bonds, wTere to be preserved, and Canter? bury also received its royal Archa. Four chirographers, or keepers of the Archa, two Christians and two Jews, were appointed to w7atch over the Jewish, w7hich meant the royal, business interests. The growth in the numbers and wealth of the Kentish Jews by the year 1194 finds full demonstration from an important document of the period called the Northampton Donum 36 or Gift, a State paper that has not yet been printed in full, and only a summary of which is to be found in Dr. Jacobs' book.37 I venture to express the hope that this Society will print this valuable MS., as it throws considerable light upon the material position of Anglo-Jew7ry of the day. In 1192, Richard the Lion-hearted was taken prisoner by Leopold, Duke of Austria, on his way home from the Crusades. Henry, the Emperor of Germany, purchased the royal captive, and then offered to set him free upon the payment of a ransom of 100,000 marks. The Jews were called upon as usual to contribute their full share towards redeeming the King, and complete details of donors and amounts subscribed are in exist? ence in the records of the Gift, presented more or less willingly, at Northampton. The total paid in 1194 by the English Jews was ?1803, 7s. 7d., out of a promised ??3333, or 5000 marks, and the names of 271 contributors are given. The community of Canterbury ranks third, London collecting ?486, 9s. 7d., Lincoln ??287, 4s. lid., and Canterbury ?235, 19s. 4d., through some twenty of its residents.38 The wealthiest Jew in Kent wras Jacob, who has already been mentioned above, and his quota of the local contribution was ??115, or nearly one-half of the total.39 Next to him comes Isaac le Gros (the Big), probably the Isaac mentioned above, with ?5540 to his credit, and Isaac Senex (the Old) follows with ?14.41 These three men sub? scribed between them ?185 out of a total of ?235. Some of the</page><page sequence="9">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 27 local contributors paid small amounts, Aaron, the son of Jacob, giving 13s. 4d., and Jose Gaudi 18s. 8d. The wealthy Jacob, who is pro? bably the man described in a later Shetar 42 as Jacob le Viel, the Old, wras landlord of a number of houses in the parish of All Saints,43 which was separated from that of St. Mary Bredman by the High Street. Among the plots of land he purchased was one that he acquired from a certain Benedict, the son of Tholi, who had previously bought it from the monks of Christ Church, in the Parish of All Saints.44 There is no other mention of this Benedict except in this deed, but from the fact that the witnesses include Joseph the son of Deudone or Jonathan, of North? ampton,45 and Joseph of York, it is possible that Benedict did not long reside in Canterbury, unless, of course, he is one of the Benedicts men? tioned in the Donum, in which case he is the earliest Jewish owner of land known in the city. Jacob built a stone house46 for himself, as Aaron of Lincoln did, opposite the Synagogue. Upon his death, Jacob's property passed into the hands of his sons, Samuel and Aaron, and the subsequent history of his stone house will be dealt with later. I may here mention that valuable help has been afforded to me by Dean Wace of Canterbury, who authorised the transcription of a number of deeds relating to the houses of Jacob and other matters that are preserved in the Cathedral archives, and are now made public for the first time.46a It is interesting to observe with regard to the personalities of the Donum, how the community was composed of two family groups and a number of individual members. Jacob, the Rothschild of the Jewry, had two sons, Samuel and Aaron, a son-in-law, Meus (or Meir), and Simon, a nephew. For the crusading King's ransom his family alone collected the sum of ??121, 4s. The circle of Isaac Senex gave ?25, 16s., subscribed by the old gentleman himself, his two sons Cresse and Jose, a son-in-law Solomon, and a son-in-law of Jose* named Abraham. These two families thus accounted for ?147 out of the total of ?235. There are three Isaacs mentioned in the Donum, who are distin? guished from each other by their surnames, the Old, the Young, and the Big. Among the other names of local residents are Deulecress Levi le Cresp, who is probably the man first mentioned in 1160, and who con? tributed the sum of ?1, 18s. 2d., Meus (or Meir) the son of Benjamin (?1, 4s.), Jurnet (?1, 3s. 4d.), Benedict of Rochester (?3, 6s. 8d.), Simon of Mailing, near Maidstone (?1, 3s. 4d.), and Samson with</page><page sequence="10">28 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. ?6, 13s. 4d. The last-named appears to have escaped very cheaply, as he was one of the richest men of Kent. Frequent reference is made to Samson in the Exchequer Pleas about the year 1219.47 Among his debtors was Peter de Blois, who wras Archdeacon of Bath. Prior to holding this appointment Peter had been attached to the Cathedral in Canterbury, and it wras there that he fell into the hands of Samson. About the year 1174, twenty years before the date of the Donum, Peter addressed a letter48 to his beloved friend, the Bishop of Ely, which, seeing it has not been published before, except in Peter's collected works, deserves reproduction here. He writes, " Drawn by extreme urgency, I am going to Canterbury {i.e. from Bath) in order to be crucified by the perfidious Jews, who torture me by their debts and afflict me with their usury. I expect to bear the same cross through the London Jews, unless you liberate me out of your pity, and I feel sure you will show me an abundance of compassion and will redeem me. Therefore, my father and dearest friend, I pray that you will remove this cross from me, and take upon yourself the payment of the ?6 that I owe Samson the Jew, and, by this act, turn my debts into a cause of profound gratitude to you." The answer of the Bishop is not recorded, but, as we now know that Peter was entangled in the coils of the London and Canterbury financiers, it is not a matter for surprise that one of his best-known books is entitled, Against the Perfidy of the Jetos^ Samson was a partner with Deulecresse or Cresse,50 and with Benedict,51 and he also acted as local agent for the famous London money-lenders, Aaron le Blund and Jose Presbyter.52 In one trans? action he and Benjamin, son of Meir, who will claim our attention shortly, took possession of some lands belonging to a debtor as security,53 it being a legal right for a Jew to hold half of the lands, rents, and chattels of Christian debtors until all obligations were discharged;54 but, by order of the Crown, they were obliged to surrender sufficient land to their client in order that he could earn his living by cultivating it. Samson had several houses in the city, that, at his death in 1238, were presented by Henry III. to the Clerk of his Chapel as a gift.55 Samson had four sons, Aaron, Jose, Isaac, and Moses, who, after their father's death, were called upon to pay ?100 as duties upon the estate,56 which must have been very considerable. He also had a brother</page><page sequence="11">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 29 named Jose,57 who was associated with Benjamin and with Samson's son Jose in a fine of 5 marks paid to the Crown for a writ. Of Samson's sons, Moses and Jose occupied important positions in the local Jewry. Moses was a Worcester M.P.,58 and Jose59 was one of the talliators in the year 1255. The latter also possessed land and a house in the Ghetto near the house of John of Verdon, the n^, or Chaplain, which lay in the High Street. One of the entries in the Donum refers to a sum of ?2, 9s. 6d. that was paid by the heirs of Benedict le Cresp, or Crespin. This name is one of the most common in Anglo-Jewry, and Benedict was probably related to Dieulecress le Cresp Levi of the period. Benedict was alive a year before the giving of the Donum,60 as he was forced to contribute towards the arrears of the Guildford Tallage of 60,000 marks, levied on the Jews shortly before the death of Henry II. He also owned a house opposite the public pillory that escheated to the Crown, and was given to one of the royal favourites some time afterwards.61 At the close of the Angevin period marked by the year 1206, when Normandy ceased to constitute a portion of the kingdom of England, the number of Jews in Canterbury must have reached, including women and children, over 100 souls, at a modest estimate. We have twenty names in the Donum, and Jews had already commenced to migrate from other localities in Kent, as in the cases of Benedict of Rochester 62 and Simon of Mailing. There must also have been included in the local Jewry a number of persons too poor to figure in the contributions to the royal ransom, and this steady growth in the Jewish population aroused the active hostility of the Church. Henry III., by extending his protection over the Jews, sought to extract the utmost profit from them. They were to be amenable only to special Courts of Justice, and each new arrival was to report his landing by enrolling his name in a recognised Jewry, nor was he to depart the realm without the permission of the Crown.6,1 To single them out as the King's property, they were ordered to wear two broad strips of white linen on their upper garments.64 The promise of royal protection very soon caused numbers of new immigrants to cross the Channel, and Canterbury undoubtedly absorbed some of them. The Church at once took alarm, and for a time changed its customary atti? tude towards its local Jewish community. Stephen Langton, the Arch? bishop who helped to wrest Magna Carta from the reluctant King John,</page><page sequence="12">30 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. summoned a Synod at Oxford in 1222,65 and passed the following ordinances : " That Jews do not keep Christian slaves, nor build any more Synagogues: that they be forced to pay tithes to the Church : that they be not allowed to enter a Church building nor keep any of their goods there : and that the order of the King relative to the badge be enforced." Stephen went further in his enmity to his Jewish neighbours, and, together with the Bishops of Lincoln and Norwich, published an injunction66 throughout his diocese that no Christian should have any communication with Jews, nor sell them any food, under pain of excom? munication. Upon a report of this inhuman project of the Church coming to the ears of Hubert de Burgh, the royal Justiciary and guardian of the young King?most probably being reported by the Jews thus menaced?Hubert forthwith sent orders from Westminster to defeat the plans of the Archbishop and his allies, and commanded that any one found refusing to supply provisions to the Jews of Canterbury or elsewhere should at once be arrested.67 Between the years 1216, the accession of the young Henry III., and 1240, wdien the famous Parliament of Worcester was summoned, a very large number of Jews are recorded as living in Canterbury. They lent money, and they bought and sold land and houses without restraint. Among the best-known residents of this period are Deubenie (Berechya),68 and Vivard69 (Hayim), sons of Isaac, Aaron b. Cresselin,70 Cresselin the son of Isaac Senex, Jacob the son of Dieulesaut (Isaiah),71 Joseph b. Samson,72 and Benjamin the son of Meir. Cresselin, or Cresse, or Dieulecresse, or Gedalya had contributed the sum of ??3, 10s. to the Donum of North? ampton, and several houses in the city belonged to him.73 In 1219, he was party to a loan in which Samson and another local wTorthy named Long Isaac (Isaac Longus) w7ere also interested.74 Like his older con? temporary Jacob, Cresse built his own house, in the year 1234, and it abutted immediately upon the Chapel of the Hospital of St. Thomas on Eastbridge.75 The site of Cresse's house is now covered by the new Post Office in High Street, and marked the extreme western boundary of the Jewry. The Rector and Brethren of the Hospital granted Cresse a special charter in 1236, promising that they would not disturb him from the possession of the house for ever.76 In close proximity to the Jewry stood two important buildings in Canterbury, to both of which the Jews undoubtedly were frequent</page><page sequence="13">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 31 visitors. On the one side of the High Street, in the parish of All Saints, close to where All Saints' Church stands to-day, and next door to the stone house built by Jacob, as I shall shortly explain, stood the Cambium Regis or Royal Exchange,77 where plate and silver were dealt in. Facing this institution was the Mint,78 the property of the local Cathedral authorities, within a few steps of the Synagogue itself, in the parish of St. Mary Bredman. The Jewrs had thus not far to go in order to obtain the supplies that formed the capital of their business. The moneyers, or workers in the Mint, monetarii as they were called, all lived in the Jewish quarter,79 and it is interesting to note that one of these workmen was Nicholas, a converted Jew, who is mentioned as early as 1181,80 and another bore the name of Solomon,81 though the latter was not necessarily a Jew. We find several of the Christ Church monks bearing such names as Abraham, Isaac, and Benjamin 82?probably drawn from the pages of the Bible?and this monetarius may have been a member of the monastery also. To return to our local celebrities, the records tell us that Jacob the son of Dieulesaut once incurred the anger of the King, and six of the richest Jews in London offered themselves as bail for his appearance to answer the charge against him, in which his w7ife Joye and his son Isaac were also involved.83 Benjamin the son of Meir shares with Samson and Jacob of the early period, and Salle the son of Jose of a few years later, the distinction of being one of a quartette of Kentish money-lenders whose activities find constant mention in the records.84 The name Benjamin was Latinised into Bonus Amicus, and became in French Bon Ami or Bonami. He is first met with in the year 1228, when he was the head of the local Jewry.85 He lent money to a very large number of people, and among his debtors wras a certain Peter de Bendinges,86 whose dealings with the Church as well as with Jews of London and elsewhere form an interest? ing story. At the outset, Peter, being in wTant of capital, makes over his manor of Westwell to the Prior and Convent of Christ Church for a loan of &lt;?171, 17s., to which contract the Archbishop, Stephen Langton, was a party, although money-lending was strictly forbidden to the Church. At the same time he hands over his manor called Little Chart at a rent of ??6, 13s. 4d. per annum. Four years later (1233) he is again in trouble, and now turns to the Jews of London, borrowing of the firm of</page><page sequence="14">32 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. Crispin Brothers (Moses, Berechya, and Jacob), and pledging all his lands and chattels as security. Nearly three years elapse, when Peter is compelled to confirm to "Bonamieus fil Mor," Jew of Canterbury, his manor of Little Chart, near Ashford, for a loan of ??200. Among the witnesses to this deed are Samson, son of Aaron, and Cresselin, son of Hakelin (or Isaac), the builder of the house next to the Hospital on Eastbridge. The next year (1237), apparently in accordance with some unexplained arrangement between the JewTs and their friends of the Cathedral, Peter gave his manor of Little Chart to the monks for an advance of ?133, 6s. 8d., in order to retrieve him from the debts "by which he w-as held bound in the Jewry"?to quote the legal phrase of the bond. As a consequence of this assistance received from the Church financiers?contrary to their Canon law?the whole of the body of Jewish creditors, both in London and Kent, among the latter being Joseph b. Moses and Moses b. Jacob,87 surrendered their claims upon Peter. After his death, his widow7 maintained a series of lawsuits against the Cathe? dral brotherhood in establishing her rights to her husband's possessions. Throughout these transactions, Benjamin and his allies appear to have behaved at least as wrell as the Prior and Convent, the rate of interest working out at 43 per cent.?the current scale of the day.S8 Benjamin numbered among his partners such w7ell-known men of the period as Samson,89 Cresse,90 Yivard the son of Isaac,91 and Benedict Crispin.92 Upon all important occasions he acted as the representative of his community.93 He w7as the local talliator or assessor of the tallage or taxes levied by the Crown,94 and in 1240 w7as returned as one of the M.P.'s to the Worcester Parliament.95 Twelve years later he is included in a list of the six richest Jews of all England,96 and his death, took place about 1258,97 by which time his rival, Salle b. Jose, had sprung into local prominence. Whilst Benjamin w7as the Rosh Ha-Kalial there occurred a stirring incident in the local Jewry. A member of the community was baptized by the monks of St. Augustine, the bitter rivals of the Cathedral clergy, and assumed the name of Augustine.98 According to the law,99 the pro? perty of a convert passed into the possession of the King, like that of a true Israelite, but Henry was gracious enough to permit Augustine to keep the house he possessed in the JewTy.100 The convert now presented his house to his patrons, the monks of St. Augustine, who, strangely</page><page sequence="15">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 33 enough, sold it to Isaac, probably Isaac le Gros.101 The apostate's wife, named Ohera (Norman-French for chere, "dear"), refused to follow her husband's example and embrace Christianity, and claimed the house as part of her marriage settlement.102 As the result of a trial, the Courts decided against her (1234). The only other reported case of conversion on the part of a Canterbury Jew, if we omit the Nicholas Conversus already mentioned, is that of Isaac the son of Jose\ in 1262,103 whilst two men and three women from Canterbury are mentioned after the great Expulsion as living in the " Domus Conversorum" in Chancery Lane, London.104 The action concerning the convert Augustine's house draws our attention to the fact that the Jews owned most of the houses in which they resided. The deeds, both Latin and Hebrew, of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries give us most interesting details of the purchase and sale of houses, in wrhich both Jews and Christians were concerned. The Latin deeds now in the Canterbury Cathedral Library go back to the year 1190.105 The earliest Hebrew deed is dated Friday, 6th Ellul, 1230,306 and sets forth that Elias, son of Berechya, who may be the Benedict of an earlier period known as Parvus,107 sold a house with the adjoining land to his brother Isaac for the sum of 100 shillings. This house had been the property of their father, and stood in the D^HVn nim, Jews' Street. On the east side was the house of a third brother, Aaron, who had also inherited the property from, his father. Milka, the widow of R. David, lived on the west side of Elias' house, having bought her house from the monks of St. Gregory.108 The same lady bought another house ten years later109 from the same religious fraternity at a rent of 20 pence a year, and she was to be allowed to sell to whom she pleased, except to a reli? gious community. The position of this building is interesting, as it lay next to the house of Cresse, adjoining the St. Thomas' Hospital.110 The monks of Christ Church had evidently been disposing of their property in the parishes of St. Mary Bredman and All Saints somewhat readily to the Jews, and a decree was therefore issued in 1231111 prohibiting them from continuing to do so. In spite of this, the Cathedral monks sold more of their possessions to Jews right up to the days before the Expul? sion.112 Members of other monasteries were also always eager to sell or lease their property, as we have seen the priests of St. Augustine parting with their convert's house to a Jew, and the monks of St. Gregory sold VOL. VII. C</page><page sequence="16">34 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. two houses to the widow Milka.113 The large number of Jewish owners of houses in Canterbury is remarkable, and points to the fact that many houses changed hands several times. ~No restrictions were imposed upon the acquisition of houses by Jews, who obtained them both from Church and lay vendors with full hereditary rights in perpetuity,114 and the deeds were drawn up according to recognised legal usage even as the Hebrew7 Shetaroth conformed to the custom of the Sages.115 One stone house, in the parish of All Saints, was erected opposite the Synagogue by Jacob of the Donum fame, about the year 1190. Jacob bought some land from Richard Deudene, which the latter had rented from John the son of Vivian, and 1 'which lies near the land of the said Jacob (that formerly belonged to Benedict the son of Tholi),116 and on the left-hand side, as one enters the lane called Hethen-manne lane, and near the great (i.e. the High) Street."'117 The deed is pre? served in the archives of Canterbury Cathedral, and bears the signatures of five Jews, of whom two, Joseph the son of Isaac and Simon the nephew of Jacob, contributed to the Donum, two are nephews of the rich Brun of London, and another is a Leicester man. One is able to trace the fortunes of this house from the time of its erection until the Jews were driven from Canterbury some one hundred years later, and even a further two hundred years after. Jacob's sons resold it to the daughter of the original owner, John the son of Vivian,118 whose name was Susanna de Planaz. This lady presented it as a gift to the Prior and Convent of Christ Church.119 Before this happened, the Royal Exchange (Cambium Regis) had been set up next door to Jacob's house,120 in accordance wdth instructions received from King John in the year 1205, this being the only other Exchange allowed in the king? dom in addition to that of London.121 About the year 1239, Friar Alan de Wye Rufus, acting on behalf of the Cathedral, leased the house to Aaron the son of Jose of Leicester,122 whom I shall later proceed to identify as one of the Worcester M.P.'s. Upon Aaron's death, his son, the wealthiest resident in the city of his time, who bore the name of Moses le Petyt,123 dwelt in it until the banishment, after which King Edward restored the house that Jacob built to the Cathedral clergy.124 The house paid a rent of 2d. per annum to the Exchequer as late as 1320, and was still standing about the year 1470, when King Edward IV. vested the right to the rents in the hands of the Mayor and Corporation of the city.125</page><page sequence="17">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 35 Another house of importance was that belonging to Meir the son of Isaac, which is described as being 67 feet deep, with a frontage of 27 feet to the High Street.126 About the year 1230, a successful attempt was made by Peytavin or Pictavin (man of Poitou), the son of Joseph, to reside beyond the Jewish quarter, and he bought a messuage in the parish of St. Mary of the Castle, in which stood the old Norman Castle of which at that time the great Hubert de Burgh was Governor. The rent was to be paid to the treasury of Holy Trinity Church, who were parties to the transaction, and the witnesses to the deed of sale were the famous Samson and Cresse.127 After the death, of Peytavin, the house was acquired by Matthew, a priest, who was permitted by the King to retain it for a con? sideration.128 The Crown had claimed the property because of some " trespass " alleged against Peytavin, and probably in order to check bold spirits from venturing outside the recognised boundaries of the Ghetto. One of the richest women of the community was Hannah, the wife of Samuel b. Aaron Molkin, who resided in a " great mansion," ^ftt m,129 adjoining two smaller houses, also her own property, which latter houses she sold to the priest, John of Verdun.130 Many details of family history emerge from the legal documents of the thirteenth century. To illustrate this, let us give some examples. Before the year 1240, there lived in Canterbury a certain Zerach b. Benjamin. He possessed three houses facing the public highway in the Jewish district of St. Mary Bredman.131 Of his two sons, Meir and Isaac, the elder died leaving a widow named Bona, a favourite name in the family, and two children, Benjamin and Zerach. Upon the matter of the disposal of these houses being brought before the Beth Din,132 which was constituted of a Rabbi and two lay assessors, the property was equitably divided between Isaac and the two grandchildren, in the year 1242. Benjamin had a son named Samuel, who sixteen years later was married to Bona, daughter of Rav Isaac.133 We thus have four generations of the Zerach family living in Canterbury? Zerach b. Benjamin Meir Isaac Benjamin Zerach i Samuel</page><page sequence="18">36 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. Bona sold one of her husband's houses to her brother Abraham, and another lady, Engelesia, probably Anglaise, the daughter of Berechya, who appears to have had a share in the house, also agreed to the disposal of the property.134 Abraham next year transferred this house to Philip the son of Jervoise, the priest of Braye135?it being evidently a common practice for the clergy to buy houses as well as to sell them. In another Shetar undated, that appears to belong to about the year 1240,136 Esther, the widow of R. Jacob b. Isaac, who was one of the creditors of Peter de Bendinges in 1237, appeared before the Beth Din and reported that at her husband's death she received only the sum of 40 shillings?the remainder having probably fallen into the hands of the Crown as usual. Esther pointed out that her husband possessed a house in the Jews' Street in the parish of St. Mary Bredman, and the Beth Din decided to grant her full rights over this house. The award of the Ecclesiastical Court is signed by Isaac b. Abraham and Samuel the son of Isaac, whilst the third member of the Beth Din and its chief is Jeho zadak b. Jehozadak, wTho signs himself as pT? miDI pi.137 This is the only reference we have to a Rabbi of the community of the thirteenth century, until w:e meet with Samson the Chaplain or Presbyter,138 in 1266, who remained in office until the end., and went into exile with his flock. As late as 1272 the Jews continued to buy property, Isaac the son of Benedict,139 whom we have already spoken of as having bought a house from his brother Elias, being the purchaser of a messuage in the parish of All Saints from Roger Talebot,140 the Cambiator or Master of the Mint. I may here observe that a very considerable number of names of contem? porary Christian residents of the city appear in the Canterbury Jewish records, and these must be of value to the general local historian. In 1272, also, Vives of Winchester, a prominent notable,141 took possession of a house in the Jewish quarter that very shortly afterwards was secured as a residence by Elias, son of Hagin142 of London, till the days of the Expulsion, eighteen years later. The general prosperity of the Canterbury Jewnry in the middle of the thirteenth century clearly indicates the reason why Canterbury wras invited in the year 1240 to elect six representatives to the so-called Parliament of Worcester.143 Previous to that date King Henry III. had levied frequent tallages upon his Jewish subjects. Beginning in</page><page sequence="19">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 37 1226 with 4000 marks,144 of which Canterbury only paid 10,145 the need for increased demands upon the Jews multiplied with the coming of the horde of French adventurers to Court. In 1224,146 two sums of 8000 and 10,000 marks were obtained, but six years later the Treasury was again empty, although in 1239 the Jews wrere forced to surrender a third of their property.147 In 1240, to the astonishment of the Jewries, writs were presented by the Sheriffs informing the heads of the Jewish com? munities that they had received instructions from the Crown to arrange for the election of six of the richest and most powerful Jews in towns in which many Jews dwelt, and of two in the smaller centres. These dele? gates were to treat with the King, in the words of the decree, "as well concerning his as their own advantage." The order to the Sheriffs was couched in the harshest language, and all haste was made to assemble the Parliament on the Sunday before Lent, February 1240, at Wor? cester.148 More than 100 members were present, gathered from twenty Jewries.149 No speeches were allowed, but the bewildered M.P.'s were directed by the officers of the Crown to constitute themselves bailiffs for the immediate raising of a tallage of 20,000 marks from among their brethren, and to hold themselves personally responsible for prompt pay? ment of the royal demands. To this unique assembly Canterbury sent the following six notables: Benjamin the son of Meir, who has already been described * Solomon, or Salle, the son of Jose; Magister Aaron ; Copnius, or Jacob, the son of Molkin; Moses the son of Samson; and Abraham the son of Leo (or Judah). The interesting story of Salle fil Jose we can leave to the last whilst treating of the other four celebrities. Two other delegates were also natives of Kent, Jose representing York,150 and Benedict151 being one of the elect of Warwick. It is not quite certain who Magister Aaron was. He could scarcely have been the London Dayan of that name,152 as he had little connection with the Cathedral city, although the title Magister seems to indicate a Rabbi or scholar of some kind.153 He was most likely Aaron the son of Jose of Leicester,153a who purchased the stone house from the monks of Christ Church, that had formerly belonged to Jacob of Canterbury.154 He also owned a house that he had obtained from Isaac of Sittingbourne,155 which the King expropriated in 1257 in the interests of a favourite. A third house was claimed by the Prior of Holy Trinity after Aaron's death about the year 1274, but the King took possession of this also.150</page><page sequence="20">38 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. Copnius (or Jacob), the son of Molkin or Milkan, was no doubt re? lated to Samuel b. Aaron Molkin, w7ho lived in the " great mansion " above mentioned. After the death of his father, which took place shortly before that of his mother, Jacob surrendered all claims for debt that his father had against the Prior and Convent of St. Martin's, Dover.157 In the year 1244 he owed the sum of ?74 by w7ay of death duties upon his mother's estate,158 as Jews had to purchase the right to inherit property left to them. Jacob was allowed to pay off this debt by yearly instalments of ?13, 6s. 8d, as some of his fellow-Israelites testified that there wTere few debts owing to Jacob's mother at the time of her death. In addition to this, Jacob was heavily burdened by his share of the local payment on account of the extortionate tallage of 60,000 marks that had been levied upon the Jews of England following upon the discovery of the dead body of a child in the city of London.159 Jacob had acted as one of the Canterbury sureties for this tallage, and, in consideration of these diffi? culties, the King graciously accepted as his portion of the estate the out? standing debts of Jacob's mother and excused all other fines. Jacob's father, Molkin, had left him house property that afterwards passed into the hands of Jacob's widow7, Antera. In 1257 the King took away these houses and gave them to Alexander, a local master carpenter.150 Another member of the Molkin family is Jose, wdio in 1281 represented the Kentish Jew7s,161 together with Samuel le Francois, at an action for unlawful detention of property, whilst there is a Molkin,102 perhaps the same Jos6, named in the list of those banished in 1290, and wdio possessed a small piece of land in the Jewry of the value of Is. 5d. Another of the M.P.'s was Moses the son of Samson, wdiose father was the wrorthy of that name mentioned in the Northampton Donum, the creditor of Peter of Blois.163 He was a party to the Treaty of 1266,164 which plays so important a role in the history of the Canterbury Jewry, as was also his colleague, Abraham the son of Leo. At this time the latter had become one of the three leading men of the community,165 and died in 1268, leaving a house as a heritage to his son Moses.166 References * to Solomon the son of Jose, or Salle fil Joce as he is usually called, are more frequent in the official archives than those of any other Canterbury notable.167 The Worcester Parliament is the first occa? sion upon which w7e meet him when he is already famous, and until the</page><page sequence="21">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 39 year of his death, in 1270,168 he plays an important part in Kent Jewry. His financial dealings are on a very large scale, his clients living in all parts of Kent and also in London, where a man once owed him ??5 as rent of a house Jose possessed there.169 As one of the talliators for his community, he bore a full share of the burden of the King's exactions,170 whilst in 1253 a special tallage?the amount is not stated?was levied upon his private possessions.171 Salle did not pay within the short time allotted to him, and forthwith the King sent command that all the chiro? graphs, tallies, &amp;c, found in the Canterbury Chest in the name of Salle were to be brought to London and handed over to the Justices at West? minster. As for the defaulter, the Sheriff of Kent was instructed to give him notice of expulsion from the realm, together with his wife Avegaye,172 within three days. He was to travel with all speed to the port of Dover and never return to England.173 A diligent inquiry was to be made into his property, lands, tenements, and debts?all of which were to be taken charge of .in the name of King Henry. A proclamation was issued that all Salle's debtors were to pay direct to the Crown, as he was now an outlaw. How Salle escaped the threatened banishment is not re? corded. In all probability he appeased the King by meeting his demands, and the decree of exile was withdrawn. Two years later the Jewry of all England was sold to Richard, Earl of Cornwall,174 and the Kentish Jews were assessed to pay a quota of 30 marks.175 The sureties for this tallage were, besides Salle, Samuel of Ospring, near Faversham, and Moses the son of Aaron.176 The quarrels between the King and the Barons, who were headed by Simon of Montfort, Earl of Leicester, were now beginning, and the country became overrun with numbers of lawless persons, plundering and murdering in all directions. In 1261 177 an attack was made by a body of men, both clerical and lay,178 upon the Canterbury Jewry. They broke in at night into the houses of the Jews, destroying doors and windows wdth axes and trying to set the Jewry on fire. Although no lives were lost, many Jews were violently assaulted. King Henry at once issued a mandate to the Sheriff to inquire into the matter and take steps to punish the malefactors. A more serious outrage was committed in 1264, wThen Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, one of De Montfort's adherents, who were now in open rebellion against King Henry, captured Canterbury and</page><page sequence="22">40 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. sacked the Jews' quarter, as had been done in London and other places.179 According to Ger vase,180 the monkish chronicler of the city, almost all the Jews were destroyed or expelled?a statement that has been repeated by every historian of Canterbury and accepted by Jewish writers.181 But the evidence of the records is against this assertion, as we find tw7o years later no less than seventeen local Jews,182 forming the richest section, combining to sign a treaty of self-defence, of which I shall shortly speak, and no reference is anywhere made of any deaths arising from the Barons' assault upon the city. It is most probable that Jews wrere killed in the fighting, but one of the main objects of the rebels w7as to seize the Arclia and so destroy all evidence of debts of Jews against Christians. Simon de Montfort had declared all debts owing to the Jews annulled, and all bonds that could be found were destroyed.183 In Bradford,184 Cambridge,185 and other Jewries, as well as in Canterbury, the Archa was stolen. In the Cathedral city, the Barons' soldiers entered by force the house of Simon Pabley,188 one of the Christian keepers of the chirograph chest, and removed the chest and its valuable contents to Dover, where it dis? appeared.187 When peace had at last been restored, after the death of De Montfort at the battle of Evesham, an inquiry was set on foot concern? ing the stolen Canterbury chest, as naturally its loss was serious for its royal owner. Nineteen men188 w7ere charged with the outrage, and a mixed jury appointed, of which half the members w7ere Jews. Several of the accused fled; one of them, a sailor, had made haste to join his ship,189 and, after dragging out for twro years, the investigation led to no result.190 Salle had witnessed these scenes of violence and suffered heavily by the destruction of the Archa. The King trembled greatly for the injury that was likely to accrue to his revenue by any damage done to the property of the Jews, seeing that, after death, all revertad to the Crown. Thus we find the Sheriff of Kent ordered to dis? train upon the goods of a certain Christian who had stolen a ring worth 10s. from a Jew, Isaac the son of Cresse.191 Henry therefore issued a special edict192 concerning Salle's bonds, to the effect that, in spite of the loss of the chirographs and charters, Salle was empowered to recover all debts of which he had any certain knowledge, as he, no doubt, had kept copies of most of his transactions. None of Salle's family were hurt during the disorders, as two years afterwards, in 1266,</page><page sequence="23">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 41 we find him acting as the leader of the community, rejoicing in the pos? session of his five sons?Jose, Isaac, Aaron, Moses, and Abraham.193 Two years afterwards a charge of having omitted to place a coj&gt;y of a bond for the sum of ?35 in the royal Archa is levelled against him,194 but, as before, he appears to have escaped the consequences. His death took place in 1270, and immediately afterwards the King ordered an inquiry to be made relative to a debt of 60 shillings that a certain Thomas de Peddinges claimed to have paid to Salle, but which the King now demanded as his own.195 Six local Jews wrere selected to form half of the jury to decide the matter, those appointed being Solomon of Stam? ford 196 and Benedict the son of Cresse,197 the Chirographers or Keepers of the Archa, together with Moses the son of Master Aaron, whose father was a Worcester M.P., Jornin the son of Meir, Isaac the son of Abraham, and Solomon of Cambridge. Two other Jews had been summoned to act on the jury, Samson of Norwich and Jose of Northampton, but failing to appear, a number of trustees were appointed on their behalf, including Jose and Aaron, two of Salle's sons. Further reference to this inquiry will be made later, but I may here draw attention to the frequency of the mention of Jews resident in the Cathedral city who had migrated from other centres, such as Stamford, Cambridge, Northampton, and Norwich. By royal decrees of 1245 198 and 1253,199 a Pale of Settlement had practi? cally been established in England, and Jews were not permitted to live in any city that did not possess a royal Archa or chest for the bonds of the Jewish Exchequer, of which there were twenty-six in the country.200 If a man desired to change his abode and settle in a place where there was no properly constituted Jewry, which is equivalent to saying where there was no Archa, he was called upon to pay a fee to the Crown, ever greedy for new sources of income. Instances of this are given with regard to Canterbury Jews of this period. Leo the son of Solomon,201 paid one bezant (2s.) to live in Ospring, in the north of Kent; Samson the son of Jose,202 the same to go to Sittingbourne, near Chatham; and, a little later, Aaron,203 one of Salle's sons, removed to Sandwich by royal license. But even to exchange homes from one Jewry to another required a special order and the payment of a fine, as it was feared that Jews would escape their tallage and the rapacious Crown would lose touch with a valuable source of revenue. The number of Jews who gradually settled</page><page sequence="24">42 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. in Canterbury from other centres increased as the pressure of persecution grew more severe elsewhere, so that in the list of those dwelling there at the time of the Expulsion quite half are removals from other places, as Bedford, York, Winchester, and Stamford.204 As already mentioned, the Jews of England were mortgaged to Richard, Earl of Cornwall, in the year 1255, by the King for the sum of ??5000. The royal brother forthwith proceeded to recoup himself for his expenditure by levying a tallage of 500 marks upon the Jewries. The contribution of 30 marks was assigned to Canterbury,205 and in the same year a further payment of 99 marks was demanded of the city, of which 9 marks were said to represent the local proportion of the deficiency in the estate of Aaron of York.206 In addition to Salle, Samuel, and Moses, two new talliators were appointed to supervise the collection of this new impost in the persons of Yives of Winchester 207 and Jose the son of Samson.208 Both these men were wealthy money-lenders and owners of houses, the widow of the former, who bore the name of Joye, being dispos? sessed of two houses at the Expulsion.209 In examining the details of the contributions made by the various Jewries for this tallage, it is noted that Canterbury has receded to the eighth place, London as usual head? ing the list with1 a levy of 572 marks.210 In the year 1249, a writ had been issued to the Kentish community211 asking for security to be pro? vided for the payment of arrears owing to the Crown of ?7, 8s. 8cl. upon a tallage that had just been inflicted upon Anglo-Jewry, and of ??11, 17s. 5d. left unpaid from a former demand?and, if they obey, significantly adds the royal message, they would be left in peace. The records supply us with the names of some fifty men and eight women who resided in Canterbury between the years 1240 and 1266.212 Allowing for the families belonging to these individuals, the total popula? tion may have reached the number of about 300 souls crowded together in the small district in which the Jew7s are known to have lived. The most complete list of names of the notabilities of the city is forthcoming in a famous document that is dated Autumn 1266,213 that supplies eighteen names, and, from the nature of its contents, is unique of its kind. This Latin " Starrum," as it is termed, demands our full attention, as very little notice has been, as yet, taken of it. In solemn terms it sets forth " that the Jews of Canterbury had come to the resolution, and thereto bound themselves by oath, that no Jew of any other town than</page><page sequence="25">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 43 Canterbury shall dwell in the said town, that is to say, any liar, improper person, or slanderer,214 and that should anybody come to dwell there by the writ of their Lord the King, the whole of the community shall pay to the King such sum as Salle the son of Jose, Abraham the son of Leo, and Vives of Winchester, whose seals are attached to this star, shall lay upon the community in order that that person may be disqualified by the King from residing there; and, if any of the community should oppose the disqualification of such a Jew who has shown himself a liar, an improper person, and a slanderer, or has obtained such a writ from the King, let both be disqualified together." Seventeen signatures follow, including two of the above-mentioned three leaders, but that of Vives is omitted; others are Aaron and Jose the sons of Salle, and several of the best-known Canterbury Jews of the period. A new name appears for the first time in Samson " presbiterus,"215 also called in other places216 "le prester" or "le chapeleyn," the chaplain. He was the Rabbi of the community at this time, and twenty-four years later left England with the 16,000 exiles wiiom the edict of Edward I. drove forth. On his departure he was the jx&gt;ssessor of a tenement worth 12 pence that was given to Christ Church, and also a piece of land of the yearly value of 8s. 1 Od.217?like other well-known Presbyters in English Jewry having been both a money-lender and a religious teacher. The circumstances that led to the drafting of this treaty to protect the community against the in-coming of "liars, improper persons, and slanderers," can only be conjectured. There exists no allusion to this remarkable agreement elsewhere to enable us to divine the origin of this boy cot. The records between the years 1253 and 1266 of the Plea Rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews have unfortunately been lost,218 no doubt having been destroyed by order of Simon de Montfort, when the creator of the first House of Commons proclaimed novce tabula? between Christian and Jew. By the Peace of Kenilworth in 1266, the long-drawn quarrel between the King and the "disinherited'' nobles came to an end, and the Canterbury Jews must have discovered that in the midst of the tumult of the civil war a number of Jews of very doubtful character had taken up their residence in their city. Moreover, during the period of the disturbances, when Henry had sold the Jewry to Richard of Corn? wall, a certain Isaac b. Jose,219 deserted his brethren and went over to the Church. In spite of his conversion, Isaac continued his financial deal</page><page sequence="26">44 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. ings, which probably embittered his former co-religionists yet the more. There may have been other traitors to the cause in Canterbury, some of whom may have acted as informers and caused serious injury to their brethren, and it is against such enemies to the faith that the ordinance of self-defence was aimed. I have already dealt with some of the signatories to the treaty, con? cerning whom anything of interest is known. To these I should add Isaac b. Isaac, a prominent money-lender, who, in a certain Shtar 220 surrenders a debt of 40 shillings owing to him from two men whose deeds, he states, were both attached to one string. Isaac gave instructions to the 'HOIK* mnn, the Chirographers, to remove these deeds from their Arelia. Six years after signing the communal treaty Isaac departed to London, after paying the usual fee to the King.221 Two years later a certain Hak {i.e. Isaac) of Canterbury 222 was accused, together with another Jew, of com? mitting murder in St. Laurence Jewry, London. This Isaac may have been the signatory to the treaty, and it is gratifying to know that both he and the other man were acquitted. That sons frequently took the place of their fathers as notables is evidenced by Moses, the son of Abraham b. Leo, wiiose father had been a Worcester M.P. Moses, two years after the Treaty, was granted a house left to him by his father,223 that was in the Jews' quarter, and in 1270 he acted as one of the responsible persons chosen by the Sheriff to inquire into the affairs of Salle fil Jose.224 He afterwards for a short time held the office of Chirographer.225 A second example of hereditary succession to communal honours is to be remarked in the life of another Moses, wrhose father, Magister Aaron, accomjDanied the other five deputies to Worcester. This Moses was known as the Little (Le Petyt)?a common form of surname of the period, examples of which have already been furnished. He appears to have succeeded Salle as President of the congregation, and co-operated during the lifetime of the former in all the activities of the Jewry. He had been talliator in 1255 226 with Salle, had signed the boycotting Treaty, and after serving on the jury that settled Salle's estate three years later, he and the Chirographer, Solomon of Stamford, became pledges under the penalty of ??10 for the settlement of a debt due to the King from one of Salle's clients.227 He resided in the stone house next to the King's Exchange,228 which I have identified as the building erected by</page><page sequence="27">THE JEWS- OF CANTERBURY. 45 Jacob at the end of the twelfth century, and wras, moreover, the owner of another house of the yearly value of 20s. and a halfpenny?all of which he lost at the Expulsion.229 He was the richest man of the local com? munity of the day, and the bonds that were found in the Arena in 1290, under his name, showed that some dozens of local Christians were in? debted to him for supplies of corn to the amount of 316 quarters in all, valued at ?93, 10s.230 The records tell us that he once claimed a debt unlawfully, and the Sheriff had great difficulty in discovering his whereabouts, but the matter must have been adjusted very shortly afterwards.231 His only rival in local importance must have been the eldest son of Salle, Jose,232 whose financial oj&gt;erations were conducted on a scale as ex? tensive as that of his father.233 Two years after Salle's death his first? born was involved in a case of fraud in which a deed to the value of ??40 was forged by a Christian debtor with a view of cheating the Canterbury financier.234 Two years later Jose was commanded to pay the sum of 30s. to the Crown as a condition of releasing a debtor living in Favers. ham of all his claims, and, delaying to settle the royal account, the Sheriff was directed to levy the sum upon Jose's goods and chattels.235 The officer proceeded to perform his duty, and collected 11s. of the debt to the Crown, which sum, however, he failed to pay to the Exchequer. Immediately afterwards Jose" voluntarily offered to pay the balance of 19s. in two instalments, his pledges being one of the signatories of the Treaty, Benedict the son of Isaac, and a London Jew, and the King accordingly ordered the Sheriff not to trouble Jose any more, but to pay over forthwith to the Crown the 11s. he held. There is mention of a Jose" of Canter? bury, in the year 1277, in the narrative of a charge brought against a number of Jews of Colchester for having hunted and killed a doe?which Jose is very possibly our Canterbury celebrity.236 The record of this episode is of interest, from the fact that on the margin of the document is drawn the famous caricature of Aaron, " the son of the Devil," which is reproduced in the edition de luxe of the catalogue of the Anglo-Jewish Exhibition of 1887. After his father's death, together with his mother, Avegaye, and his four brothers?all of whom, including the widow, were money-lenders? Jose settled his father's accounts and disposed of a number of houses and some land to Sir Thomas of Sandwich.237 In 1275, both Jose and his</page><page sequence="28">46 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. brother Isaac were deprived of houses they possessed in the city by order of the King.238 In the year 1278 the whole of the English JewTs wrere laid under arrest on the charge of defacing the coinage of the realm, and, in the following year, 293 of them were hanged for coin-clipping in London alone.239 Three of Salle's sons were involved in this disaster, viz.., Jose, Abraham and Aaron, and, after their execution, their three houses in Canterbury, of the joint value of ?2, 3s. 4d., were confiscated by King Edward and presented to William de Sommerfeld, the tailor of his wife, Queen Eleanor.240 Three other Canterbury Jews of note also suffered death by hanging at the same time, and their houses were given to the same tailor, probably in payment of royal trade debts. These victims were Solomon of Stamford (whom wTe shall shortly meet as one of the Jewish keepers of the Archa)9 Moses of Bedford, and Aaron son of Jose Grubbe, whose father had a house in All Saints' Parish.241 As Mr. Rigg rightly points out, " there was every temptation to the Jew7s to commit the offence charged against them, and to the Crown to aggravate their guilt." 242 It is difficult to credit the sons of Salle and their friends with the crime of coin-clipping, and one must look rather to the cupidity of the Crown as a reason for their sad end. In addition to Jose, the other sons of Salle find frequent reference in the records of the time. His third son, Aaron, became a representa? tive of the community in such matters as the formation of a jury, to which prominent men from different communities were selected,243 a common practice of the period. Six years after the Treaty, Aaron went to Sandwich for a short time, after paying to the Crown a heavy fine of 7 bezants 244 (the usual charge was 1 bezant), and, in the following year, he gives evidence relative to the death of a Jewish boy, Manser, the son of Isaac of London, who had died in Canterbury.245 The story of the inquiry into the death of young Manser, at which Aaron was a juror, tells how7 the father, Isaac the son of Aaron, had been killed in the Barons' rebellion, shortly before the Battle of Lewes. At this time the baby Manser was staying at the house of a Christian in London under the care of a Jewish nurse. Owing to the reign of terror created by the outrages committed by Simon de Montfort's followers, a number of London Jews fled to Normandy, taking the little boy and his nurse with them, where they stayed in the house of a certain Jacob le Francois. The Chief Rabbi of London, Hagin the son of Magister Moses,246 sent a</page><page sequence="29">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 47 Christian to France to search for the boy, who wras brought back and died in the city of Canterbury shortly afterwards, at the age of three years and three months. The relations between the metropolitan and the Kentish communities were always of the closest, and a further instance of this friendship is furnished by the narrative of an action brought by Juliana, a Jewess converted by the monks of St. Paul's, London, against certain London Jews for offences she alleged against them.247 Juliana asserted that she had been abducted from home and brought by water to Sandwich, where she escaped and made her way to Canterbury. She appealed for redress to the Canterbury Jews, who gave her a letter to the London community advising their brethren to make timely amends to the woman, " otherwise it might prove to be a matter most untoward and perilous for them." Juliana claimed 1000 marks in damages, but, as Mr. Eigg suggests, this was most likely an attempt at blackmail that failed in its purpose. Aaron was probably one of the community who wrote to his London co-religionists upon the subject of Juliana's fictitious grievances, and four years later (1279) he met his death on the gallows with his brothers, Jose and Abraham.248 The second brother, Isaac, owned houses in the Jewry that escheated to the Crown, as usual,249 and died before the Expulsion, at which time only one of the five brothers was alive in the person of Moses, who left behind him bonds to the value of 124 quarters of corn, equivalent to ??37, 13s. 4d.,250 his possessions causing him to rank sixth among those expelled from the Cathedral city. To return now to the Treaty of 1266. It is evident that the eighteen names mentioned in this document do not include the whole of the com? munity, nor do they even embrace the whole of the richest section of the Canterbury Jews. Mr. B. Lionel Abrahams251 has divided the Anglo Jewish population prior to the Expulsion into three classes, of whom the first was composed of the richer members of the community, who were engaged in financial transactions. Such would be the description of the eighteen who signed the Treaty, but the same class must also have included such men of the day as Samuel b. Samson,252 Bonenfant b. Cresse,253 Isaac son of Benedict of Bedford,254 Leo son of Solomon,255 and Samson b. Jose\256 The question naturally arises why these men did not also attest the Treaty like their brethren, and the answer is complicated by the circumstance</page><page sequence="30">48 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. that, in the very same year, the three last-named men deemed fit, for some unknown reason, to purchase the royal consent to leave Canter? bury.257 It is possible that the community w&lt;as not unanimous upon the subject of the Treaty, or that certain questionable conduct on the part of those who did not sign may have led to the drafting of the ordinance; but the fact remains that three of the five whom I have mentioned as not having joined their community in the Treaty departed from the city and did not return. Four years pass away, the troubles caused by the Barons' revolt have come to an end, and the great Salle is gathered to his fathers. His widow, Avegaye, and his sons administer his estate,258 after the royal claims have been satisfied, and an investigation into a debt of 60s., to W'hich I have already referred, is ordered to be held.259 In the Plea Roll describing this inquiry wre are furnished with the names of fifteen local Jews, of whom seven 260 signed the famous Treaty and eight261 others are brought to our notice for the first time. The Jewish Chirographers to the deed wrere Solomon s. of Isaac of Stamford 262 and Benedict s. of Cresse,263 both signatories of the Treaty and well-known money? lenders and friends of Salle. In the case of Benedict, it is interesting to note that the Norman-French equivalent of his name, Deubeney,264 found in the earlier Angevin records, is again used in a writ that deals with a dispute about a house he owned in Canterbury. Benedict appears to have rivalled Salle in the magnitude of his transactions, on one occa? sion claiming a debt of ?42.265 In the year of Salle's death, Benedict was arrested by the Sheriff of Kent for " contempt of the King,"266 in that he had absented himself, together with one of the Christian Chiro? graphers, or Keepers of the official Chest, on the occasion wiien the Sheriff wished to appoint a new Christian Chirographer, whereas he, Benedict, as a public official, ought to have been present at the election. Benedict sought to'defend himself, and the result of the trial is not re? corded. Two years later,267 however, his place as Chirographer is taken by Elias b. Samson of Northampton, and it is evident that Benedict was dismissed from his office by the royal command. I shall return to the Chirographers of Canterbury after dealing with the other personalities of the inquiry into the affairs of Salle. The other signatories to the Treaty w^ho took part in the investigation, besides the Chirographers, are Moses the son of Magister Aaron, Moses the son of</page><page sequence="31">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 49 Abraham, Jose and Aaron the sons of Salle, and Isaac son of Abraham. This last-mentioned individual must have been one of the scholars of the local community, as he acted as a lay member to the Beth Din, together with the Rabbi, Jehozadak b. Jehozadak, and Samuel the son of Isaac.268 Among the new names are Jornin the son of Meir, who was styled the "King's Jew," and died about the year 1273,269 leaving a widow named Slema 270 (Salome ?), a son named Solomon,271 who obtained the houses in Canterbury formerly the property of Jacob the son of Jose, and a son in-law named David.272 A certain knight who had distinguished himself in the war that terminated with the conquest of Wales owed Jornin's estate the sum of ?20, but King Edward graciously pardoned this debt, in recognition of the soldier's distinguished services in the field?no un? common practice in those days, as the JewTs knew to their cost. Jornin had also bought a messuage next to that of Moses of Bedford, which the King gave to William, the tailor of his royal consort, already mentioned, the Charter Roll telling us that Jornin "surrendered the property to the King for the behoof of the said William."273 In 1268, a Canterbury Jew, Abbe,274 or Abraham, by name, who may be the Abbe of Dogstreet who was among the banished in 1290,275 was charged with having caused a forged bond of the value of 13 marks to be placed in the London Archa. Abbe defended himself against this accusation, and although the prosecutor, Robert de Marsden, withdrew the charge, the Jew was heavily fined and ordered to release his debtor from all sums that he owed, and, in addition, to pay 5 marks to Robert, w7ho was to hold certain houses belonging to Abbe in Canterbury as a security. The Crown also claimed 2 marks from Abbe, in spite of the fact that a baseless charge had been levelled against him. Until the year 1270, when Solomon of Stamford and Benedict the son of Cresse held the important official posts of Jewish Chirographers in Canterbury, no others are mentioned wTho were appointed to this office. This simply indicates that the records fail to give the names, not that such Chirographers did not exist from the year 1194, when King Richard I. had given an Archa to Canterbury.276 It is more than likely that such Presidents of the community as Jacob, Benjamin the son of Meir, and Salle the son of Jose, wTere the Chirographers of their day, but they are not so styled in the records. I have already related the story of Benedict the son of Cresse, whose place was taken in 1272 by Elias b. Samson of VOL. VIT. D</page><page sequence="32">50 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. Northampton.277 Next year Solomon of Stamford committed some tres? pass for which he was fined the sum of 25s. by the Crown,278 and he was removed from his office. Much worse, however, wras to follow, for, in the year 1279, Solomon the Chirographer died by hanging, together with three of the sons of Salle, and his house in the city was for? feited and presented to the tailor of Queen Eleanor.279 The proba? bility of a man of Solomon's status in the community having been guilty of coin-clipping is as questionable as in the case of the sons of Salle, but the clouds were now growing gloomier over the heads of the unhappy sons of Israel in England, and nought awTaited them but exile or death. Solomon was succeeded by Moses b. Abraham in the year 1273. This worthy has already been dealt with in connection with the Treaty.280 His tenure of the office of Chirographer was very brief, for, owing to some cause not explicitly stated, Moses did not find favour in the eyes of the King. A mandate was accordingly issued to the Sheriff281 that as " Moses, who holds one of the keys of the Canterbury Chest, is hardly fit, and that Aaron the son of Benedict is fit, for the office, and the said Aaron had made oath and given pledges that he will bear himself faithfully to the King," the Sheriff was therefore instructed to appoint Aaron in the place of Moses. The sureties for the new Chirographer's good conduct are two of the most noted financiers of the day?his own father, Benedict of Winchester,282 nearly all of whose children came afterwards to live in Canterbury?and Jacob b. Jose Le Clerk283 of London. As one of the Christian Chirographers, Thomas Man,2S4 was dismissed from office about the same time, it is probable that Moses and Thomas had committed the same offences against the King. In a Roll dated the following year,285 Moses is mulcted in three fines, to the total amount of ??1, 7s., for three separate misdemeanours, and this may account for his summary ejection from the office of Chirographer the previous year. He is said to have had " the office of Chirographer by election," 286 though what is exactly meant Mr. Rigg does not attempt to explain. Moses may have been guilty of some irregularity in the form of his appointment for which he is now fined. He had further detained some deeds wrongfully, and also did not return a charter to a certain claimant. The offence of secretly keep? ing duplicates of bonds outside the royal Archa was more than once the cause of the dismissal of Chirographers. In the next year, 1274,287</page><page sequence="33">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 51 Moses is dead, and his widow, Rose, pays the usual duties to be allowed to inherit her husband's property. The new Chirographer, Aaron the son of Benedict of Winchester, came from a wealthy family, which fact explains his appointment to the post in succession to Moses in 1273. Three years before he became a State official, the old King Henry had wished to give his son, Edward, Prince of Wales, a sum of money, and he therefore transferred a debt of ?5 owing to Aaron by clients in Peckham and Rochester to the Prince.288 When Edward came to the throne, in 1272, he was naturally desirous of appointing the rich Winchester money-lender to be a servant of the Crown in Canterbury, and thus possess an assured source of income to hand. Aaron had not long been in office when he, together with his colleague, Elias, and their Christian brother officers,289 were charged with having removed two bonds from the Archa, one for 2 marks and the other for 10s., without the King's leave. They pleaded guilty to the bond for 10s. and were ordered to refund the money, but asserted that they had acted upon authority in delivering the Shetar for 2 marks to the proper persons. This explanation was not regarded as satisfactory, and the four Chiro? graphers were committed for trial. All further record of this affair is missing, but the next year (1275) the Archa was ordered to be opened and all bonds relating to debts that had already been settled were re? moved.290 The official inspection of the Archa took place with great, frequency, probably whenever the Crown wished to reap some advantage from a knowledge of the wealth of its serfs, the Jews of the kingdom.291 Whilst Aaron was holding office in Kent, sore trouble befell the members of his family in Winchester. One of his brothers, named Abraham, was brutally assaulted and left for dead,292 and his father came to a miserable end. The old Benedict was thrown into the Tower of London in 1279,293 together with numbers of co-religionists, on the charge of coin-clipping, and two years later he suffered death by hanging, and all his property was confiscated.294 Aaron was joined by a brother Isaac and a sister Belaset,295 all of whom shared in the Expulsion, when Aaron is described as holding bonds to the value of 194 quarters of wheat and 18 quarters of corn, worth ?61, 14s. 8d.,296 ranking third in point of wrorldly possessions. The incidents in the lives of the Jewish Chirographers of Canter? bury here described afford proof that this post was no sinecure, either for</page><page sequence="34">52 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. Jew or Christian, as the Crowni was always lying in wait to detect any remissness of duty, and demanded payments from its servants on all kinds of flimsy pretexts. Only the richest men were selected for the position, and every effort appears to have been made to escape the doubt? ful honour of this appointment. In one case we are told of a Christian citizen of Bristol, where there was an Ar dm, obtaining a promise from the King that he should not be made the King's Coffrer, i.e. Chiro? grapher, against his will.297 Of another Jewish Chirographer of the days of King John, we learn that he wras taxed to pay upon his own property the sum of 5100 marks, equal to ?3485, or about ?104,500 in modern value.298 The colleague of Aaron, Elias of Northampton, very soon learnt the perils of the office, for he had scarcely assumed the duties of his charge of the keys of the Arclia when King Henry claimed 299 a tax of ?10 to be paid by the four Chirograph er s, of wiiom two were Chris? tians. Two years later (1274) the new King set the law in motion against Elias for not having paid the sum of ?2, 10s., his proportion of this demand, and Benedict of Winchester and Isaac le Eveske (or Dayan) of Northampton promised to pay if Elias failed to do so. A year passed, and Elias was fined a mark for neglecting to produce certain bonds.300 Like all the Chirographers, he engaged in money-lending, on one occasion having a certain John of Dover as his debtor for the sum of ?17.301 Elias probably died before the Expulsion, as he does not appear in the final list of Canterbury residents. After the accession to the throne of Edward I., in 1272, matters grew worse and worse for Anglo-Jewry. A Canterbury resident named Caleman 302 was murdered about the same time (1273) as two other Jews 303 in the county of Kent?Samson the son of Meir, and Cresse his son?were found slain, and fruitless inquests were held into these outrages. The new King, instigated by an intolerant Church, had resolved to make the position of his Jews unbearable, especially as, owing to the terrible exactions to which they had been subjected during his father's reign, the sponge had been squeezed almost dry and the royal chattels had ceased to be of much value as sources of revenue. More? over, the wealthy Italian Caorsini had succeeded in destroying the com? petition of the persecuted sons of Israel,304 whilst the King was busily engaged in inflicting damages on his own bondslaves by remitting debts to the Jews on all sides and despoiling them of their houses.</page><page sequence="35">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 53 In 1275 Parliament adopted the Statute de Judaismo,305 which put an end to money-lending on the part of the Jewrs, and practically per? mitted them only to engage, like other foreign merchants, in the sale of wool and grain. The Jews followed the example of the Italian traders, and made to landholders advances of money, ostensibly without interest, to be repaid in corn and wool. They continued to sell houses, of w7hich there is an instance in Canterbury as late as 1285,306 when Leo, the son of Master Elias Baggard of London, disposed of a messuage in the city; and they retained the houses and lands of which they had possessed themselves previously?that is to say, as much as the King had left to them. The Jews of Canterbury immediately took up the traffic in wool, wheat, and corn in place of the money-lending now forbidden by law, and, in the return of property of the local Jews made immediately before the Expulsion,307 it is striking to observe that Canterbury shares with South? ampton 308 the peculiarity of possessing no bonds for money, but only for merchandise. How far this trade was but a cloak for usury, as was alleged by the Crown,309 it is impossible to prove, especially as the Jew could not compete against a member of a merchant guild, and only a few had sufficient capital with which to deal in the export trade. The result of these new restrictions laid upon the long-suffering English Jewrs showed itself in a general accusation of clipping the coin and other illicit operations, that caused so great an outcry that King Edward in 1278 issued an edict for the imprisonment of the whole of the Jews of the realm.310 In Canterbury they were confined in the Castle, the ruins of which are still to be seen near the Dane John, and within a few minutes' walk of the old Jewry in the parish of St. Mary Bredman. A local historian of the year 1672 reports 311 that he saw a number of stones in the north-eastern staircase of the Castle upon which were inscribed in Hebrew several verses from the Psalms. Unfortunately, however, only a portion of the old Norman Keep survives to-day, and this relic of a once famous Castle is now used as a coal-store by the local gas company. As I have already detailed, six Canterbury Jews are known to have perished in the wholesale executions that followed the imprisonment of the Jewry throughout the country. The enforced absence of the Jews from their homes during their incarceration provided a pretext for a number of people to seize the goods and chattels of the Jews throughout the diocese of Canterbury. There</page><page sequence="36">54 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. was a vacancy in the position of Archbishop at the time, and the official head of the Cathedral clergy therefore issued a letter312 to the deans under the spiritual authority of Christ Church to excommunicate all who had appropriated the property of the Jew7s, seeing that everything had been forfeited to the King. Interesting evidence bearing upon the number of Jews in the city able to pay taxes is forthcoming from the return of the chevage or poll tax of 3d. per head levied upon every Jew for the maintenance of the London House of Converts.313 In 1280 tw7o ex-Israelites wTere chosen to collect this chevage from the Jewry, and a special officer was told off to look after London and Canterbury.314 The sum of ?14, 14s. 9d., repre? senting payments of 3d. each from 1179 Jews, was collected that year,315 of which 284 London and Canterbury Jews contributed the sum of ?3, 11s. It is fairly safe to say that, of this number of taxpayers, at least 250 resided in the metropolis, and the remaining 34 represent the Canterbury list of subscribers towards the fund for the conversion of infidel Jews. John of Peckham became Archbishop of Canterbury in 1279. Three years later he ordered all Synagogues in London, except one, to be closed,316 but does not appear to have touched the Jewish house of worship that stood under the shadow of the towers of his own Cathedral. He proved himself a grim enemy of Israel, and stirred up King Edward to banish our ancestors from the land. At the same time he protested against the conduct of Queen Eleanor in appropriating for herself Jewish houses and lands that, as the Primate wrote in one of his letters, " had been extorted from the Christians by the usury of the Jew7s."317 The final blow that put an end to the residence of Jews in England in July 1290 must have come as a relief to the oppressed people, whose sorrows were past all endurance. Shortly before the Expulsion, as already mentioned, the Arches from the Jewish settlements were brought to Westminster for examination, and fortunately these records are still in existence. In one document318 the details are furnished as to bonds given for produce to be delivered in exchange for loans, and the other 319 tells of the houses and lands owned by the Canterbury Jewry. In all, sixteen men 320 and six women321 possessed sufficient wealth to entitle them to be included in these records. Only three men 322 and one woman 323 owned both bonds and houses. The total value of the bonds</page><page sequence="37">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 55 of those banished from the city amounted to ??534, 10s. 4d., of which ?5, 6s. 8d. was due for two sacks of wool, and the balance represented transactions in corn and wheat. The estimated value of the total wealth of the English Jews is calculated to be some ?15,000,324 of which Canter? bury's proportion is rather small. It is remarkable that no bonds for money were discovered in the city. We may surmise that either all the local money debts had already been paid prior to the exodus, or that, owing to their proximity to the Continent, the Kentish Jews had taken an especially active part in the export trade in food-stuffs after the passing of the Statute of 1275, and had given up the financial dealings that formerly constituted their sole occupation. This latter theory is borne out by the circumstance that the oldest of the bonds found in the Archa is dated 1280,325 from which time money-lending seems to have been abandoned by the Jews of Canterbury. In addition to the bonds referred to, other lists 326 give us full details of the houses and lands possessed by the Jewry in 1290, and how they were disposed of. The immovable property of the community con? sisted of the Synagogue, of the value of 11s. 8d. per annum, and a plot of land adjoining it measuring 66 by 15 feet,327 wTorth 6d. a year, together with fifteen houses, or parts of houses, and three other plots of ground that belonged to various individuals. This schedule of the property still remaining to the Jewry at the Expulsion is painful evidence of the ruth? less manner in which the Crown had confiscated the numerous other buildings and lands that had been purchased by Kentish Jew7s from time to time during their residence in the city of St. Thomas ? Becket. Of the six ladies mentioned, Joye, the widow of Yives of Winchester, owned two houses as well as bonds to the value of ??28 for the delivery of corn, in addition to a bond for ??10 in the Lincoln community;328 and the other widow, Popeline, whose husband had been Abraham Pernas, the Parnass or President 329 of Bedford, was in possession of bonds for ??4. Her son Hagin was partner with Isaac of Winchester for ??4 worth of bonds. Belaset, the sister of Aaron the Chirographer, was a creditor for ??2, 8s., Bella of Stamford for ?32, and there were two ladies bearing the name of Sara, the one surnamed la Petite and the other la Belle, wTho each lost a house at the Exile. It is no uncommon experience in pre-Expulsiou days to meet with women who were engaged in business and dealt in houses, frequent illustrations being found in the records. I</page><page sequence="38">56 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. liave already given a sketch of the careers of Aaron of Winchester the Chirographer,380 Moses le Petyt, son of Master Aaron,331 the head of the local Jewry, and Moses the surviving son of the family of Salle.332 The Rabbi Samson, the son of Isaac,233 although formerly a money-lender on a modest scale, seems to have fallen on evil days, as there are no bonds in his name, but only a house worth 12d., and a piece of land valued at 8s. lOd. The sad fate of Benedict, the great financier of Winchester, who was hanged in 1281, must have led to the migration of many Win? chester families to Kent. Besides his son, Aaron the Chirographer, there lived in the city another son, Isaac, and a daughter Belaset, in addition to the members of the Cresse family, Aaron and Hagin. The great majority of the Winchester Jews had removed to Southampton prior to the Expulsion.334 Second on the list in wealth comes Leo (or Leoneo), the son of Master Elias Baggard of London, whose brother Elias had been a friend of Salle b. Jose.335 He owns ?84, 16s., as shown in the bonds, and a house valued at 25s. Id. Four years previously he had sold a house to a Christian lady 336 who occupied the dwelling next to him, and he had also disposed of a house in Northampton in 1286, that had been given to him by his father seven years before the latter's death.337 The Crowrn officials had claimed this house and opposed the sale, but a jury decided that Leo had full right to sell this property. Jose, the son of Ursellus, a celebrity of York,33S Jose Gileberd son of Aaron, Aaron the son of Peytavin (i.e. the man from Poitou), probably of a Bedford family, and others possessed no houses, but bonds are found bearing their names. A rather curious name in the list is Isaac Top, a house-owner, wrhilst Abbe of Dogstrete, indicating his address in the Jew'ry,339 possessed three tenements for which, besides 9s. 4d. a year, he paid twelve hens and tw7o cocks?a strange form of rent-charge. Next door to the Synagogue 340 stood a house that was the joint property of Cok Hagin and Aaron the son of Vives, neither of w7hom was an inhabitant of the city. They belonged to the famous Hagin family of London, and were cousins, Hagin and Vives both representing the name D^n Hyam. Cok Hagin is none other than one of the pre-Expulsion Chief Rabbis w7hose full name was Hagin the son of Dieulecress (i.e. Hyam b. Gedalya).341 He was appointed to the post in the year 1281, ow7ing to the personal influence of Queen Eleanor, mother of King Edw7ard I.342 At the time of the Expulsion, Cok Hagin TEvesque had</page><page sequence="39">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 57 probably left England already, as Dr. Neubauer 343 identifies him with a French scholar who translated some of Ibn Ezra's works upon astro? logy. He was a very wealthy man, and owned considerable property in London near Milk Street and Wood Street in the City (from which circumstance Dr. Joseph Jacobs suggested the origin of the neighbour? ing Huggin Lane),344 and owed the interest taken in him by the Queen Mother to the fact that the King bad given him to be the personal chattel" of Eleanor in the year 1278.345 His share of the Canterbury house was accordingly given to the then reigning Queen, wiiose name was also Eleanor.346 Part of the rent of this tenement was payable to Eichard le Jeovene, who released it to Christ Church 347 in 1294, and the whole building thus became the property of the Cathedral. Aaron the son of Vives was likewise the "chattel" of a royal person? age, viz., Edmund Earl of Lancaster, the King's brother,348 and ranked as the richest man of London of his time. When Aaron departed with, his exiled brethren, although a special day was given to him by his royal patron on which to leave the country, all his possessions fell into the hands of Earl Edmund, including the share in the house next to the Canterbury Synagogue,349 and houses in Oxford and London.350 The Earl presented the Canterbury tenement to one of his esquires, Nicholas Baven.351 A third member of the Hagin family of London who owned pro? perty in Canterbury was Elias the son of Hagin,352 who had as his land? lords (or landladies) the nuns of St. Sepulchre?a sisterhood to which the famous Elizabeth Barton, the Holy Maid of Kent, belonged. Elias was probably cousin to Aaron son of Vives, and appears to have actually resided in Kent, unlike his two other relatives of whom I have spoken. When the Jews had been driven out, King Edward proceeded to partition their houses among his local friends. The majority of the buildings in the Jewry were given to the authorities of Christ Church Cathedral,353 from whom several had been rented by the Jews, viz., the stone house of Moses le Petyt, and the property belonging to Elias of London, Eabbi Samson, Isaac Top, Joye the widow of Vives of Win? chester, Abbe of Dogstrete, Sara la Petite, Sara la Belle, Molkin, and Cok Hagin, as well as an open space in the Jews' quarter, all at a yearly rental of 2d. A suggestion was made by the Prior of the Cathedral, Henry Estry, to sell these houses, but, as it was necessary to obtain the</page><page sequence="40">58 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. royal permission for this, the idea was abandoned.353* The Synagogue was presented to William le Tayllur, Queen Eleanor's former robe-maker, into whose possession several houses had also passed previously.354 Another house of Moses le Petyt in the parish of St. Mary Bredman, a second house of Joye, and a house of Leo the son of Elias Baggard, were each given to certain Canterbury officials.355 Some thirty years later, in 1320, a record kept in the Canterbury City Archives 356 relates that " the bailiffs of the city accounted in the Exchequer for the rents of divers tenements in the Parish of St. Mary Bredman amounting yearly to 8d., which were formerly belonging to the Jews, particularly Id. per annum for the house in wdiich was the 1 School' of the Jews, and 2d. per annum for the houses of Elie of London, and Moses le Petit, Jews, near the King's Exchange (juxta Cambrium Regis) and for a tenement of the Chaplain of the Jews." In the reign of Edward IV. these rents were vested in the Mayor and Commonalty of the city, and in 1551 a certain Sergeant Hale made over his rights, granted to him by the Crown, in certain vacant plots of land and tene? ments in and about Jew7ry Lane to the Corporation.357 The story of the Canterbury Jews until the time of the Expulsion is now at an end. During the last years of the existence of the Jewry in the city two men, who called themselves after baptism Robert and Gregory, and three women, whose new names became Matilda, Ernien druta, and Elena, had entered the Domus Conversorum 358 in Chancery Lane, London, and were still living there eighteen years after the Expul? sion, but, with these exceptions, the whole of the Kentish Jews left the country. The scanty list of names in the official record of houses and bonds does not exhaust all who may have taken up the wunderer's staff in 1290, as those w7ho had nothing to leave behind them as evidence of their w7orldly position find no place in it. As Mr. B. L. Abrahams re? marks, "the loss of their inhospitable home in England was but one episode in Israel's tragic history," 359 and the picture I have endeavoured to set before you this evening of the lives of the men whose home had been in the county of Kent depicts in the darkest colours the pitiable lot of Anglo-Jewry as a whole in those unhappy days. I had intended to round off my paper by a sketch of the Jewrs of Canterbury under the more favourable conditions of the modern period, but the consideration of time stands in the way of my doing so now.</page><page sequence="41">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 59 Thanks to the courtesy of Alderman Henry Hart, I have been enabled to examine the Minute Books and other documents of the later congregation, that date from the year 1800, and having all the material at my disposal, I hope to be able to complete my task upon another occasion, and so bring my study of Canterbury Jewry up to date. This becomes all the more insistent because, owing to the fact that not more than two or three families survive in the city, Canterbury will, in all probability, be numbered among the extinct congregations of England at no great dis? tance of time. Moreover, the Synagogue, with its quaint Egyptian exterior, that was erected in King Street in 1847 to replace the older place of worship established in 1763, is now threatened with demolition, and the story of the men who upheld Judaism in the Cathedral city since the early part of the eighteenth century remains to be told. I have already arranged with the President of your Society to set before you the concluding portion of my subject at another meeting, and so bring my pilgrimage to Canterbury to a satisfactory close.</page><page sequence="42">NOTES A.B. throughout these notes indicates The Jews of Angevin Englandt by Joseph Jacobs. Rigg, i. and ii. indicates The Calendar of the Plea Rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews, by J. M. Rigg, vol. i., 1218-1272, and ii., 1273-1275. 1 In the contributions to the Northampton Donum. See Appendix i., p. 74. 2 Transactions J.H.S., ii. p. 47, sq. 3 Handbook for Canterbury, by Dr. S. Evans and F. Bennet G-oldney, M.P., p. 88. The Hebrew text in the mB&gt;n TC\V&amp; reads? nn? "vjn *on? anpan mao Dmns ^ki ntaaa? wwn ^nn ?int? pan nvp N-ipan nyo doth pxn With regard to his tOVO 11D\ Ibn Ezra distinctly states that he wrote it in London, in the month of Tamuz, NTt^ajN wurm*? tjd umain -?on pit -nnb Tv6*nn ^LZ?., p. 29; Gr?tz, vi., note 8, p. 415 ; whereas his ri3KM m3tf was composed in Tebeth of the same year, 1158, and London is not mentioned. A.B., p. 35. 4 A.E., p. 39. Probably same as Cresselin, who lent 44s. to a certain Amfrid de Dene in 1193. Rigg, i., p. 10. 5 Hook's Archbishops, chap. ix. 6 vi. pp. 240 and 365: KnUUp? }W)2 'mi. 7 A.E., pp. 54 and 282. "I am inclined to think that R. Benjamin's true name was R. Benjamin, of Cambridge, rather than that of Canterbury. . . . The Hebrew transcription of * Canteburia' would be almost indistinguishable from that of Canterbecria." Dr. Adler (Chief Rabbis of England, Anglo-Jewish Exhibition Papers, p. 266) and Dr. Neubauer ( Notes on Jeivs of Oxford, Collectanea Oxford Historical Society, 1890, p. 287) are among those who adopted the error of Professor Gr?tz. 8 A.E., p. 98. On p. 423, Dr. Jacobs surrenders Aaron to London in 1242, following upon a discovery by Mr. M. D. Davis of the story of a famous divorce suit of David of Oxford. See Jewish Quarterly Review, v. p. 158. y A.E., p. 98. In the quotation from the Minchat Jehudah, R. Aaron gives an opinion upon Rashi's commentary to Deut. xxvi. 2. 10 Hist. Monast. S. August. Cant., by Thomas of Elham (Rolls Series) p. 431. 00</page><page sequence="43">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 61 11 Epistolce Cantuariensies (Rolls Series), pp. xxxiii., lxi. : A.E., p. 93. Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, by Dean Hook, ii. chap. ix. 12 Lucius III., Urban III., Gregory VIII. 13 Chronicles of Canterbury (Rolls Series), i. p. 405, " Sed nec Judaeis haec defuit miseratio. Nam et ipsi in partum conventus panem miserunt et potum et pro constantia conventus in Sinagogis orabant. Archiepiscopus non cessavit auferre et Judaeus not distulit conferre. Archiepiscopus excommunicavit et Judaeis oravit. Mira rerum commutatio ! " 14 Canterbury Tales: Prologue, 11. 21, 22. 15 See W. Somner, Antiquities of Canterbury (1640), p. 120; also infra, p. 30. 16 The Church of St. Mary Bredman (in the Sketarotk written ]D*T"Q or }tf JDttna ?l"?&gt; ; see M. D. Davis, Shetaroth, pp. 328, 332, 337) was rebuilt in 1821 and demolished in 1906. 17 See Speed's Map, published in Jewish Encyclopedia, iii. p. 536. 18 Somner, p. 124. See Transactions, Jewish Historical Society, iv. p. 220. 19 Ibid., I.e. See Appendix xii., p, 95, for explanation of numbers on the Plan of the City. 20 Ibid, (edited by N. Batteley, 1703), p. 164. Dr. Jacobs {London Jewry, 1290, Papers A.-J. Exhibition, p. 37) quotes Canterbury as being an exception to a Jewry being situated near the market, but this appears to be a mistake. 21 Ibid., I.e. 22 Rigg, i. p. 91 (1244), p. 115 (1253). 23 Lansdowne Transcripts, vol. 826, part 5 (in British Museum), "ad William le Tayllur, Cissor Alionore quondam de domo ilia cum pertinentiis in Cantuar que fuit schola Judeorum ejusdem civitatis que ad sex solidos et octo denarios " 24 Bunce's Extracts Eclating to the City of Canterbury, p. 47. " It appears by an extract in the City Register from the great Her Roll for Kent, 12 Edw. II. (1320) that the King having seized the possessions of the Jews here, the Bailiffs of Canterbury accounted in the Exchequer for several rents of divers tenements in the Parish of St. Mary Bredman, in Canterbury, amounting yearly to 8d., which were late belonging to the Jews, particularly Id. per annum for the house which was the School of the Jews, and 2d. per annum for the houses of Elie of London and Moses le Petit, Jews, near the King's Exchange (juxta Cambium Regis), and for a tenement of the Chaplain of the Jews. There is also mention of void places in the City which were of the Commonalty of the Jews in the same City. These rents the King's Escheator acc?unted for in the Exchequer until by the grant of King Ed. IV. the profits of the Escheatorship vested in the Mayor and Commonalty." This extract was kindly furnished by Mr. Fielding, the present Town Clerk of Canterbury. 25 See p. 39. 26 William of Newbury (Rolls Series), i. p. 294. 27 A.E., p. 99, sq. Ospring, near Faversham, was involved (Pipe Roll, 3 Ric. I., Chent; A .E., p. 144), but no other Kentish settlement is mentioned. Dr. Jacobs {A.E., p. 113) suggests that Winchester was the only city that did not attack its Jews.</page><page sequence="44">62 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 28 Robertson, Materials for Life of Beclcet, ii. 7 (A.B., p. 153). 29 A.E., p. 62. 30 29 Hen. II. Chent (A.B., p. 82, No. 48). Jacob is also mentioned in the year 1186, when he was fined 5 marks " because he withdrew from the court without license and for right to his debt" (A.B., p. 267, No. 197). 31 A.B., p. 349, No. 110. 32 J. Brent, Canterbury, p. 137. " At the same time King John restored the house in Canterbury of Isaac, the son of Jacob and Bona his wife, to Abram, the cross-bowman." 33 Rigg, i. p. 13. 34 Trans. J.H.S., iii. p. 179. 35 A.B., p. 156. Gross (Papers, A.-J. Exhibition, Exchequer of the Jews of England), p. 182. 36 Public Record Office, Exchequer Accounts, King's Remembrancer, Bundle 249.2. The heading runs as follows: 44 Recepta denar' fc? apud Westm' de promisso Judeorum totius Angl' fc? apud Norhamton' per redditum d'ni reg' ab Alemannia in termino claus' Pasch' anno quinto regni ejus de m.m.m.m.m. mir marc'." 37 A.B., p. 162. 38 See Appendix i., p. 74. 39 Ibid. Jacob pays in six instalments??8, ?5, ?8, ?5, ?14, ?75 6s. 8d.? Total, ?115 6s. 8d. 40 Ibid. Isaac le Gros in two instalments of ?41 6s. 8d. and ?14 6s. 8d. In 1232 and 1233 reference is made to him in the Close Rolls of these years, p. 61 and p. 333. Is he also the Isaac Bigelin mentioned as one of the four repre? sentative local Jews, together with Jacob, son of Deulesaut, Bonami, and Salle son of Jose, in Rigg, i. p. 108 ? 41 Ibid. Isaac Senex pays in four instalments of ?2, ?3, ?1 3s. 4d., and ?7 16s. 8d. 42 Shetaroth, p. 325, X?")*? 3pJ&gt;\ 43 Charta* Antiq. C.C.?(a) C. 760. 44 Grant of John and Robert, sons of Bartholomew Bebriad of Canterbury, to Jacob the Jew of Canterbury of two messuages in the parish of All Saints, Canterbury, to be held by him and his heirs for ever at a yearly rental of 4s. 6Jd., Jacob paying 7 silver marks for the con? cession." There are twenty Christian witnesses, including Richard Deudene, and 44 His Judeis, Isaac et Samsone, Kresselino, Solomone, Hachelino, Simone, et multis aliis." (b) C. 762. 44 Demise from John, son of Vivian, to Jacob the Jew of Canterbury and his heirs of the lands which are held of him by Thomas son of Osbert at a yearly rent of 8d.?the grantee paying 40/- for the concession." No names of witnesses are added. 44 Charta? Antiquse, Christ Church, c. 763. 44 Demise from Benedict the son of Tholi to Jacob the Jew of Canterbury of the land the former holds of the monks of Christ Church, Cant, at a yearly rental of 6d in return for 8 silver marks and a robe of 1 mark and a yearly rent of 14d." Witnesses include Joseph the Jew son of Deudene, Bonechose, Joseph of York, Joseph, Simon the son of Deulesaut.</page><page sequence="45">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 63 45 He is mentioned in the Domim list of Northampton Jews. A.E., p. 356, No. 352. 46 See Appendix ii., p. 75, where the words occur, " totam terram illam quam Jacobus Judeus Cantuar' tenuit quondam de me in Cantuar' et etiam totam terram illam quam Jacobus emil quondam de Ricardo Deudene super quas terras idem Jacobus domum suum lapideam construxit." CA. Christ Church, c. 764. Cp. A.E., p. 102, note. "The Jews have the credit of being the first to build private houses of stone." (Turner, Domestic Architecture, 7.) 46a I wish also to express my indebtedness to the Rev. C. E. Woodruff, Librarian of the Cathedral, and to Mr. Walter Cozens, a local antiquarian. 47 Rigg, i. pp. 22, 23, 49 ; Cole, Documents Illustrative of English History, pp. 289, 292, 300, 305. In Pipe Roll of 1235-1236, he paid ?267 for a fine, and a further sum of ?24 12s. Id. through Manasser the son of Manasser. He is probably the Samson de le Niewland (A.E., p. 268, No. 201), and his name was contracted to Saune (Rigg, i., pp. 28 and 49). 48 Peter Blesensis, Opera, ed. Giles, ii. p. 96, Epistola elvi. 49 " Contra perfidiam Judaeorum." For a summary of the contents of this work, see A.E., pp. 179-182. 50 Close Rolls, 1235, p. 131. 51 Rigg, i. p 16 (1219); ibid. (1220), p. 23 ; Cole, I.e., pp. 300, 305. 52 Rigg, i. p. 49 ; Close Rolls, 1235, p. 131. 53 Close Rolls, 1233, p. 357. 54 P. C. Webb, The Question whether a Jew, p. 18; Madox, History of the Exchequer, i. p. 168. 66 Patent Rolls, 1238, p. 212. 66 Pipe Roll, 1238-9 (Roll xxiii.). 57 Ibid., " Josceus frater predicti Sampsonis." Cole, I.e., p. 292. 68 See p. 38. 59 See p. 42; Patent Rolls, Oct. 24, 1255. His property is referred to in Shetaroth, No. 181, p. 338. In 1256 he signs as witness to a sale of houses by Hannah, the wife of Samuel b. Aaron Molkin, together with Benjamin the son of Meir. Shetaroth, p. 327. 60 A.E., p. 348, No. 86. 61 Charter Roll, 1258, p. 9. 82 A.E., p. 268, No. 201, quotes from the Pipe Koll of 34 Hen. II., that "B. of Rochester owes two marks for his false statement." See also Rigg, i. p. 15, where B. is concerned in a transaction with Jose Presbyter. 83 Tovey, Anglia Judaica, pp. 78 and 81 ; Prynne, Short Demurrer, ii. p. 17. 64 Tovey, p. 79. 65 Ibid., p. 81. 66 Ibid., p. 82 ; Prynne, ii. p. 20. 67 Ibid., p. 83. "Et si quem invenerities qui deneget eis victualia et alia necessaria in civitate Cantuariae et alibi, ilium capiatis et corpus ejus salvo custodiatis, donee aliud mandatum praecipimus." 68 Rigg, i. p. 54. He signed the Treaty of 1266, see p. 77 ; and also appears in Rigg, ii. p. 51 (1273), 234, 252, 294, as the owner of a house.</page><page sequence="46">64 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 69 Rigg, i. p. 54 ; Close Roll, 1231, p. 6. His house is mentioned in Inquisi tiones post Mortem, vol. i. No. 231, p. 38. His widow Muriella pays a fine of ?37 14s. 3d. in 1235 (Pipe Roll of that year). 70 Rigg, i. p. 10 (1219). Son of Dieulecress or Cresselin of the Donum. In 1232 (Close Roll, p. 61) he is partner with Bonevie of Canterbury, and in 1231 (Close Roll, p. 6) with Benjamin (Bonami). 71 Rigg, i. p. 108 (Close Rolls, 1234). 72 See p. 28. 73 Close Rolls, 1232, p. 116 ; 1234, 74 Cole, I.e., p. 289. 75 Close Rolls, 1234, p. 156. 76 Chartse Antiq. Ch. Ch., c. 757. "Release from Peter, Rector of the Hospital of St. Thomas of Estbrege in Canterbury, with the consent of his brethren, to Cresse the Jew and his heirs of all actions in respect of the house that he has built at the east end of our chapel." Dated May 1236. See Somner, p. 120. 77 Somner, p. 123; Hasted, Kent, i. p. 123. 78 Ibid.; Hasted, p. 124. 79 Ibid. 80 A.E., p. 360, No. 479; p. 72, No. 36 ; p. 96, No. 82a. 81 Pipe Roll, 27 Hen. II., Chent, p. 151. Are Nicolas and Solomon two of the" monetarii" whose coins are described in A.E., p. 394 1 82 Publications of Cambridge Antiq. Soc, No. 34, pp. 168, 172. 83 Rigg, i. p. 83. 84 There appears only one reference to him in the Plea Rolls (Rigg, i. p. 108, year 1244), but in other records he is mentioned often. See Close Rolls of 1228, p. 67 (called Bonus Amicus); 1231, pp. 6 and 467 (called Bonamy fil Mer) ; 1233. p. 350 (Bonus Amicus); 1233, pp. 351, 357 ; 1235, p. 131 (Bonami) ; Pipe Roll of 1238 9. He is a witness to the sale of houses by Hannah Molkin: Shetaroth, p. 327, IV Tn p'on. 85 Close Rolls, 1228, p. 67. 86 Archceologia Cantiana, vi., p. 306. 87 Ibid., also Shetaroth, p. 315, wThere Peter is styled in Hebrew, EJH^Q 88 Rigg, ii., Introd., p. xiii. 89 Close Rolls, 1233, p. 357 ; 1235, p. 131. 90 Ibid., 1233, pp. 350, 351. 91 Ibid., 1231, pp. 6 and 467. 92 Ibid., 1228, p. 67. 91 Rigg, i. p. 108. 94 Dr. C. Gross, "Exchequer" (Papers of the A.-J. Exhibition), p. 19C&gt;, note (called Bonamicus de Cantuar5). ?5 See p. 37. 96 Gross, I.e. 97 Shetaroth, p. 329, "VKD T3 P*22 'ID nPWn ^ 5&gt;aJB&gt; &gt; ? ? ?&gt;3 98 Tovey, p. 87.</page><page sequence="47">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 65 99 Tovey, p. 87. 100 Ibid.; Prynne, ii. pp. 20, 21?. 101 Close Rolls, 1234, p. 555; Webb, Appendix, No. 34. 109- Ibid. 303 Rigg, i. p. 194. 304 Trans., J.H.S., iv. p. 53. 305 See Chart? Ant. Christ Church, C. 760, 762, 763, 770. 106 Shetaroth, p. 312. 307 See p. 25. 108 p nnjp?&gt; nn 'i nnnn mvbx rota mc7 K*ns? yp-ipm 109 Webb, p. 15 and Appendix No. 17. She is here called Miskan. 110 Ibid., "Quod jacit inter messagium quod fait Cresse Judei Cantuariens' versus orientem et venellam que vocatur venella Omnium Sanctorum verses occidentem et inter messagium laterum Hospital' Sancti Thomae versus aqui lonem et regiam stratam versus anstrum." Among the signatories are Henry Jay, Lambert Fleming, who attested many Jewish conveyances (see Shetaroth, p. 342, and pp. 75 and 77). 111 Close Rolls, 1231, p. 555. 112 See p. 36. In list of houses in 1290, two of the tenements were rented from the Cathedral. 113 The priests of Holy Trinity (see p. 35) and the nuns of St. Sepulchre (see p. 57) leased houses. 114 A common phrase used in the deeds is " in perpetuum " (see Appendix ii.); Webb, Appendix No. 7, re house of Milka, relict of David, "jure hereditario, in perpetuum" ; Appendix iii., " in hereditate fmabiliter." 115 The Shetaroth, edited by M. D. Davis, present full evidence of the care with which the patterns in the njDt^ T\hni were followed in these deeds. 116 See note 44, p. 62. 117 See Appendix iii. 118 See Appendix iv. 119 See Appendix ii. 120 when the house was in the possession of Moses le Petit, the phrase, " juxta Cambium Regis" is always applied to it. 121 Hasted, Kent, i. pp. 431 and 123; Somner, p. 123. In 1232 (Patent Rolls, p. 502) Jews and Christians were wrarned against having a private Exchange or Mint of their own. 122 Shetaroth, p. 342. For Latin text see Report on MSS. in Various Collec? tions, 1901, vol. i. p. 216. Its location is described as " inter domum Maineri tinctoris que est ex parte occidentali et messuagium in magna strata de Estbregge versus scholam Judeorutn ex parte Orientalin The original is in the cathedral archives, Letter Book II., No. 4. 323 See p. 44. 124 See p. 57. 125 See note 24, p. 61. 126 \vebb, p. 16 ; Appendix No. 8. Meir (called Mero in the deed) bought VOL. VII. E</page><page sequence="48">66 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. this house in 1250. It lay in the Parish of St. Mary Bredman, between the land of Thomas the Spicer on the east, High Street on west, and the land of Nigel Talebot (see Shetaroth, pp. 323 and 342) on the north and south. The witnesses are Salle (printed Psalle), his brother Aaron, Bonamicus fil Meiz (Meir), Jose f. Samson (see p. 28), Jacob Parvus, and many others. This Meir b. Isaac was a witness to two conveyances in the year 1242 (Shetaroth, pp. 317 and 321). 127 Chartae Antiq. C.C, c. 779. " Grant from Robert le Serdere to Peytivino the Jew of Canterbury the son of Jose of a messuage in the Parish of St. Mary of the Castle at a yearly rent of lOd. and 20d. in gersumam to be paid into the treasury of the monks of the Holy Trinity. Witnesses, Samson Judeus: Cresselinus Judeus: John FitzRobert and John Chiche' (see Shetaroth, p. 342), prepositi Cantuar'." 128 Rigg, ii. p. 252. 129 Shetaroth, p. 323. The witnesses are Benjamin b. Meir and Joseph b. Samson. 130 See p. 29. 131 Shetaroth, p. 317, sq. 132 mvnt? nny JTOT* Two witnesses sign the deeds, Abraham the son of Samuel and Meir the son of Isaac. The Rabbi's name was probably Jehozadak (see p. 36). 133 Shetaroth, p. 327. 134 Ibid., p. 331. 135 B?nnb rtan xw?vy" p kb*^b. Ihid-&gt; p- 332. 136 Ibid., p. 336. 137 yoi p-mir -onrra nvin*. lhid-&gt; p- 338 138 See p. 43. 139 Webb, Appendix xiii. The messuage lay between the High Street on the west, the messuage of the heirs of Jose Grubbe on the east and south, and the house of the heirs of Samson s. of Isaac on the north. The witnesses are Solomon of Stanford, Vives of Winchester, and Elias of Northampton. 140 Probably a relative of Nigel Talebot (see note 136). 141 Webb, p. 18 and Appendix xii. Its boundaries are the messuage of Stephen Petit on the north, the High Street on the south, the messuage of Moses f. Abraham on the west, and of W. Pykering on the east. The witnesses are Solomon of Stanford and Elias of Northampton; the Chirographers, Moses f. Abraham and Sampson le Pretre. The Christian Chirographers are Thomas Man (see p. 50) and John Hubert; and the bailiffs of the city, Thomas Chich and Simon Pabley (see p. 40), also sign. 142 Trans. J.H.S., ii. p. 89, note 4. 143 Prynne, ii. p. 29 ; Tovey, p. 110. 144 J.Jacobs, "London Jewry, 1290 " (Papers, A.-J. Exhibition), p. 41. 145 Madox, i. p. 223. 346 Gross, p. 195; Madox, p. 257. 147 For references, see B. L. Abrahams, I.e., p. 92. 148 ". . . Venire capias coram nobis apud Wigorn. Die Dominica prima ante Cineres sex de ditioribus et potentioribus Judaeis. nostris ... ad trac</page><page sequence="49">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 67 tandum nobiscum tarn de nostra quam sua utilitate. Sciturus quod nisi illuc ad Terminum praefatum venerint, ita manum nostram tarn erga corpus, quam catalla tua aggravabimus quod tu perpetuo te senties non mediocriter prae gravari." Close Rolls, 1241, p. 354. In the list of Canterbury representatives five only are given, the second being Magister Aaron Bonamy ! A comma be? tween the two names would correct the mistake. Copnius is given as Copinus. 149 prynne? ?, p. 29 ; Margoliouth, History of the Jews of England, Appendix to c. xiv. 150 He is frequently mentioned in Rigg, i. In Shetaroth he is called 151 Shetaroth) pp. 30 and 31, where t^pl is a witness to a deed. 152 J.Q.R., v. p. 163. In the Pipe Roll of 1238-9, Magister Aaron of Canter? bury is mentioned as having paid 100 marks as a fine for acting as security on behalf of Bonamy and the sons of Samson. 153 M. D. Davis ("Jews of Lincoln," in Archaeological Journal, xxxviii., p. 194) explains Magister to refer to one exercising Rabbinical functions. 153a close Rolls, 1238, p. 66, mentions him together with Angevin fil Isaac, Moses fil Joce, and Aaron fil Samson as joint creditors of a Canterbury " palmer." 154 See p. 34. In Rigg, i. p. 97 (year 1244), Thomas son of Lambin le Fleming released all his right in half a messuage in the Canterbury Jewry to Aaron son of Jose after the case had been referred to the Exchequer Court for decision by the Prior's Court at Canterbury. It is significant to note that Lambin le Fleming is mentioned in the deed of sale when Aaron acquired Jacob's stone house from the Prior of Christ Church {Shetaroth, p. 342), and also signed the conveyance of Susanna de Planaz (Appendix iv.), where he is called Lambertus flandrensis. The entry in Rigg, I.e., probably refers to the stone house. 155 Charter Rolls, 1257, p. 470. 156 Rigg, ii. pp. 201, 232. 157 Rigg, i. p. 108. 158 Ibid., p. 85. 139 Tovey, p. 116 (from Matthew of Paris). 160 Charter Rolls, 1257, p. 470. 161 Rigg, Select Pleas, p. 116. 162 See p. 57 and pp. 91, 93, 94. 163 See p. 28. 164 See p. 42. 165 See Treaty of 1266, p. 77. 165 Rigg, i. p. 202. " Sum of the chattels of Abraham son of Leo of Canter? bury, deceased, to wit, in respect of one house and no more in Canterbury, 6s., of which the King's third part is 2s. And Moses, son and heir of the said Abraham, made fine and paid the said 2s., and has a grant of the said house." 167 Rigg, i., Index, p. 356. Prynne, ii. p. 52, copies his name in error as Malle (under year 1262). He is a witness to a deed in Shetaroth, p. 340 : -y'3 DD^ 16? Rigg, i. p. 263. 1&lt;?9 Charter Rolls, 1262, p. 39.</page><page sequence="50">68 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 170 Patent Rolls, 1255, p. 439. 171 Rigg, Select Pleas, p. 29. 172 Ibid., ii. pp. 49, 70, 236. 173 Ibid., Select Pleas, p. 29. 174 Tovey, p. 135. 175 Patent Rolls, p. 439. 176 i.e., Moses le Petit (see p. 44). 177 Patent Rolls, p. 229 ; Tovey, p. 156. 178 "quidam malefactores et Pacis Regis perturbatores, tarn clerici quam laici, ejusdem civitatis. ..." 179 Xovey, pp. 160 and 166 ; B. L. Abrahams, Expulsion of the Jews from England, J.Q.R., vii. p. 94. 180 Chronicle, ii. p. 235. " Sed in civitate Cantuar', hoc eodem tempore omnes fere Judaei destructi sunt et exulati." 181 B. Lionel Abrahams, I.e. ; Hyamson, The Jews in England, p. 89. 182 See names in Appendix v. 183 B. L. Abrahams, I.e., authorities quoted in full; Rigg, ii., Introduction, p. xviii. 184 Rigg, Select Pleas, p. 49. 185 Ibid.* p. 76. 186 Ibid., p. 51 ; Rigg, i. pp. 160, 182, 214. He is mentioned as a bailiff in Webb, Appendix xii. ; see note 141. 187 Patent Rolls, 1265, p. 470. 188 Rigg, i. p. 182. 189 Named Maynard Wimund, ibid., p. 183. 190 Ibid., p. 214. In 1270, there are two entries, " The sheriff made no return." 191 Ibid., p. 198. 192 L.c. 193 Rigg, ii. p. 236. 194 Ibid., Select Pleas, p. 43. 195 Ibid., i. p. 263. 196 See p. 50. 197 See p. 48. The full list of names is as follows: "... on which day (in 1270) came Solomon of Stanford and Benedict son of Cresse, Chirographers that were in the 53rd year, and Moses son of Master Aaron, Jornin son of Meyr, Isaac son of Abraham, and Solomon of Cambridge, Jews of Canterbury. Two other Jews, to wit, Sampson of Norwich and Jose of Northampton, making default of appearance and the Sheriff sending word that their mainpernors (i.e., securities), to wit, Jose son of Salle, Elias son of Master Elias, Jornin son of Meyr, Aronyn son of Salle, David son-in-law of Jornin, Peyte son-in-law of Coppe, Savekin son of Jacob, and Moses son of Abraham have them not. ..." 198 Rymer, Fozdera, i. 634 ; Prynne, ii. p. 75; Madox, i. 249. " Et quod nullus Judaeus receptetur in aliqua villa sine speciali licentia Regis, nisi in villis illis in quibus Judaei manere consueverunt." 199 Rigg, Select Pleas, Introduction, p. xxxv. and note, and Appendix ii. p. xlix.</page><page sequence="51">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 69 200 Gross, I.e., p. 187. 201 Ibid., p. 189, note; Rigg, i. p. 134. 202 Ibid. 203 Ibid., and Rigg, ii. p. 13. 204 See Appendix viii., p. 79. 205 See supra, p. 39. 206 Jewish Encyclopcedia, i. p. 22. 207 Patent Rolls, 1255. See p. 36, and Rigg, i. p. 241. In Shetaroth, p. 335, his signature tOLD^^T is appended to a release of all debts to Nicholas the son of William de Pencestre "in the 51st year of the reign of King Henry, son of King Jolm " (1267). 208 See p. 28. 209 See Appendix ix. She rented houses from Christina de Verdun, with whom her husband had also had business transactions (Rigg, i. p. 241). 210 Patent Rolls, 1255. 211 Fine Rolls, 1249, p. 38. 212 See Appendix vi. 213 See Appendix v. 214 " Homo mentitor, inidoneus et accusator." 215 A.E., p. 373, explains presbyter to be the Ab-beth-din or head of the Ecclesiastical Court. Gross, I.e., p. 179, considers that the presbyter was a successor of the Jewish Justices whose duty it was to scrutinise and verify Hebrew con? tracts and to decide disputed points of Jewish legal usage. See I.e. and sq.; also Dr. Adler, Chief Rabbis of England, p. 261; Prynne, ii. p. 25 ; Tovey, p. 53. 218 Rigg, ii. p. 163, " Sampson son of Isaac le Prestre" ; Webb, Appendix xii.; see note 141 ; "Le Chapeleyn" in Expulsion lists (see Appendix ix.). 217 See Appendix ix. and p. 56. 218 Rigg, Special Pleas, Introd., p. xxvii. and note. 219 Rigg, i. p. 194 ; see p. 33. 220 Shetaroth, p. 336. 221 Rigg, ii. p. 103. 222 Rigg, Special Pleas, p. 105. 223 See note 166. 224 See list of names, note 197. In Shetaroth, p. 335 (1270), he releases debts to William of Baniton. 225 Rigg, ii. p. 43. 226 P.R., 1255. 227 Rigg, ii. p. 110. 228 See p. 34. 229 See p. 57. 230 See Appendix viii. 231 Rigg, ii. pp. 261 and 264. 232 jn 1277, Jose was a member of a jury to inquire into a case of theft and coin-clipping at Oxford. Ibid., Select Pleas, p. 95. 233 Ibid., i. p. 168. In Rigg, ii., see Index for many references. 234 Ibid., i. p. 292.</page><page sequence="52">70 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 236 Rigg, ii. p. 161. 236 Catalogue of the Anglo-Jewish Exhibition, Entry No. 14. 237 Rigg, ii. p. 236. 238 Ibid., p. 232. 239 Chronicles of Edward I, &amp;c, (R.S.), i. 88. 240 Charter Rolls, ii. (1279), p. 212. 241 Webb, Appendix xiii. 242 Rigg, ii., Introduction, p. xix. 243 See story of Manser son of Isaac, below. 244 Rigg, ii. p. 13. 245 Ibid., Select Pleas, p. 74. 246 Jewish Encyclopedia, vi. p. 149. 247 Rigg, ii. p. 209. 248 Charter Roll, I.e. 249 Rigg, ii. p. 208. 250 See Appendix viii. 251 Trans. J.H.S., ii. p. 82. 252 Rigg, i. pp. 134 and 136. The record of a debt of 19 marks owing to this man (on p. 136) immediately precedes the Treaty. 253 Ibid., i. p. 134. 254 Ibid. 255 Ibid, 256 Ibid. In 1259 he was a witness in sale of a house -j}; $]D^ Tl p52&gt;El? (Shetaroth, p. 334). He sold a house standing in the High Street to Richard the Spicer (ibid., p. 338) before 1270, as one of his witnesses was Salle fil Jose, who died in that year. 257 Rigg, i. p. 134. 258 Ibid., ii. p. 236. 259 See p. 41. 260 Viz., Solomon s. of Isaac, and Benedict s. of Cresse (the Chirographers), Moses son of Master Aaron, Isaac son of Abraham, Jose" son of Salle, Aaron son of Salle, Moses son of Abraham. 261 Viz., Jornin s. of Myer, Solomon of Cambridge, Samson of Norwich, Jose of Northampton, Elias son of Master Elias, David son-in-law of Jornin, Peyte (or Peytavin) son-in-law of Coppe (i.e., Jacob), and Savekin son of Jacob. 262 See p. 50. 263 See infra. 264 Rigg, ii. p. 20S. 265 Rigg, i. p. 130. 266 Ibid,, p. 232. 267 Ibid., ii. p. 187, where it is stated that Elias was one of the Chiro? graphers in the " 56th year of the reign of King Henry " (1272). 268 Shetaroth, p. 338. 269 Close Rolls, 1285 (Trans. J.H.S., iv. p. 216). 270 Rigg, ii. p. 204.</page><page sequence="53">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 71 271 Rigg, P- 44. 272 See note 261. 273 Charter Roll, ii. p. 212 (1279). 274 Rigg, Select Pleas, p. 41, and ibid., i. p. 194. 275 See Appendix ix. and p. 57. 276 See p. 26. 277 See note 267. 278 Rigg, ii. p. 162. 279 Charter Roll, ii. p. 212. William Sommerfeld had frequent business dealings with Jews ; see Rigg, ii. pp. 152, 170, 282. 280 See p. 44. 281 Rigg, ii. p. 43. 282 See p. 51. There are over fifty references to him in Rigg, ii., whilst the Patent and Close Rolls give many details about his activities. 283 Rigg, i. and ii. Indexes. Le Clerk means "121DH, or one of the " scrip tores " of the Chirographers. See A.E., p. 373 ; Gross, I.e., p. 184. 284 Rigg, ii. pp. 49 and 104, where Solomon of Stanford appears to have brought about Man's dismissal. Later in the same year Man became a clerk to the Chirographers {ibid., p. 114), but he also lost that position in a very short time. He is mentioned as Chirographer in a conveyance dated 1272 (see Webb, Appendix No. 12). 285 Rigg, ii. p. 172. 286 pro Cyri ju$ habend? per electionem. 287 Rigg, ii. p. 186. 288 Ibid., i. p. 261. 289 Ibid., ii. p. 149. 290 Patent Rolls, 1274, p. 62. 291 Ibid., 1277 ; Close Rolls, 1277, p. 432; 1279, p. 41 ; 1284, p. 256. 292 Patent Rolls, 1277, p. 245. 293 Close Rolls, 1279, p. 41. 294 Patent Rolls, 1281, p. 443. 290 See Appendix viii., p. 88. 296 Ibid., p. 85. 297 Patent Rolls, 1260, p. 129. 298 Madox, i. p. 223. 299 Rigg, ii. p. 187. 800 Ibid., p. 243. 891 Shetaroth, p. 340. Signed, pBW p 302 Rigg, ii. p. 45. 303 Ibid. 304 B. L. Abrahams, Expulsion, J.Q.R., vii. p. 251. 3&lt;* Webb, Appendix No. 18; Prynne, ii. p. 58 ; Blunt, pp. 139-144. 306 Patent Rolls, 1285, p. 214. 307 See copy of an order relative to the Archa in York in Trans. J.H.S., ii. p. 85. 308 Ibid., p. 102.</page><page sequence="54">72 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 309 Regulations Concerning the Jewry, Gross, p. 219, sq. ; Rigg, Select Pleas, Introd., Appendix v. ; Close Rolls, 1290, p. 109. 310 Annales Monastici, iv. p. 278. 311 Dr. Plot (see J. Brent, Canterbury in Olden Time), p. 114. 312 Appendix vii. 313 Trans. J.H.S., iv. p. 18. 314 Rigg, Select Pleas, p. 113. 315 Trans., J.H.S., I.e., Appendix, p. 59. 316 Letters of John of Peckham (R.S.), cccx1i. p. 407. 317 Ibid,, Letter dclxxiv. 3,8 Appendix viii. 319 Appendix ix. 320 Aaron son of Cresse of Winchester, Hagin his brother, Elias son of Hagin of London, Aaron son of Benedict of Winchester (the Chirographer), (Koc) Isaac his brother, Hagin son of Popeline of Bedford, Moses le Petyt son of Master Aaron, Jose Gileberd son of Aaron, Leo son of Master Elias Baggard of London, Jose son of Ursellus of York, Aaron son of Peytavin, Moses son of Salle, Samson le Chapeleyn, Isaac Top, Abbe of Dogstreet, and Molkin. 321 Belaset, sister of Aaron of Winchester (the Chirographer), Bella of Stanford, Popeline widow of Abraham Pernas of Bedford, Sara la Petite, Sara la Belle, and Joye widow of Vives of Winchester. 322 Elias son of Hagin of London, Moses le Petyt, and Leo son of Master Elias. 323 Joye widow of Vives. The food bonds are all in her husband's name. 324 B. L. Abrahams, Trans. J.H.S., ii. p. 81. 325 See Appendix viii., where a bond is given to Vives of Winchester for 8 qrs. of corn, dated 25th September, 1280. 326 Appendix x. 327 Appendix ix. 328 Trans. J.H.S., ii. p. 95. 329 Pernas = See A.E., p. 373. 330 See p. 51. 331 See p. 44. 332 See p. 47. 333 See p. 43. 3:54 In list of Southampton Jews (Trans. J.H.S., ii. p. 102) nearly every resident owned houses in Winchester. 336 Rigg, i. p. 263. 336 Patent Roll, 1285, p. 214. 837 Jewish Chronicle, Nov. 22, 1889, article by M. D. Davis, where Elias Baggard is described as a Rabbi in London, perhaps the same as Elias l'Eveske. He possessed property in London, Canterbury, and Northampton. See Trans. J.H.S., p. 97. In 1284, Elias was dead, and his property, including a debt of ?90, was presented to Queen Eleanor (Close Rolls, 1284, p. 271). 338 See Appendix viii., p. 80, where he is described as " Joceus fil. Urselli Judeus Eboraci manens in Cantuari." His father is frequently mentioned in the York records.</page><page sequence="55">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 73 339 j? Moses of " Doggestrete " is mentioned in Rigg, Select Pleas, p. 115, in London. In 1278, Moses " de Doggestrete" received 35 marks from Agnes Blakelock for some Canterbury houses that he held in pledge for debt. (Cant. Cathedral, C. A., c. 770, A.) Dog Street may have been a Kentish village, as to this day many of them are known as Streets. 340 See Appendix xi., p. 95. 341 Jewish Encyclopedia, vi. p. 149. 342 Tovey, p. 59. 343 Miscellany of the Society of Hebrew Literature, ii. p. 179. 344 " London Jewry in 1290 " {Papers, A.-J. Exhibition), pp. 48 and 49. 345 Madox, i. p. 230. 346 Appendix ix., p. 91. 347 Appendix xi. 348 Close Rolls, 1283, p. 245 ; Madox. i. p. 331 ; Rigg, ii. p. 170. 349 Appendix ix., p. 91. 350 Close Rolls, 1290, p. 99. 351 Appendix ix., p. 91 ; also Chart. Antiq. Christ Church, Canterbury, c. 1160, "Grant from Earl of Lancaster to Nicholas Raven his servant (valleto nostro) of the houses he held in the city of Canterbury ' ex dimissione Aron filii Vives Judaei.' " 352 Always called Elias of London. See Appendices ix. and x (A). 353 Appendix x. (B) and (C); also Lansdowne Transcripts (British Museum), vol. 826, part 5 ; Appendix xii. 353a ]{e.p0rt on MSS. in Various Collections, 1901, vol. i. p. 259. 354 William of Sommerfield ; see note 279. 355 See Appendix xii. 356 "Bunce's Extracts relating to the City of Canterbury," p. 47, in Royal Museum and Beaney Institute ; see note 24. 557 Ibid., p. 170, that runs as follows :?" (1543.) The Pipe Lands.?The Cor? poration continued to account in the Exchequer annually for the Pipe lands, viz., for a vacant place near the Exchange in the High Street called Legote on which Alderman Parker's House now stands 3s. 4d.? the houses late of the Jews in and about Jewry Lane 8d., a tenement late of John Binder 6s., and a Tene? ment in Spitalhouse Lane which was of the son of Robert Monday 16d. Together w7ith 11s. 4d. a year. But the Sheriff of the City was reallowed the same when he passed his yearly accounts in the Exch*. In 1551 the Pipe rents were granted by the Crown to Mr. Serjeant Hales, who in that year made over his right to them to the Corporation." 358 See note 104. 359 Expulsion, p. 458 (J.Q.R., vii.).</page><page sequence="56">APPENDICES i. Northampton Donum, 1194?Canterbury and Kent. Cantuaria. Membrane 2. D3 Samson' de Cantuar' iiii Ii' de promisso suo. D' eod' xxxix s' per eod'. D' Jacobo de Cantuar viii Ii' per eod'. D' eod' c's' per eod'. D' Samuele P Jacob' xiii s't' iiii d3 per eod'. D' eod' xiii s't' iiii d' per eod5. D' Isaac juveni de Cant' viii li' per eod'. D' eod' iiii Ii' per eod'. D' eod3 xlvi s't' viii d' per eod'. D' Isaac sene de Cantuar' xl s' per eod'. D' eod5 lx s' per eod'. D' eod' xxiii s't' iiii d' per eod'. D' Cressi fil' suo Iiii s't' iiii d' per eod'. D' eod' xvi s't' viii d' per eod'. D' Gosce fil' suo xxvi s't' viii d' per eod'. D' Deuuelcresse Levi xi s't' viii d' per eod'. D' Meus fil' Benjamin' xxiiii s' per eod3. D' Simone nepote Jacob x s' per eod'. D' Jacobo de Cant' viii Ii3 per eod'. D' eod' c s' per eod'. D' eod' xiiii li' per eod'. D' Aaro' fil' suo xiii s't' iiii d' per eod'. D' Jossce Gaudi de Cant' vii s't3 vi d' per eod3. D3 Bened' de Rouee' lxvi s't' viii d' per eod3. Kent per manum Will' de Bulringeham, Membrane 3a. D3 Isaac le gros xli Ii' vi s' viii d' de promisso suo de v mil' marcar'. D' eod' xiiii Ii' vi s3 viii d' per eod'. D' Jacob de Kant'bi3 lxxv Ii3 vi s' viii d3. D' Meus gener Jacob lvii s't3 viii d\ D3 Sampson c t3 xiiii s't3 iiii d\ D' Simund x s3. 74</page><page sequence="57">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 75 D} Josce fiP Isaac lv s\ D' Abraam gener Josce xxviii s5. D' Isaac sene vii li51' xvi s' viii d\ D' Jurnet xxiii s't' iiii d'. D* Delecresse le cresp xxvi s' vi d'. D5 Josce Gaudi xi s't' ii d\ D' Solom? gener Isaac lviii s't' iiii d'. D' heredibus Benedict le cresp xxix s't5 vi d\ ~D} Simimd de Madling' xxiii s't' iiii d\ II. Conveyance of Lands from Susan de Planaz to Christ Church Cathedral. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Susanna de Planaz filia Johannis Charta* Viviani de Cantuaf concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Priori Antiqua*, et conventui ecclesiae Christi Cant' totam terram illam quam Jacobus Judeus Cantua? tenuit quondam de me in Cantuar^ et etiam totam terram illam quam Jacobus emit quondam de Ricardo deudune super quas terras idem Jacobus domum suam lapideam construxit, habendas tenendas eisdem priori et con? ventui in perpetu? de me et heredibus meis libere et quiete. Integre et in pace defendendo predictas terras cum pertinentiis suis versus capital es dfios fiendi de omnibus servitiis inde annuatim debitis et preterea reddendo inde annuatim mihi heredibus meis unum denarium de a forisgablo in thesauraria sua ad terminum medu Quadragesime, Pro omnibus servitiis consuetudinilus et demandis temporalibus omni occasione remota. Et ego p'notata Susanna et heredes mei in perpetuum warantizabimus prefatis priori et conventui supradictas terras cum pertinentiis suis omnibus prenotatum servicium contra omnes homines et feminas. Pro hac concessione et presentis carti mee confirmatone et warantizatione facta et recordata et sigilli mei appositione firmiter munita dederunt michi prefati prior et conventus quatuor inarcas sterlingorum in gersumam. Hiis testibus Magestro Willo Curteis, Joh' filio terrici, Johanne filio Roberti, Johanne Chich, Alexandro de Raculve, Henrico Jay, Lambino flandrensi, Thoma speciario, Huberto mercerio, Iacobo de Stablegoti, Thoma Sorel, Roberto poitario, Willo filio Baldewini, et multis aliis. [Seal, a fleur-de-lys with the legend S. Sushene Planas.]</page><page sequence="58">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. III. Conveyance of Land from Richard Deudene to Jacob, about 1190 (Charta? Antiq., Christ Church, Canterbury). Notum sit tarn presentibus quam futuris quod ego ricardus deudune concessi et dimisi lacobo Judo (sic) Cant' terram meam quam teneo de Johe filio viviani que terra iacet iuxta terram predicti Iacobi et de sinistra parti sicuti homines intrant in vicum qui anglice appellatur hethenmanneslane et iuxta magnum vicum, habendam et tenendam de me et de heredibus meis ill! et heredibus suis in feudo et in hereditate finabiliter, reddendo uno quoque anno iiijor sol et vid duobus terminis seil' ad festum S Michael duo sol et iijes d et ad mediana quadragesimam duos sol et iijes d, et ego ricardus noii possum de hac predicta terra vendere nec dispendere nec invadiare nisi solummodo vj d qui sunt de foregaueli. Et ego ricardus deudune et heredes mei warantizabimus predictam terram lacobo et heredibus suis contra omnes domines et contra omnes feminas. Et propter hanc conventionem et concessionem dedit mihi Iacobus viijto marcas argenti et dimidiam in geresumiam, hanc conventionem tenendam affidavi ego ricardus pro me et pro heredibus meis Roberto et heredibus suis. His testibus roberto de Westgat, Thoma Ianero, Hamone filio liefwini, Rad' filio liefwini, liefwino parmentario, Will, filio flambricti, Hunfrido homine tieri et totum hun dredum ; Ysaac Judo nepote brun londoniis, Samsone Judeo filio Aaron de leicestria, Ioseph Iudeo filio Ysaac Cant', Simone Judeo nepote Iacobi, Mosse Judeo nepote brun. lypnp -od xnn apn IV. Gift by Susanna de Planaz to Christ Church of the Lasd for? merly belonging to samuel and aaron, the sons of jacob (1227). Carta Susanne de Planaz de terra que fuit Samuelis et Aaron indeorum. Christ Church, Canterbury, Register A, fo. 441. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Susanna de Planaz filia Jotiis filii viviani de Cant' concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi priori et conventui ecclesie Xi Cant' totam illam vendicionem et donacionem et concessionem quam eis fecerunt Samuel et Aaron filii Jacobi iudei de Cant' de terra ilia et pertineneiis suis quam idem Samuel et Aaron tenuerunt de Alicia filia Ricardi Deudene que iacet inter magnum, vicum qui est versus aquilonem ct scolam iudeorum que est versus australern, et inter vcncllam qua</page><page sequence="59"></page><page sequence="60">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. it ura predicto magno vico versus sanctam mildritham et tenement um quod predicti Samuel et Aaron tenuerunt de me, habendum et tenendum de me et lieredibus meis prenotatis priori et conventui libere quiete iure heredit?r' imperpetuum, Reddendo inde annuatim michi et heredibus meis quatuor solidos et ad festum sei Micftis duos solidos pro omnibus serviciis releviis et consuetudinibus et omnibus demand is temporalibus . . . (with warranty). Pro hac autem confirmacione &amp;c, mea facta et re ordita in burgimoto civitat' Cant? et sigillo meo nostro munita dederunt michi predicti Prior et Conveutus viginti solidos sterlingorum in gersumam. Hiis testibus Arnold Binnewith, et Serlone prepositis Cant', Thorn de dene, Humr de Ospringe, John Turte, Will. Wilard, Eadone Chich, Symone Cliich, Ernaldo fratre, Humr' le Jay, Lamherto flandrensi, Wydo le Taylur, Salom de dovor et multis allis. V. Treaty of 1266 (Rigg, Select Pleas, p. 35). Communitas Judeorum Cantuarie, qui sigillantur in hoc starro, recog noverunt per starrum suum, quod juraverunt et intraverunt in sentenciam, quod nullns alius Judeus de alia villa preter quam de Cantuaria manebit in eaclem villa, scilicet, homo mentitor, inidoneus et accusator; et si ita evenerit quod aliquis venisset ad manendum ibidem per breve Domini Regis, extunc concessit tota predicta communitas ad donandum Domino Regi id quod Salle, filius Joscei, Abraham, filhis Leonis, et Vives de Wintonia, similiter in hoc starro sigillati, ipsam communitatem falliabunt, ut idem Rex deponat ipsum qui tale breve impetrabit; et si sit aliquis de predicta communitate rebellis ad deponendum ipsum Judeum qui mentitor, inidoneus et accusator extiterit, vel eum qui breve. Regis impetraverit, ut predictum est, idem deponatur cum eodem. Et sunt Judei in predicto starro sigillati: Magister Mosseus; Salle, filius Joscei; Abraham, filius Leonis ; Jacobus, filius Miles ; Benedicius, filius Isaac; Leo, filius Abrahe ; Isaac, filius Abrahe ; Benedictus, filius Cresse ; Isaac, filius Isaac; Meir, filius Edra ; Sampson, presbiterus ; Salomon, filius Isaac; Josceus, filius Salomonis; Aaron, filius Salle ; Josceus, filius Abrahe; Mosseus, filius Abrahe; et Jacobus, filius Joscei. VI. Names of Residents in Canterbury about the Years 1240-1260. Abraham the son of Samuel. Abraham the son of Salle. Abraham the son of Isaac. Abraham the son of Leo. Aaron the son of Jose of Leicester. Aaron the son of Salle. Bonenfant the son of Cresse. Bonavie.</page><page sequence="61">78 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. (a) Benjamin the son of Meir. (b) Benjamin the son of Meir. Benjamin the son of Isaac. Benedict and sons, Elias, Aaron, and Isaac. Deulecress the son of Genta. Hayim the son of Yom Tob. Isaac Bigelin. Isaac the son of Salle. Joseph the brother of Samson. Joseph the son of Samson, Isaac the son of Abraham. Isaac the son of Zerach. Isaac the son of Samson. Isaac the son of Isaac. Jacob the son of Molkin. Jacob the son of Dieulesaut. Jacob the son of Jacob. Joseph the son of Joshua. Jacob the son of Isaac. Jehozadok the son of Jehozadok (Rabbi). Jose the son of Salle. Joseph the son of Moses. Leo the son of Solomon. Meir the son of Isaac. Moses the son of Joseph. Moses the son of Aaron. Moses the son of Salle. Moses the son of Jacob. Menahem the son of Joseph. Moses the son of Abraham. Moses the son of Samson. Samson the son of Joseph. Samson the son of Isaac. Salle the son of Joseph. Samuel the son of Benjamin. Samuel of Ospring. Samuel the son of Meshullam Halevi. Samuel the son of Samson. Samuel the son of Aaron Mol kin. Samuel the son of Isaac. Vives of Winchester. Yom Tob the son of Isaac. Zerach the son of Meir. VII. Letter concerning the Imprisonment of the Jews in 1278. Archives, Canterbury Cathedral, Letter Book, Vol. IL, No. 345. Frater R. de Scleseya per dominos priorem et capitulum ecclesie Xpi Cant' iuredictionem exercens archiepiscopalem in civitat et dioc'. Cant' sede vacanti, discretis viris decanis per Dioc' Cant constitutis salutem in dno. Mandatum domini nostri E. dei gra' illustr' Reg' Anglian, dm hibernie et due Acquetan' recepimus on hec verba, E. dei gra' &amp;c. Custod spiritualitatis Cant' sede vacanti salutem. Omnia quondam bona et catella iudeorum de regno nostro quod nostra sunt et esse debent ad man us diversorum Christianorum in eodem regno modis variis ut accepimus devenerint et nos grave dampnum sustinuerimus nisi detentores huiusmodi bonorum et catellorum ad eorundem restitutionem nobis faciend' per censuram ecclesias ticam compellantur, Vos affectuose requirimus et rogamus quatinus . . . omnes illos ad quorum manus bona et catella huiusmodi qualitercumque devenerint et in eos penes quos nunc resident et etiam in omnes illos qui</page><page sequence="62">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 79 ilia aliquid residere scient in quocumque loco sive infra scumarium sive extra cuiuscumque status vel condicionis existant et qui bona et catella predieta aliquo modo fraudulenter detinere alienare elongare, aut quacum que arte vel ingenio ea concelare aut nobis subtrahere presumpserint ex communicationis sententiam per totam Dioc' Cant' faciat' publice et solempniter fulminari. T. me ipso apud Godstowe iij die iou (?) anno r.n. septimo. Nos igitur volentes dictum mandatum exequi prout tenemur vobis auctoritate qua curia Cant5 tenemini firmiter iniungendo mandamus quatinus monicionibus premissis in gen' excommunicetis et excommunicatos per totos decanatus vestros denunciari faciatis omnes illos qui bona iudeorum secundum mandatum superius expressum celant, occupant seu detinent quo minus dicta bona ad effect (?) dni Regis valeant pervenire, Istam sententiam innovantes seu innovari per totos decanatus vestros facientes candelis accensis, pulsatis campanis, publice et solempniter per tres dies dominicos et festivos, Dat' Cant crastino conversionis beati Pauli Anno dni M? CC? LXX? octavo. VIII, Bonds owing to Jews of Canterbury at the Expulsion. 250 Exchequer K. R. Accounts ? Obligaciones et Carte de Nbuis Cistis Judeorum Anglie que ad [mem. 1.] manus Regis devenerunt post abiuracionem eorundem a Regno. Inrotulate coram Magistro. W. de March' Thesaurario et Baronibus de Scaccario. Anno Regni Regis Edwardi vicesimo. (1291-2.) Tran? script. Archa Cantuarie. H?mo filius Gileberti de Frene debet Leoneo filio Magistri El ye Judeo Cantuarie . vj. quarteria frumenti precium . vj.s. per vnam Obligacionem Cuius data est primo die Mercurii in Quadragesima Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xij?. Petrus Atte Watere de Douere filius Willelmi debet Mosseo le Petit Judeo Cantuarie .xx. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem Cuius data est die veneris proxima post festum Sancte Lucie Virginis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xviij0. Johannes de la Bruer5 filius Henrici debet Leoneo filio Magistri Elye Judeo Cantuarie . xx. quarteria frumenti precium . vj.s. viij.d. per vnam Obligacionem Cuius Data est in crastino Animarum Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. Kancia. 23 Febru? ary 1283/4. (Ash Wed? nesday.^ (16 Decem? ber 1289.. (3 Novem? ber 128G.)</page><page sequence="63">80 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. (19 April 1289.) 10 Feb? ruary 1289/90. (26 March 1290.) vacat quia alibi in ferius. (4 July 1283.) vacat quia alibi in ferius. (5 July 1286.) (28 Octo? ber 1286). (12 Novem? ber 1286.) (4 July 1284.) (2 April 1285.) Willelmus filius Henrici Talebot debet Cok' de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . xl. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii , v.s. per vnam Obligacionem Cuius Data est die Sancti Elplegi Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xvij0. Godmannus filius Ricardi de Frensehop' et AI anus Austin de parochia de Yue Chyrch' debent Cok' de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie et Hagino filio Pupelini .xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v.s. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die veneris proxima post octabas Purificacionis beate Marie Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xviij0. Willelmus Talebot debet Aaron de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . xl. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v.s. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est in crastino Palmarum Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xviij0. Ricardus filius Ricardi de Tapeton' debet Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo Eboraci manenti in Cantuaria . vj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v.s. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima ante festum Translacionis beati Thome Martyris Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xj?. Willelmus filius Ade de Leden' debet predicto Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo .vj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii .v. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die veneris proxima ante festum Translacionis Sancti Thome Martyris Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. Johannes filius Willelmi du Boys de parochia de Romenal' debet predicio Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii .vi. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die L?ne proxima ante festum Omnium Sanctorum Anno Regni Regis Edwardi .xiiij0. Reginaldus Hurel [filius Ricardi Hurell] de Cantuaria in parochia Sancte Mildrede debet eidem Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . ij. Saccas Lane precium Sacce . viij. Marce per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est in crastino Sancti Martini Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. Geruasius Dun de Heyrne debet eidem Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo .vi. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die Martis proxima ante festum Translacionis Sancti Thome Martyris Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xij?. Johannes filius Willelmi du Boys de parochia de Romenal'' debet predicto Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . viij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii .v. sol. per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est .viij. die Pascha Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiij0.</page><page sequence="64">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 81 (24 Novem? ber 1284.) (23 March 1283/4.) Rogerus films Thome Atte Wode de parochia de Hoclond debet predicto Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . xvj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii. v. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est in vigilia Sancte Katerine virginis Anno Regni Regis Ed ward i . xiij?. Matheus le Fer' de parochia Sancti Petri debet eidem Joceo filio Vrselli Jndeo . xij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die Martis proxima post festum Sancti Johannis Boylaunt Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xij?. (1283-4.) Willelmus filius Henrici Maleineyns et Johannes de Chakkeworth' debent eidem Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die Jouis proxima ante festum Annunciacionis beate Marie virginis Anno Regini Regis Edwardi. xij?. Willelmus filius Hamonis le Bedell' de parochia de Estbrngg' de Romenhal' et Thomas filius Martini Fraunceys de eadem et Johannes le Childe filius Thome de la Childe debent eidem Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . lx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima post festum Sancti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xj?. Rogerus filius Thome Atte Wode de Boclaunde debet eidem Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . vi. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima post festum Sancti Valentini Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiij?. Ricard us filius Ricardi de Tapeton' debet eidem Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . vi. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam Obliga? cionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima ante festum Translacionis Sancti Thome Martyris Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xj?. Willelmus filius Ade de Leden' debet eidem Joceo filio Vrselli Judeo . vi. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die veneris proxima ante festum Translacionis Sancti Thome Martyris Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij?. Johannes filius Johannis de Northewode debet Mosseo le Petit Judeo Cantuarie . xl. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam Obliga? cionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima post festum Sancti Francissi Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xj?. w?283.") Johannes filius Ricardi le Man de Can tu aria debet eidem Mosseo filio [mem. 2] Magistri Aaron . xxx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam Kancia. VOL. VII. F (2 October 1283.) (18 Feb? ruary 1284/5.) (4 July 1283.) (5 July 1286.)</page><page sequence="65">82 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. obligacionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima post festum Natiuitatis beate Marie Virginis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xij?. Thomas filius Ricardi Atte Heye de parochia Sancte Marie de Castello debet eidem Mosseo le Petit Judeo Cantuarie . x. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii [dimidia Marca] per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est in crastino Sancti Laurencii Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xiiij0. Willelmus le Pyn filius Hamonis et E. Austin [Seleke] de parochia de Wy debent eidem Mosseo le Petit Judeo Cantuarie . vj. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est in vigilia Sancti Johannis le Boy Haunt Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. precium quarterii dimidia Marca. Robertus clericus de Lenham filius Hugonis debet eidem Mosseo le Petit . xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam obliga? cionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima post festum Sancti Francissi Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xj?. Willelmus filius Willelmi de Fauersham de Sandwyco et Johannes Oseword de Tanet debent eidem Mosseo le Petit. xx. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est in festo Apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. precium quarterii dimidia Marca. Willelmus Prik' filius Henrici de Tanet debet eidem Mosseo le Petit . xx. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Jouis proxima post festum Natiuitatis beate Marie Virginis Anno Regni Regis Epwardi. xiiij0. precium quarterii dimidia Marca. Johannes filius Roberti le Peyntur de Ospringe et Nicholaus filius Geruasii de eadem debent eidem Mosseo le Petit. xxv. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima ante festum Sancti Valentini Anno Regni Regis Edwardi xiiij0. precium quarterii dimidia Marca. Matheus filius Ricardi de Parco debet eidem Mosseo le Petit. viij. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est in festo Sancti Luce Ewangeliste Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. precium quarterii dimidia Marca. Johannes filius Thome de la Sale de Heyrn' debet eidem Mosseo le Petit. xij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam obliga? cionem cuius Data est die veneris proxima ante Pascha [Floridum] Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiij?.</page><page sequence="66">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 83 Henricus filius Ricardi le Fer' debet eidem Mosseo . x. quarteria fru menti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam Obligacionem cuius Data est die Jouis proxima ante festum Pentecostes Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xij?. Henricus filius Radulfi de la WTodegate debet eidem Mosseo le Petit Judeo . xxx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii. v. sol. per vnam obliga? cionem cuius Data est die Martis proxima ante festum Apostolorum Symonis et Jude Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xij?. Jobannes Jurdan de Estbrugg' debet Wyweo de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . xvj. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est Die Dominica proxima post Gulam Augusti Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xiiij?. Galfridu3 Cosin de Wyuelesbyr' debet eidem Wyneo de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . x. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die veneris proxima post festum Sancti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. Henricus Godeholte de Newenham. debet eidem Wyueo de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . vj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii. v. sol. per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Martis proxima post Octobas Sancti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xiij0. Angotus clericus de Chelwych5 filius Roberti debet eidem Wyueo de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . iiijor. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . yj.s. viij.d. per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est in festo Sancte Lucie virgini3 Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xv?. Henricus clericus de Eueringes filius Reginaldi de Easteueringes debet eidem Wyueo de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . iiijor. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . vj.s. viij.d. per vnam Obligacionem cuius data est in vigilia Sancti Laurencii Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. Robertus filius Rogeri de Beltyng' de parochia de Beltyng' debet eidem Wyueo de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . viij. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Mercurii proxima ante festum Sancti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi .viij0. Ricardus del Ewe filius Clementis deleye debet eidem WTyueo de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . viij. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Martis proxima post Decollacionem Sancti Johannis Baptiste Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xv?. Robertus filius Johannis Belieford le Veyl debet eidem Wyue de Wyntonia Judeo Cantuarie . xxx. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die L?ne in prima septimana Quadragesime Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij0. (25 May 1284.) (24 Octo? ber 1284.) (4 August 1286.) (4 October 1286.) (9 October 1285.) (13 Decem? ber 1286.) (9 August 1286.) (25 Sep? tember 1280.) (2 Septem? ber 1287.) (5 March 1285;6.)</page><page sequence="67">84 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. (4 July 1283.) (24 Decem? ber 1284.) (2G May 1284.) (22 Sep. tember 1284.) (22 Decem? ber 1286.) (2 October 1285.) (17 Decem? ber 1286.) (23 Sep? tember 1285.) (10 June 1281.) [mem. 3.] Kancia. (11 April 1289.) Johannes filius Gileberti de Wycham debet Mosseo filio Salle Judeo Cantuarie . xx. quarteria frumen ti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima post festum Sancti Petri Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xj?. Johannes filius Willelmi de Stepesdon' debet eidem Mosseo filio Salle Judeo Cantuarie . xxx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . vj. sol. per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima ante festum Natiuitatis Domini Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiij?. Yuo filius Ricardi de Wyngate debet eidem Mosseo . iiijor quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die veneris proxima ante Pentecostem Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xij?. Johannes filius Johannis de Stutyng' debet eidem Mosseo . ij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. sol. per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est . viij. die ante festum Sancti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xij?. Stephanus filius Mathei le Peschor debet eidem Mosseo . iiijor quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est in crastino Sancti Thome Apostoli Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xv?. Henricus filius Willelmi le Paumer de Herbaldoune debet eidem Mosseo . vj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Martis proxima post festum Sancti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xiij?. H?mo Atte Mede debet eidem Mosseo . xl. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Martis proxima ante festum Sancti Thome Apostoli Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xv?. Gil eher tus filius Willelmi de Stopyndon' debet eidem Mosseo Judeo . viij. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est die Dominica proxima post festum Sancti Mathei Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiij?. Salomon Mowyn de Douorria debet eidem Mosseo Judeo . x. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius Data est in vigilia Sancti Barnabe Apostoli Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. ix?. Ricardus le Juuene filius Willelmi le Juuene Militis de Chileham debet Koc de Wynceter Judeo Cantuarie . xl. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v.s. per obligacionem cuius data est Jn crastino Pascha Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xvij. Gilebertus filius Roberti le Chin de Wy debet Leonio filio Magistri Elve Judeo de Cantuaria . xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia</page><page sequence="68">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 85 marca per obligacioiiem cuius data est die L?ne post octabas Sancti Michaelis anno regni regis Edwardi . xiiij. 1286C)?^er Gilebertus de Brethe debet Mosseo le Petit Judeo Cantuarie . v. quarteria f rumenti per obligacionem cuius data est Jn vigilia Sancti Barnabe appostoli . ? ?,. 0 rr (10 June anno regni regis Edwardi . xvij. 1289.) Petrus filius Godefridi de Frenne de Parochia de West Welles debet Eliseo filio Haggin Judeo Cantuarie . xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per obligacionem cuius data est die Martis proxima ^ ^ post festum Sancti Gregori anno regni regis Edwardi . xviij. 1289/90.) Nicholaus filius Stase de Chistelet [et] Ricard us f rater suus debent Aron filio Benedicti de Winceter Judeo Cantuarie . x. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius data est Jn crastino Sancti Thome de Jnde anno regni regis Edwardi . xv. (1286-7.) Johannes filius Willelmi de Eylleyygge et Willelmus de Creft filius Roberti debent Aron de Winsertre Judeo Cantuarie . viij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per obligacionem cuius data est J n crastino Sancti Leonardi anno regni regis Edwardi . xiiij. ber^^T)" H?mo Eylvord filius Ate Pise debet Aron de Winsertre Judeo Cantuarie . vj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Mercurii proxima post Hockeday anno regni regis Edwardi . xij. ?6 April J 1284.) Johannes filius Roberti Gregorii de Larere et Thomas filius Jordani de Esse debent Aron de Winsester Judeo de Cantuaria . xxx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die L?ne proxima ante Hockeday anno regni regis Edwardi . xij. 1284^fnl Johannes filius Alexandri de Douer? debet Aron de Wrincestre Judeo Cantuarie . x. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est Jn crastino Translacionis Sancti Thome anno regni regis Edwardi . xj. 12831}7 Danielus Sprot de Wyuelesberye et Willelmus filius Messoris de Wivelesver' debent Aron de Winseter Judeo Cantuarie . lx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die L?ne proxima post Sancti Fidis anno regni regis Edwardi . xij. 1284?) Matildis de la Dane relicta Thome de la Dane de Parochia de Pecham debet Aron de Wincestre Judeo Cantuarie . xxx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die L?ne proxima post festum Sancti Nicholai anno regni regis Edwardi . xv. be^l28?~)</page><page sequence="69">86 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. (9 March 1283/4.) (27 July 1284.) (18 Sep? tember 128G.) (3 June 1286.) (1284-5.) (3 July 1286.) (Martyr.) (26 June 1286.) (Apostle.) (26 Sep? tember 1286.) (6 August 1284.) (22 March 1285/6.) Johannes de Swynefeld films Radulfii debet Aron filio Benedicti de Wyncestre Judeo Cantuarie . viij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii vj. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Jouis proxima ante festum Sancti Gregorii anno regni regis Edwardi . xij. Thomas films Rogeri le Bedel et Juliana relieta Will el mi de Geynvelde debent Aron de Winseter Judeo Cantuarie . viij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Jouis proxima post festum Sancti Jacobi appostolli anno regni regis Edwardi. xij. Nicholaus filius Geruasii de Hospringes et Johannes filius Roberti Ie Peytur de Hospringes debent Aron filio Peytewyn Judeo Cantuarie . xxx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Mercurii ante festum Sancti Mathei appostoli Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xiiij. Ricardus filius Willelmi Buchehorn de Penecestre et Galfridus filius Galfridi le Boxene debent Aron filio Peyteuin Judeo Cantuarie . xvj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est Jn crastino Pentecostes anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij. Johannes filius Salomonis de Elsteuene de Parochia de Sellingg' debet predicto Aron Judeo Cantuarie . xl. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die L?ne proxima ante festum Sancti Thome de Jude Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xiij. Ricardus filius Augustini Atteheuene de Hirne debet Aron filio Peyteuin Judeo Cantuarie . iij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Mercierii proxima ante festum translacionis Sancti Thome anno regni regis Edwardi. xiiij. Ricardus filius Roberti de la Hille et Matillis Mater sua debent Koc de Wincestr' . xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Jouis ante festum Sancti Micbaelis Anno regni regis Edwardi. xiiij. Thomas Langhod filius Johannis de Witstapele debet Aron de Wincestr' Judeo Cantuarie . ij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die dominica proxima ante festum Sancti Laurencii Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xij. Johannes filius Henrici de Parocbia de Eastray debet Koc filio Benedicti de Wincestr' Judeo Cantuarie . x. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die veneris post festum Sancti Benedicti Anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xiiij.</page><page sequence="70">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 87 Johannes Patriark' filius Willelini Patriark debet Koc [de Wine'] . v. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obli gacionem cuius data est die veneris proxima post Pascha Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij. Alicia filia Felipe le Prestre relicta Roberti Attebrok' et Alicia filia Johannis Vosune de Chileham debent Koc de Wine' Judeo Cantuarie . x. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est Jn vigilia Sancti Gregorii Anno regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij. Amisius filius Alexandri de Hakinton' debet Koc de Wincestr' Judeo Cantuarie . xij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obli? gacionem cuius data est die Sancti Johannis ante portam latinam anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xiiij. Augustinus qui est ad parcum filius Jacobi debet Joceo Gileberd filio Aron Judeo Cantuarie . x. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Martis proxima ante festum Sancti Petri aduincula anno regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij. Johannes filius Roberti de Gilsonestrete de Bocton' debet Aron filio Creyse Judeo Cantuarie . x. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die dominica proxima ante festum Sancti Luce Anno regni regis Edwardi. xiij. Stephanus de Frogham filius Ricardi debet Aron filio Crese Judeo Cantuarie . vj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die L?ne ante Hocked ay Anno regni regis Edwardi. xiiij. Thomas filius Roberti de Autham debet Aron filio Creyse Judeo Can? tuarie . xv. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Mercurii ante Pascha anno Regni Regis Edwrardi . xiij. Johanna filia Johannis de Soles de Parochia de Nouinton' debet Aron filio Cresey Judeo Cantuarie . iij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii. v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est Jn crastino Sancti Edmundi Anno regni regis Edwardi . xv. Johannes filius Nicholai de Wodeton' debet predicto Aron . viij. quar? teria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die L?ne proxima post translacionem Sancti Edwardi anno Regni Regis Edwardi. xij. Ricardus filius Rogeri de la Funtayne de Parochia de Wingeham debet Bele de Staunford Judeo Cantuarie . xxiiij. quarteria frumenti precium (19 April 1286.) [mem. 4.] Kancia. (11 March 1285/6.) (6 May 1286.) (30 July 1286.) (14 Octo? ber 1285.) (22 April 1286.) (21 March 1284/5.) (21 Novem? ber 1286.) (King.) or (17 No? vember 1287.) (Archbp.) (16 Octo? ber 1284.)</page><page sequence="71">88 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. (20 Sep? tember 1286.) (18 Decem? ber 1282.) (21 April 1286.) (28 Octo? ber 1287.) (26 Novem? ber 1283.) (4 January 1285/6.) (14 Janu? ary 1284/5.) (30 Novem? ber 1289.) (10 July 1286.) qnarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Sancti Michaelis anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij. Thomas filius Alulfi de Rokinge debet Bele de Staimford Judeo Cantur' . xxxvj. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die veneris proxima post festum Sancte Lueie virginis anno regni Regis Edwardi . xj. Danielus filius Huberti de Cantuaria et Matheus filius Johannis le Bens Chapelen debent Beline de Staunford Judeo Cantuarie . lx. quarteria frumenti precium qnarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die dominica proxima post festum Sancti Elphegii anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij. Hugo de Sancto Claro filius Johannis de Sancto Claro de Parochia de Chelwiz debet Belaset filia Benedicti Judeo Cantuarie . viij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . vi. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Sancti Simonis et Jude anno regni regis Edwardi . xv. Johannes filius Stephani de Trindham Robertus de Grimesham filius Thome Ciuis Cantuarie et Arnaldus de Eastria filius Ricardi debent Leoni no filio Magistri' Elve Judeo Cantuarie . lx. quarteria frumenti precium quar? terii . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est. In crastino Sancte Katerine virginis Anno regni regis Edwardi. xij. Waresius de Valoynis Miles debet Leonio filio Magistri Elye Judeo de Lond' . lx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die veneris proxima post festum circumcisionis domini Anno regni regis Edwardi . xiiij. Radulfus filius Rogeri de Moswell de Edicroner debet Leonio filio Magistri Elye Judeo Cantuarie . xl. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est in crastino Sancti Hillarii anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiij. Robertus clericus de Lenham filius Ricardi debet Mosseo le Petyt Judeo Cantuarie . xl. quarteria frumenti precium dimidia marca per vnam obli? gacionem cuius data est in festo Sancti Andree Appostoli Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xviij. Hunfridus le Fraunceys filius Ade de Parochia de Wy debet Leonio filio Magistri Elye Judeo Cantuarie . iiij. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Mercurii proxima post festum Translacionis Sancti Thome Martiris Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij.</page><page sequence="72">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 89 1286.) (9 August Hugo filius Hamonis le Pyn de Wy et Willelmus Atte Br?k5 tili us Roberti debent Leonio filio Magistri Klye Judeo Cantuarie . xl. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnara obligacionem cuius data est Jn festo Sancti Michaelis anno regni regis Edwardi. xiiij. tember" Rogerus de Heselden' debet Mosseo le Petyt Judeo Cantuarie . xx. quarteria frumenti per vnam obligacionem cuius data est Jnvigilia Sancti Laurencii Anno Regni Regis . xvij. V2&amp;$. Willelmus Adam de Ledene debet Elie filio Hagini Judeo Cantuarie . xv. quarteria frumenti precium . v. s. per vnam obligacionem cuius data est Jn ^ vigilia Sancti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xvij. tember 1289.) Alexander le Hunte de Badelesmere filius Willelmi le Hunte debet Leonio filio Magistri Elye Judeo Cantuarie . xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die Maitis proxima post octabas Sancti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiiij. 12^?^ Bartholomeus filius Thome de Pymesdene debet Popeline Judee Cantuarie Relicte Abrahe Peruas de Bedeford . xiiij. quarteria frumenti pro . vj. marcis premanibus receptis per vnam obligacionem cuius data est die veneris proxima ante festum Sancte Trinitatis anno Regni Regis Edwardi . ix?. ^J^e 12ol.) Johannes filius Ricardi de Sersted debet Hagino filio Cressy Judeo Wintonie . xxx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii. v. s. per vnam obli? gacionem cuius data est die L?ne proxima post Pascha anno Regni Regis Edwardi .xij. (10 April 1284.) Johannes filius Stephani de Trineham debet Hagino filio Cressy Judeo . xij. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obligacionom cuius data est Jn crastino Sancti Edmundi Regis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xij. (23Novem J berl283.) Robertus filius Willelmi de Herthanger senior de Comitatu Kancie debet Aron filio Cressy de Wyntonia et Hagino fratri suo Judeis Cantuarie . vjxx quarteria frumenti precium quarterii dimidia marca per vnam obli? gacionem cuius data est die Jouis proxima ante festum Sancti Martini in Je me anno re&lt;mi regis Edwardi . xiii. (8 Novem b J berl285.) Johannes filius Rogeri de Helles debet Hagino filio Cressy Judeo Cantuarie . xx. quarteria frumenti precium quarterii . v. s. per vnam obli? gacionem cuius data est in Vigilia Sancti Gregorii anno Regni Regis Edwardi . xiii. (11 March 1284 5 ) [Endorsed on mem. 1] Cantuaria. ' *' Rotulus Kancie de Judeismo. De abiuracione iudeorum.</page><page sequence="73">90 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. IX. Houses and Lands at the Expulsion. script. KJ&amp;. Exchequer Accounts, -^rj ' (mem. 2 d.) [Cantuaria. Summa tenementorum venditorum aliis quam Priori et Con ventui est quadraginta et novein solidi et quatuor denarii. Summa vero redditus tenementorum venditorum Priori et Conventui est quatuor libre quinque solidi et. vj.d.]. Cantuaria. Inquisicio Cantuarie dicit quod tenementum Elye de London' Judei valet per annum . xxx. s. et reddit inde Monialibus Sancti Sepulcri . v, s. vi. den. et heredibus Jacobi de porta . iiij. s. vj. den. Et valet de claro . xx. s. Item tenementum Leonis filii Magistri Elye Judei valet per annum . xxv. s. j. den. et reddit inde Thome Chicch, . v. s. et Willelmo le Ropere de Stureye [. iiij. s.]1 et Thome Duraunt. j. den. Et valet de claro . xvj. s. Item tenementum Mossei le Petyt valet per annum . xx. s. obolum et reddit inde heredibus Jacobi de Porta . vj. s. viij. d. ob. Et valet de claro . j. marcam. Item tenementum ejusdem Mossei juxta Cambium domiui Regis valet per annum . xix. s. viij. den. et reddit inde Johanni de Hardres . iiij. s. et heredibus Margerie Poldre . iij. s. viij. den. Et valet de claro . xij. s. Item tenementum Sampsonis le Chapeleyn Judei nunc vacuum valet per annum . viij. s. x. den. et reddit inde Margerie Poldre . iiij. s. viij. den. et Johanni de Hardres . iij. s. ij. den. Et valet de claro . xij. den. Item tenementum Isaac Top Judei nunc vacuum valet per annum . iiij. s. x. den. et reddit inde Priori ecclesie Christi Cantuarie . ij. s. x. den. Et valet de claro . ij. s. 1 Interlined.</page><page sequence="74">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. 91 Item tenementum Joye que fuit uxor Vives de Wyntonia juxta domum Cristine de Verdun valet per annum . xij. a. viij. den. et reddit inde Oristine de Verdun . yj. s. Et valet de claro dimidiam marcam. Item tenementum ejusdem Joye ibidem valet per annum . xviij.s. iiij. den. et reddit inde heredibus Cecilie de Handlo . v. s. Et valet de claro . j. marcam. Item tria tenementa Abbe [de Dogestrete] Judei conjuncta valent per annum imam marcam et redditum sex gallinarum et unis galli et reddit inde Aldermanno de Westgate qui pro tempore fuerit . vj. s. viij. den. et heredibus Willelmi Cokyn sex gallinas et unum gallum. Et valet de claro . yj. s. viij. den. Item tenementum Sarre la Petite Judee valet per annum . iiij. s. vj. den. et reddit inde Johanni de Standon' . xij. den. et Leticie que fuit uxor Danielis . vj. den. Et valet de claro . iij. s. Item tenementum Sarre la Bele Judee valet per annum . vij. s. vij. den. et reddit inde Priori ecclesie Cantuarie . ij. s. vj. den. et Petro Duraunt. j. den. Et valet de claro . v. s. Item Cok' Hagyn et Aaron films Vives habuerunt in eadem Civitate quoddam tenementum et reddit;inde Priori ecclesie Christi Cantuarie . xj. s. et valet per annum pars predicti Aaron judei . x. s. quam quidem partem dominus Edmundus frater domini Regis dedit cuidam Nicholas armigero suo. Et pars predicti Cok' Hagyn cum quadam vacua placea de qua debitur Ricardo le Joeuene . xix. d. valet per annum . xxx. s. quam partem tenementi et placea domina Regina consors domini Regis seisiri fecit in manus suas per ballivos suos. Et valet de claro pars Cok' Hagini . xxviij. s. v. den. Item tenementum Molkyni Judei valet per annum . xvij. dem. quod quidem tenementum idem Judeus tradidit Petro Duraunt faciendo heredibus Thome de Normanvill' per annum servicia inde debita videlicet reddendo . xiiij. den. per annum et reddendo eidem Judeo per annum . iij. den. Et valet de claro . iij. den. [sic]. Item tenementum totius communitatis Judeorum de Civitate predicta videlicet Sinagoga sua valet per annum . xj. s. viij. den. et reddit inde per annum Margerie Poldre . iii. s. ij. den. et Ricardo le Joeuene . x. den. Et valet de claro . vj. s. viij. den.</page><page sequence="75">92 THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. Item quedam vacua placea que fuit ejusdem communitatis in eedem Civitate que continet quatuor perticatas terre in longitudine et quindecim pedes in latitudine valet per annum . vj. den. Et valet de claro . vj. den. [Summa . cviij. s. v. d.] Dicit eciam inquisicio quod quidam Lok' [Leo?] filius Magistri Elve Judeus Cantuarie tulit breve ad extendendum omnes terras et tenementa cujusdam Radulfi nlii Rogeri de Mosewelle excepto capitali Mesuagio suo pro quodam debito . xj. librarum et. xiiij. solidorum que terra extendebatnr ad decem solidos et novem denarios exceptis serviciis dominorum feodi set tandem prefatus Radulfus tantum ad Curiam domini Regis impetravit quod teneret tatam predictam terram reddendo prefato Judeo medietatem totius extente predicte de anno in annum scilicet quinque solidos . iiij. denarios obolum imam videlicet medietatem ad Pascha et aliam medietatem ad festum Sancti Michaelis et sic de anno in annum usque ad persolucionem debiti predicti unde solvit de tribus terminis videlicet de quolibet termino . ij. s. viij. den. qa. Summa solucionis inde facte . viij. s. ob. qa et sic restat de debito predicto solvendo xj. lr. v. s. xj. den. qa. X. script. C^) K.R. Exchequer Accounts, Disposition of Houses after the Expulsion. 249 27 " (mem. 6.) Locationes domorum Judeorum Cantuarie per breve Regis, &amp;c. Domus Elie de London' Judei locata est Roberto de Hertlepe reddendo domino Regi per annum . xx. s. [ad quatuor terminos principales]1 per plegium Johannis le Neuman et Willelmi Stayl de Cantuaria et dominis feodi servicia inde debita et consueta. Domus Leonis filii Magistri Elie locata est Willelmo Daubeny par mentario Reddendo domino Regi per annum . xvj. solidos et dominis feodi illius recta servicia per plegium Johannis de Holte et Andree del Fertre. [Ad terminos ut supra.] Unum Mesuagium quod fuit Mossei le Petit locatum est Johanni le especer Reddendo inde per annum domino Regi unam marcam et dominis feodi recta servicia per plegium Johannis Holte et Willelmi de Aubeny. [Ad terminos ut supra.] 1 All words in square brackets are added in another handwriting.</page><page sequence="76">THE JEWS OF CANTERBURY. Aliud mesuagium quod fuit ejusdem Mossei juxta Cambium domini Regis locatum est Johanni Holte Reddendo domino Regi per annum xij. s. et dominis feodi recta servicia per plegium Johannis Daubeny et Johannis le especer. [Ad terminos predictos. ] Isaac Top habuit unam placeam vacuam que locata est eidem Johanni Holte reddendo inde domino Regi per annum . ij. s. et dominis feodi recta servicia. [Ad terminos predictos.] Joya que fuit uxor Vives de Wyntonia habuit unam domum que locata est Christine de Verdoun Reddendo inde per annum domino Regi dimidiam marcam per annum et dominis feodi illius recta servicia per plegium Johannis Holte. [Ad terminos predictos.] Eadem Joya habuit quandam aliam domum que locata est Johanni Constantin clerico Reddendo inde per annum domino Regi . j. marcam per plegium Ade Atte Weide et Petri Duraunt. [Ad terminos predictos.] Abba de Doggestrete Judeus habuit tria mesuagia conjuncta que locantur Andree de Feretro Reddendo inde per annum domino Regi . x. s. per plegium Johannis payable et Johannis clerici. [Ad predictos terminos.] Sarra la Petite habuit unam domum et locata est Petro Duraunt Red? dendo inde per annum . iij. s. per plegium Johannis Holte et Johannis le Neuman et dominis feodi, etc. [Ad terminos predictos.] Sarra la Bele habuit unam domum que locata est Johanni de Celer persone ecclesie beate marie de Bredman Reddendo inde per annum . v. s. et dominis feodi recta servicia per plegium Johannis le especer et Willelmi Daubeny. [Ad terminos predictos.] Molkinus Judeus habuit quamdam parvam placeam vacuam que locata est per annum Petro Duraunt pro . iij. d. per annum. [Ad terminos predictos.] Tota communitas Judeorum habuit quandam placeam vacuam que continet in longitudine quatuor perticatas et in latitudine quindecim pedes et locata est per annum Petro Duraunt pro . vj. d. [A