The Jews in the Canary Islands: A Re-Evaluation

<plain_text><page sequence="1">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation* Professor HAIM BE IN ART When Lucien Wolf published in 1926 his book The Jews in the Canary Islands a new world of Jewish life came to light. The Canary Islands were taken over by Spain a few years after the Expulsion of 1492. Consequently in the Canary Islands no open Jews, only conversos,x could settle; they were accessible either to the descendants of those Jews who were converted during the riots of 1391 or later during the fifteenth century; or to Jews who were converted shortly before and after the Expulsion from Spain of 1492 and the forced conversion of 1497 in Portugal. These latter conversos, owing to their immediate and recent personal connection with Judaism, possessed much more Jewish knowledge than their brethren, the descendants of the earlier conversions, such as those of the fourteenth century. Both kinds of conversos arrived in the Canary Islands with the first wave of settlers, before the Spanish National Inquisition, which was an integral part of the system of the Spanish Government, became established in the Islands. The first such converso settlers there were artisans, shopkeepers, and merchants, who brought with them their families and kindred, many of them moving along to the pattern of traditional Jewish immigration. These Judeo-converso settlers left their impression on the image of colonisation in the Canary Islands. We may ask: What had these islands to offer to these new settlers in general and to conversos in particular? In these volcanic islands the autochthonous inhabitants, of African Berber origin, were few, and the advent of Christianity to the Islands did not encounter any opposition. When the Islands were first settled by people of European descent, most of them were conversos from Southern Spain. They included many persons who ventured to those places where the administrative offices of the kingdom were still in the first stages of organisation and lacked the necessary power to supervise all aspects of life.2 It was of course the normal sequence of events that in all the Spanish settlements overseas settlement by conversos preceded the establishment of the Inquisition; so it was in Mexico and Peru. Even in the Iberian Peninsula itself conversos migrated to faraway places where the Inquisi? tion was only later to arrive. The Inquisition started to function in the Canary Islands only in 1504,3 and twenty-two more years were to pass till the first auto-de-fe was held on 24 February 1526. That such a long delay should elapse in a State where the Inquisition was headed by such zealots as Diego Deza and Cardinal Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros tells * This paper was delivered as the Lucien Wolf Memorial Lecture to the Society on 9 January 1974. My deepest gratitude goes to Dr. Richard D. Barnett for the help and encouragement he gave me during my stay in London and while working on this material. Part of it has been published in Hebrew under the title mirrn rnn1? bw mwvn in studies in the Cultural Life of the Jews in England, pre? sented to Avraham Harman (Folklore Research Center Studies V), Jerusalem 1975, edited by D. Noy and I. Ben-Ami, pp. 11-25, Hebrew Section. 1 The term converso, 'convert', is used here to describe Jewish converts to Christianity in pre? ference to the hostile and pejorative term 'marrano'. 2 See the testimony of Juan Delgado in the trial of Alvar Gonzalez. He described the coming of New Christians to the Canary Islands. AHN Leg. 1823 No. 13, fol. 3r. See Appendix I. 3 See L. Wolf, The Jews in the Canary Islands (JHS, London, 1926), Introduction, p. xii ( = Wolf). There are testimonies about Judaising conversos already in 1499. See Preface pp. 1-4. This archive was catalogued by Dr. Walter de Gray Birch, A Catalogue of a Collection of original MSS belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canaries and now in the possession of the Marquess of Bute with a notice of some unpublished records of the same series in the British Museum 1499-1693, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1903. Wolf describes this catalogue as incomplete and dealing mostly with cases of sorcery and Protestantism (such as captured British sailors). Some cases of English merchants were published in translation edited by L. de Alberti and A. B. Wallis Chapman in English Merchants and the Spanish Inquisition in the Canaries (Royal Historical Society, London, 1912). 48</page><page sequence="2">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 49 us much about the abnormal conditions which prevailed in the Islands. Now for a few words about the material published by Lucien Wolf. In his Introduction he tells us about the purchase made by the 3rd Marquess of Bute in about 1900 of 76 volumes, divided into two series, which comprised: 'thirty-two volumes of Testificaciones, thirty one volumes of Procesos or Trials, six volumes of Prison Registers and Visitations and seven volumes of Miscellaneous papers'.4 This offered an enormous amount of material to anyone who wished to cast merely a glimpse into the machinery of the Inquisition. Lucien Wolf noted that 'Jewish cases appear in thirty-six out of the seventy volumes, and of these, twenty-eight are records of depositions, while only five contain reports of trials'.^ He doubted then whether any relevant material on these conversos was missing, though the genealogical lists of those tried by the Inquisition and what he named 'cross-examinations of prisoners' might be found elsewhere. Unfortunately all these Bute MSS now seem to have disappeared? at least their present whereabouts is unknown? and trace has been lost since they were sold at Sotheby's on 30 October 1950.6 It is much to be regretted that Wolf pub? lished the material in the form only of a register and that he summarised only what he thought relevant. Even more is it to be regretted that so very few trials (procesos) of those tried by the Inquisition of the Canary Islands have come to light. For such procesos contain not only the material above mentioned, such as geneaolgies and detailed confessions, but also witnesses' testimonies, collected and taken down in detail, information received from other courts of the Inquisition, a variety of correspondence in connection with the accused, court decisions, and consultations revealing all the background of the accused and the evidence connected with them. Already from the beginning of the six? teenth century the net of the Inquisition was being spread wide by means of information forwarded from one court to another, while the Central Office the Consejo de la Suprema y General Inquisici?n, received reports and transferred the information necessary for the daily work of the terrible machine it had created to supervise life and State in the Kingdom of Spain. This information is of vital value in understanding the clandestine life the conversos were leading during the long years of their persecution. We do not undervalue the collection of priceless material that Lucien Wolf brought to light, translated, annotated, and presented to the readers of his day. It was equally thanks to him that much activity and interest were aroused and enlisted on behalf of the still living clandestine converso communities discovered by the late Samuel Schwartz in Portugal, leading to the founding of an open if short-lived community at Oporto in 1927. The Canariote material that Wolf brought to light has a standing value for anyone interested in the study of organised persecution. As Jews, we are concerned with it all the more. Journals (and these are what Wolf actually published), i.e., daily entries of the court of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, if complete, would have given us a day-by-day history of this court for a period of about 300 years, describing in detail those who came forward to denounce one or other converso, what they had to say and inform to the Questioning Judges, and how the information was confirmed and entered into the various books kept by the court. Such journals were the pulse of the Inquisition in any of its courts. It is much to be regretted that the original journals are not now to be found, since most of those books of the courts of the Canary Inquisition were burnt and lost, and even this Bute collection is not accessible any more. (I, for my part, have tried to reconstruct this kind of journals of the court, as used in that of Ciudad Real in the years 1483-1485, and that of the court of Toledo on the Ciudad Real conversos.1) 4 Wolf, op. cit., Preface p. v. 5 Ibid., p. vi. 6 They were bought by Miss Emily Driscoll, a New York dealer (information by courtesy of Sotheby and Miss C. Armet, Librarian to the Marquess of Bute). 7 See our book: Anusim bedin ha-Inquisitsia, Tel-Aviv, 1965, and our Records of the Trials of the Spanish Inquisition in Ciudad Real, vol. I, Jerusalem, 1974.</page><page sequence="3">50 Professor Haim Beinart I have been able to trace in the Archivo Historico National in Madrid a few procesos of Canariots also dealt with by Wolf. I intend here to discuss four of these files and compare them with the material published by Wolf and thereby bring to light new information only found in the procesos. One belongs to the open? ing period of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands; the other three date from the days when the Canariote conversos had established and maintained strong relations with London. Perhaps we should describe these latter procesos as being those of London Jews, former conversos, who had been tried by the court of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands as Judaisers. Their story is also in part the story of the first London congregation, and by describing their life in full we may shed some new light on Jewish London of those days. [ii] Lucien Wolf rightly stated that the first period of the Canariote courts' activity commenced in 1504 and ended in 1510.8 Fifty-five Judaisers were tried then, but were not condemned to be handed over to the Secular Arm for execu? tion. The reason may perhaps have been that the civil authorities, and as well the religious, had there at that time to deal with other more urgent matters. A more active interest in the life of the conversos began in 1519, when the court started filing much information and testimonies on Judaising conversos. In the early 1520s a cholera epidemic broke out in the Islands and people started to look for religious reasons for their affliction. The first auto-de-fe was celebrated on 24 February 1526; eight conversos were handed over to the Secular Arm and burnt; ten returned to the fold of the Church and two more abjured their errors de levi. Most of the condemned were relapsed Judaisers. Those were the days of the Inquisitor Martin Jimenez. Another phase, extended to the 1630s, may be said to end the second period in the life of the court of the Canaries Inquisition. Lucien Wolf described the settlers in the Islands as Hispano Portuguese Jews who created a new ambience of their own. But there does not seem to be any difference between their way of life and that of any other clandestine converso community in Spain or Portugal. The emigrants to the Canary Islands came directly from Portugal, the Portuguese Azores, or via Spain, especially from Southern Spain, Seville being their port of embarkation. We thus see how the Islands were connected with that port. As already said, these emigrants were artisans and merchants who settled down, bought land, and became farmers tilling their lands with the help of Negro and Berber slaves. For this period the first proceso which I have found in Madrid is that of Alvar Gonzalez.9 His file contains witnesses' testimonies only; some give the date when the witnesses testified, while others lack it. This file was prepared at a later date than the entries in the journals published by Wolf and these two sources complement one another.10 Let us now tell the story of Alvar Gonzalez, according to what we can learn from his proceso, adding to it the material which Wolf brought out. It will perhaps give us as full a description as possible of converso life in the Canary Islands at that period. Alvar Gonzalez was a shoemaker born in Castelo Branco in Portugal, approximately in 1455. Together with his wife, Mencia V?ez, and their elder children, Silvestre, Antonio, and Ana, he was forced to abandon his ancestral faith during the conversion of 1497, though in the Canaries many believed him never to have been baptised.11 They did not stay much 8 Wolf, p. xiiiff. * The number of the file is AHN Leg. 1823 No. 13 and it contains 10 folios. See Appendix I. Twenty-five witnesses testified against him. See below, Appendix I, and Wolf, especially pp. xvi-xxv. 10 One can only regret the way in which Wolf wrote in some places, passing over the details, for instance: 'A great number of witnesses are called and give evidence against Gonzalez' (p. 45). The names of the witnesses, their status and their testimonies would have been of great value to any historical investigation of the period concerned. 11 The family's genealogy as found in the files is on page 51. Juan Delgado (fol. 3r) testified that Alvar Gonzalez was not baptised. So too the monk Juan de Villalpando testified that it was common knowledge in the Islands that Alvar Gonzalez was not baptised. See Wolf p. 44 and cf. the testimony of Juan Pinto (Wolf, p. 15).</page><page sequence="4">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 51 longer in Portugal but settled in Gibraltar, whence they moved after three years to San Miguel in the Azores. According to Wolf, the Gonzalez family fled from the prison there and together with other prisoners arrived in the Canary Islands.12 But this seems unlikely. Some witnesses testified that he fled, probably from the Azores, after having been accused of flogging a Crucifix or making signs at a Host. From 1504 Alvar Gonzalez and his family lived in the island of Las Palmas.13 We do not know how he established himself, but soon he was a house-owner and later acquired a vineyard and became a man of means, owning at least five slaves, male and female, Negroes, Moors, and Berbers. Immediately after settling down in Las Palmas the whole family started to follow the Jewish way of life. Alvar Gonzalez slaughtered meat according to the Jewish ritual;14 all members of the family removed the sinews (la landrecilla) from the hind legs of slaughtered calves, lambs, and cows;15 they ate matzot during Passover;16 the parents, i.e., Alvar Gonzalez and his wife Mencia Vaez, said their Shahrit prayers at dawn;17 when jailed by the Inquisition he abstained from eating cooked food and agreed only to have fried or grilled fish and openly refused to partake in eating eels and non-kasher food.18 To one of the prison? ers in that jail he explained why pork is forbidden: 'because God has proscribed any animal that did not chew the cud and did not have a cloven hoof.' and he openly said that pork meat made him vomit;19 while still in Gibraltar the family had hamin (adafina) on the Sabbath;20 on Friday night the Sabbath candles would be lit and they were left to burn till their end;21 even while in prison Alvar Gonzalez would change his linen, and when told that this was a Jewish custom, he paid no heed.22 If this was the man's behaviour in prison, it is easy to imagine how strictly orthodox was his way of life in his own home;23 while in prison, after having dreamt that his son Duarte had died, he bewailed and be? moaned him in the Jewish fashion.24 We can measure his Jewishness more fully by noting his knowledge of Jewish law and learning. Some witnesses called him 'Rabbi' in their testimony, and this was the opinion of the court, which considered him a great expert in Jewish learning. A special room was kept in his house as a synagogue. Of great interest are the testimonies which describe how conversos gathered there for prayers on Friday nights and on Sabbath. The worshippers would come in pairs or by themselves alone, and would sneak in, their faces and heads covered like women; they left after prayer in the 12 Pp. xv-xvi. Wolf does not produce the source of his information. 13 According to the testimony of Alonso de Talavera (3r) and of Fern?n Garcia de Mesa (4r), the family arrived in Las Palmas from 'the islands below' (de las yslas de abaxo). From there he fled because of having flogged a crucifix (Alonso Lopez de Talavera) or he made ugly signs (higas) at the Host (Fern?n Garcia). 14 Testimony of Juan, Negro slave (2r). 15 Alvar Gonzalez confessed this. See Wolf p. 47, and cf. the testimony of Alonso de la Zarza (6v); once Ines, the Moorish slave girl, was ordered to do this. Ines's testimony (2v). 16 Mencia V?ez confessed this during her trial (Wolf, p. 70). 17 Antonio Gonzalez's (son of Alvar Gonzalez and Mencia V?ez) confession; Wolf, p. 68. Antonio confessed during his own trial on 14 January 1526. 18 Testimony of Alonso de la Zarza (Sarca), fol. 6v-7r. 19 Ibid., fol. 7r. 20 Testimony of Juan Pinto, Wolf, p. 15. No date for this testimony is available. 21 Testimony of Ines, Moorish slave girl, fol. 3r. 22 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza, fol. 5v; Alonso de la Zarza, fol. 7r; 23 Testimony of Ines, fol. 2v. 24 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza, fol. 5v; Alonso de la Zarza, fol. 7r; Alonso Yafiez, ibid. For Alvar Gonzalez's synagogue, see the various testimonies, Wolf pp. 18, 40, 44. [See footnote 11] Alvar Gonzalez = Mencia V?ez Silvestre Ana = Pedro Hernandez Antonio Duarte (condemned 24.2.1526) (condemned 1530) |_ (condemned 1534) I I (born long after the 6 sons 2 daughters parents' conversion)</page><page sequence="5">52 Professor Haim Beinart same order as they arrived.25 Even their way of praying is described: Alvar Gonzalez would stand and pray whispering while nodding head and body.26 Some of the participants in these prayers are named: Maestre Diego, Alonso Enriquez, Duarte and Marcos Freres, Francisco Perez and Mencia V?ez's brother in-law Duarte Perez.27 Alvar Gonzalez would preach to those gathered for prayers,28 and demonstrated his Jewish education and know? ledge by showing that he saw it as not to be kept to himself; he knew it was his duty to teach and spread Jewish knowledge. Alvar Gonzalez and his family knew and spoke Hebrew; witnesses testify that29 this was his wont while still a Jew;30 and Ana Gonzalez also confessed in her own trial that she spoke Hebrew with her brother Antonio Gonzalez;31 Alvar Gonzalez would call his wife and children by their Hebrew names32?a clear sign of their yearning for their Jewish past. Alvar Gonzalez felt himself near at heart to the afflictions of his people, and could not stand it if anyone spoke badly of the Jews.33 Another converso, who stayed with him in prison for about half a year, saw in him the same Jew then as before conversion, a converted Jew who had returned to his old ways.34 This testi? mony agrees in full with what Alvar Gonzalez said about himself: '. . . Que mas valia ser buen judio que mal christiano'.*5 His devotion to his brethren was demonstrated by the help he gave to an unknown Jew who fell into the hands of the Inquisition of the Canary Islands when the ship in which he was sailing capsized. He sent a lamb to this Jew in prison, so that he might slaughter it according to the Jewish 25 . . Y vio como alii entraua despues de anochecido y tariida la oracion muchos de los dichos christianos nuevos e conuersos que alii heran venidos y otros que antes binian en la dicha villa, y que entrauan en la dicha casa de dos en dos reguardandose al tiempo que entravan como personas que no querian ser vistas, mirando a una parte e a otra, las cabecas baxas, cubiertos las capas como mugeres, y que entrauan agora vnos y de ay a vn poco otros, y que estauan dicha casa gran rato.' The witness Juan Delgado did not know what they were doing there, but he suspected that they were there judaising. '. . . y que de la manera que entrauan cubiertos se tornauan a salir.' This he saw many times, mostly Friday nights and Sabbaths, fol. 3r. Ines, a Moorish slave girl, said they would gather for prayers on Sundays and Mondays (she probably mixed the days, or perhaps it was a Holyday). They would abstain from prayer when an alien labourer was at their home (2v). She testified on the 20 February 1525, and Delgado testified on 24 December 1524. Cf. a converso gathering for prayer in Ciudad Real, H. Beinart, Anusim, p. 203ff. 26 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza (5v); Alonso de la Zarza (7v), and of Alonso Y?fiez (8r): '. . . y que otras muchas vezes reza quieto que no oye nadie, y que esta con el cuerpo y con la cabega, alcando la cabec,a y abaxabdola y menean dose siempre.' This they probably saw while im? prisoned with Alvar Gonzalez. 27 Duarte Perez was burnt in effigy in 1534. See Wolf, p. 70 (Confession of Mencia V?ez). 28 Testimony of Juan, Negro (also called Berber) slave (lv). He was put to guard the entry. See as well testimony of Juan Gonzalez, another slave (3r). 29 Testimony of Juan (lv); testified on 26 Nov? ember 1525. 30Juan (there); Alvar Gonzalez himself said this to the witness. In the witness's words, . . vio hablar en hebrayco y dezir que asi hablaua cuando hera judio.' Perhaps he meant by this, when he was Judaising. 31 See Wolf, p. 54ff. She confessed on 14 January 1526. See above, testimony of Ines, the Moorish slave girl (2v). She said that they spoke in a language that was neither Castillian nor Moorish and therefore she thinks it was Hebrew. Ana Gonzalez was condemned in 1530 (at the age of 30), to be returned to the fold and do penance. See Appendix I. This was also the verdict passed on her brother Duarte. 32 Testimony of Juan, the slave (2r). 33 Testimony of Alonso Y?nez, a converso from Villavicosa, Portugal (7v-8r). This witness was condemned to be handed over to the Secular Arm and burnt on 24 February 1526. See Wolf, xv-xvi, 66-67. The text is: . . Que le pesa quando hablan mal de los judios . . . Que donde el estuviese no avia nadie de dezir mal de los judios.' This is also the reason why Alvar was angry that the converso Alonso de la Zarza, who later testified against him, went to urinate while he, Alvar Gonzalez, was speaking about the Law of Moses. This happened when they all sat in prison (7r-7v). 34 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza (5v) '. . . y que por lo que este testigo ha visto contar, hablar y hazer al dicho Aluar Goncalez de seis meses a esta parte le tyene por tal judio como antes que fuese judio.' 35 Testimony of Alonso Lopez de Talavera (3v). Wolf, p. 44, publishes only one tiny part of his testimony.</page><page sequence="6">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 53 rites and have kasher meat for his consumption.36 He even went to visit this Jew in prison, 'be? cause he was of his nation; and it was said, that this Jew was a Rabbi and a very learned man in his Law.'37 It seems appropriate to examine more fully the evidence that we have of his knowledge of Judaism. Alvar Gonzalez would not stop talking about the 'Old Law' (La Ley Vieja),3* or the Old Testament, or, as it was commonly known, 'La Ley de Moysen' (Moses' Law). These terms were used by him at the time when the Inquisition and the Catholic world considered and called Moses' Law La Mortifera Ley (the Law that brings death). Alvar Gonzalez would often say: 'God performed greater miracles for Moses and for the Jews,' meaning that these miracles were greater than those the Christians tell about.39 He told his audience of the miracle of Moses when he was found in the ark by Pharaoh's daughter; about the burial place of Moses, that no man could find.40 With great feeling he would tell about the Ten Lost Tribes and the River Sambation, which keeps guard over them, and the mourning that they keep for the one lost tribe.41 This he told in detail and 'like an expert'.42 What is there surprising in his love and yearning for anything Jewish ? He would express this by saying that he 'regrets not having died then', meaning that he regretted that in those days during the great persecution he did not die sanctifying God's Name;43 and this was what he most probably meant, men? tioning those who died at that time.44 To complete the description of Alvar Gonzalez's personality we may take into account what he thought and expressed about Christian society and Christianity. He stressed that Christ was a Jew, who studied Jewish learning in the synagogue.45 Christianity was in his eyes a joke (burla), or a mere wind (todo es viento), meaning it had no value. 'A King of the Jews arrested him, whom the Christians presume to be their God, and flogged him, and everything the Christians say and do is wind.'46 He spoke in the same vein to his Negro slave who went to hear the Easter 36 Testimony of Fernan Garcia de Mesa (4r) and of Alonso Lopez de Talavera (3v). . . sabe que Alvar Goncalez enbio al dicho judio un cordero para que lo matase alii para que pudiese comer del, y que se dezia por ser judio le avia embiado el dicho Aluar Goncalez el dicho cordero.' We do not know when this happened. 37 Testimony of Fernan Garcia de Mesa (4r): '. . . Que por ser de su nacion, y que decian que el dicho judio era Rabi y honbre sabio en su ley.' 38 See for instance testimony of Francisco de Baeza (5v). 39 Ibid., '. . . Mayores milagros avia hecho Dios por Moyses y por los judios que aquello [que hizo por los christianos].' 40 So also Wolf, p. 45. 41 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza (4v-5r): . . y que contaua de ciertos tribus de los judios que se avian pasado de la otra parte de un rio que corre piedras, y que no se hazian la barua y que vestyan negro por vn tribu que avian quedado aca, y que si alguno pasa por aquel rio que lleua alguna cosa de hierro luego muere. Y que Moyses estaua enterrado en el Monte Synay, que si alguno le queria ver se mudaria de alii a otra parte. Y que Moyses avia sido echado en una caxa y que avia aportado donde estava la hija del rey Faraon, y que hera gafa y que lo avia tornado y que avia sanado.' Alonso de la Zarza (6r) speaks of the River Sambation: '. . . porque no quiere Dios que nadie pase alii porque no haga mal a aquellos.' 42 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza (ibid.): '. . . y que despues que esta preso siempre habla en las cosas de la Ley Vieja y de la Brivia como hombre que lo sabe, y dize que lo sabe muy bien.' 43 Testimony of Alonso Y?nez (7v): . . y de quando era judio ende mal porque no me mori entonces.' 44 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza (4v-5r): '. . . y que quando hablauan de la Ley de Moyses dezia que quien se muryera en aquel tiempo, porque hablauan de quando era judio.' 45 Testimony of Juan Fernandez (3v-4r). In Alvar Gonzalez's words: '. . . que aquel que avian crucificado que vna vez jugando a la pelota en la Sinoga que viera vn letrero que estava alto escrito en la dicha Sinoga, y que de aquello que avia leido alii avia sabido todas las cosas que el dezia, y que despues porque dezia esto su Dios avia dicho que ahorcasen de un troncho de col, y que por eso lo avian ahorcado.' When the witness said to Alvar Gonzalez that this is his God, Alvar Gonzalez reacted by saying: . . que hera burla todo y que lo que dicho tiene'. He must have been alluding to one of the legends about the miracle-making of Christ as commonly known among the Jews. 46 Testimony of Juan, Negro slave (2r): '. . . que vn rey de los judios tenia preso al que los christianos dizen que es Nuestro Senor y lo acota, y todo lo que los christianos dizen y hazen es viento.'</page><page sequence="7">54 Professor Haim Beinart Sermon about Christ's suffering and about the public that wept listening to it.47 Christians were in his eyes dogs who would come to a bad end ;48 and their Land was a bad Land of Dogs.49 Alvar Gonzalez saw in Christ and Christian? ity the root of all the evil that befell the Jews and according to one witness's testimony he cursed Christ.50 He did everything in his power to prevent his slaves being baptised;51 he refused his wife's request to buy some images and bring them home, although perhaps her request was only after the Inquisition became aware of their Judaising practices.52 This was when he started to worry about his own arrest by the Inquisition and tried to influence his slaves not to testify against him and his family; to his slave Ines he promised liberty if she did not betray him.53 He even began to go to church, but would lower his eyes when the Host was elevated,54 and abstained from kneeling when the bells rang for prayers.55 This was his behaviour while in prison, although he then learned to say some prayers in 'Romance', i.e., Spanish, which included Ave Maria, Salve Regina, Pater Nosier, and the Christian Credo.56 All the time he was imprisoned he never ceased to believe that he would be released,57 and he dreamt that his mother came to him and informed him of this.58 In comparison with his deep faith in the Law of Moses his failures in his duty to Christianity, such as eating meat during Lent and on Fridays, must have seemed very trivial to his judges.59 It goes without saying that he had a name for being the worst Christ? ian on the island.60 Already in 1519 the Inquisition in the Canary Islands had got wind of his Jewish ways, but only in 1524 was he arrested. His trial was given the full procedure;61 according to this he was allowed to present a full defence, in which he tried to refute the testimonies for the prosecution.62 Near the date of the auto-de-fe the court held a Consulta-de-fe and it was unanimously decided that he was to be handed over to the Secular Arm and his property confiscated. The same sentence was passed against his wife Mencia V?ez. On 24 February 47 Ibid. (2r): '. . . y que este testigo fue a oyr el sermon de la Pasyon. Y que quando de alii vino, le pregunto el dicho Aluar Goncales que que vio alli, y el testigo respondio que vido como la gente llorava porque los judios mataron a Christo. Y que el dicho Aluar Goncales dixo: Todo aquello es viento y todo es nada.' This theme of the Jews having killed Christ was a common subject for preaching during Passover. 48 Testimony of Juan (2r): . . Canes, que an de venir es tos canes a mal fin.' 49 Ibid. See also testimony of Juan Fernandez (3v), whom Alvar Gonzalez thought to be a converso: . . que aquella tierra era muy mala tierra, y que era tierra de perros mala.' 50 Testimony of Juan Franco (9v). The court repealed this testimony because of the witness being a thief. 51 Testimony of Ines, his Moorish slave. He hit her for having gone to Mass (3r); his servant Fernando (9r). 52 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza (5v) and of Alonso de la Zarza (7v). Alonso de la Zarza said that Alvar Gonzalez said on this: '. . . que no queria tener en su casa enbaraco'. 53 Her testimony (2r-2v). At the beginning she denied that he promised her this, but later she admitted it. She told the court that Mencia Vaez asked her this. See also testimony of Pedro Pinto (2r). Ines confessed that Alvar Gonzalez slept with her even after her conversion. She said that Silvestre and Duarte did so too. Alvar Gonzalez denied it, saying he was old and ill. See as well Wolf, pp. 43, 47, 51. 54 Testimony of Alonso Lopez de Talavera (3v): . . quando yva a misa abaxaua los ojos y no queria mirar al Sacramento.' 55 Testimony of Alonso de la Zarza (6v):'. . . que quando tenian a alcar o al Aue Maria nunca se hincha de rodillas como los christianos.' 56 Testimony of Francisco de Baeza (5v); Alonso Yanez (8r) told the court that he taught him these prayers. 57 Testimony de Baeza (4v): '. . . e que esperaua en Dios que avia de salir.' 58 Testimony of Alonso de la Zarza (6v): '. . . que vna noche sofiaua que su madre avia venido a hablalle y le avia dicho no ayas miedo que todas estas pelotadas que te dan no te an de tocar que por alto an de ir.' 59 On eating meat during Lent, Juan, his servant, testified (2r); on eating meat on Fridays see testimony of Pedro de Belmonte (4r). 60 Testimony of Fernan Garcia de Mesa (4r): . . que tiene la mas mala fama de mal christiano que ay en toda la isla.' 61 See Appendix I. Lucien Wolf did not pay any attention to these courts' meetings. 62 We do not know the names of his defence. Wolf, e.g., pp. 48-9, omitted the names of many witnesses for the prosecution and of those who testified in Alvar Gonzalez's defence.</page><page sequence="8">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 55 1526 both of them were burnt alive, sanctifying the Name of God. The story of Alvar Gonzalez is that of a simple Jew, a shoemaker whose Jewish education was wide and deep. But to sentence him the Inquisition had no need to note his knowledge of Judaism; it was more interested in his way of fulfilling the Mitzvoth (Com? mandments), even in acts which were not considered in the eyes of the Inquisition so grave (such as removing sinews from a slaugh? tered calf's leg). The Inquisition believed that by sentencing him it would not only save his soul but at the same time hit hard at the converso community to whom he was teacher and guiding spirit.63 He was a converso of the first generation who knew Judaism at its sources, whose yearning for his Jewish past was stronger than anything Christianity could offer him, even in a New Land such as the Canary Islands or Fortunate Islands, con? sidered by many as the Paradise Lost.64 [inj Jewish life in the Canary Islands enjoyed a resurgence in the seventeenth century. As a station on the way to the New World, where the Dutch and English were fighting for a foothold, the Islands played a great role; they were of greatest importance in the trans? atlantic trade routes.65 The converso founders of the Jewish communities in Western Europe saw the political and economic importance of these Islands. This led some of them either to settle there themselves or to establish there faithful and most secret correspondents, in the persons of relatives or trusted friends. With the beginning of the seventeenth cen tury the numbers of conversos settled in the Canary Islands grew. They came mostly from Portugal, especially since the Union of Portugal with Spain in 1580 opened for them new hori? zons and possibilities.66 Their numbers con? tinued to grow during the reign of Philip IV, when the Count-Duke of Olivares, who favour? ed the so-called 'New Christians' or conversos, was Chief Minister. The files of the Inquisition tell their full story, and some of those files tell also of the story of the Jewish Settlement in London in the 'fifties of the seventeenth century. This group of earliest Canariote settlers left their mark on the London Jewish community of those days, and since the Inquisition collected its information on conversos so diligently and painstakingly and in the greatest detail, it proves a great aid to us to understanding their clandestine way of life in London, how closely knit their community was, and how they organised their Jewish communal life. The Inquisition considered itself judge and saviour of souls of all those sunk in sin, especi? ally by judaising. It made no difference if the converso left the area of the Inquisition's political and geographical jurisdiction. The Inquisition considered itself a judge in the redemption of the converso}s soul not only while he officially belonged to the Catholic Church but even if and after he entirely cut himself off from his Christian past and became openly a devout Jew. So what difference did it make if a former converso, having left the Canary Islands, lived now as a Jew in Amsterdam, Hamburg, or London? Such a person was always liable to punishment whether he fell into the hands of the Inquisition or was tried in absentia or posthumously. The courts of the Inquisition had moral, religious, spiritual, and physical authority over all Catholics wherever they might be encountered. In a word: it was an institution whose main aim was once reli? gious but had become judge and arbiter over anyone who lived within its limits of jurisdiction, for whom there was no redemption by running away or living outside the limits of its power. 63 His daughter Ana, in her trial (see Wolf, p. 54), told the court how her parents tried to prevent her marrying a Christian (his name was Pedro Hernandez). They tried to send her to Lisbon to marry a relative, but she refused. Later her parents brought her a bridegroom from Madeira, but to no avail. See her confession made on 5 May 1526. 64 On their sons Silvestre and Duarte, and Ana, see Wolf, ibid, and Appendix I. 65 See A. Cioranescu, Thomas Nichols, mercader de azucar, hispanistay hereje, La Laguna de Tenerife, 1963. 66 On the commerce of the conversos in Western Europe see H. Beinart, in Proceedings of the Fifth World Congress of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem, 1972, p. 55-73 (in Hebrew).</page><page sequence="9">56 Professor Haim Beinart Since the Inquisition saw it as its mission to judge those fugitives who aimed at returning to the faith of their ancestors, every effort was worth while, first to collect information, mostly through witnesses' testimonies, and then to wait till the backslider fell into its hands to be tried. All sources of information were good in its eyes, and in the seventeenth century many new sources of information became available: ships' captains who visited the new converso and ex-converso centres on their voyages; Christian merchants and even conversos who went to those places, later returned, and went to tell the Inquisition about those whom they met and what they learned; slaves who served those ex-converso Jews in the new communities and returned to their old homes; wandering friars and the like. To these, with regret, in some cases we may add sons and daughters of the ex-conversos themselves who did not adapt themselves to circumstances in the new com? munities and went back to their places of origin. (This perhaps was one of the greatest tragedies in the life of the ex-conversos, that the way of life of their ancestors, to which they eventually returned, was sometimes no pattern for the younger generation and had no meaning for them.) And as if these dangers were not enough, the Inquisition sent out agents provocateurs to those centres. We may mention a few: Juan Bautista de Villadiego, sent to France, to Rouen especially, in the 'thirties of the seventeenth century;67 Joseph Carrera y Coligo in London (a Catalan of converso parents, who had Protestant leanings for a time, then became a Jew in Amsterdam and spent much time among the Jews of London) ;68 and in 1655 we find in London a 'familiar' of the Segovian Inquisition, Juan de Losa Barajona,69 probably present for the same purposes. To appreciate the connections between the Canariote conversos and the Sephardi com? munities in Western Europe we may first look into the material in the newly found proceso of Francisca Lopez, wife of Diego Rodriguez Arias.70 Diego Rodriguez Arias, born according to one report in Marchena (Andalucia), had by the 1650s become an active member of the London ex-converso community but he was no longer young when he arrived there.71 He is probably to be identi? fied with a Diego Rodrigues Arias whose history has been unearthed by S. Liebman from the records of the Mexican tribunal.72 In 1646 we find him in Mexico, and from his trial by that court in 1648 we learn much about him and his family.73 According to Liebman,74 he was at this time a bachelor but this may mean no more than that he did not betray his full story to the Inquisition. His trial was a side product of others which culminated in the great auto-de-fe of 14 April 1649 in which 109 persons were sentenced, 108 being Jews, though 66 had already died in the cells. Seymour Liebman75 has shown that this Mexi? can Diego Rodrigues Arias, born in Seville about 1601 and circumcised, was a member of one of the greatest families of crypto-Jews in Mexico, where there were at least four secret communities by 1635?two in Guadalajara, one in Vera Cruz, and another in Pueblo. Until 1639, those in Mexico were controlled economically by Captain Simon V?ez Sevilla, their spiritual leader being a remarkable 67 See H. Beinart, op. cit., p. 57ff. 68 Wolf, pp. xxxvii, 178, 205f., 217f., 223ff. See also the file of the brothers Domingo and Jorge Rodriguez Francia, AHN Leg. 1823 No. 10 fol. 10v., testimony of Pedro Manzano. (See Appendix VIII.) 69 Testimony of Juan Lopez de Miranda. Juan Lopez testified on 29 July 1656. See trial of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez 1823, No. 14, fol. 14r-14v. 70 See her trial, AHN Leg. 1824 No. 7. It contains 23 folios. Almost all the witnesses testified against her husband, Diego Rodriguez Arias. (See Appendix mo 71 Wolf, pp. 159-161. He signed as witness testifying to Antonio Rodriguez Robles's Jewishness. See L. Wolf, 'Crypto-Jews under the Common? wealth,' the Jewish Historical Society of England (=JHSE), Transactions, I, 1893-1894, p. 79 (= Wolf, 'Crypto-Jews'). 72 Seymour B. Liebman, A Guide to Jewish References in the Mexican Colonial Era 1521-1821, Philadelphia, 1964. Index s.v. Rodrigues, Diego Arias. Idem., Los judios en Mexico y America Central, Mexico, 1971, p. 411. 73 See Appendix II. The genealogy of Diego Rodriguez Arias of Mexico is on p. 57. 74 Liebman, Guide, ? 1134. 75 Liebman, Los judios en Mexico, pp. 273 ff.</page><page sequence="10">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 57 woman, his wife Juana Enriquez. So high was the esteem in which she was held that some popularly fancied her to be destined to become mother of the Messiah. She had two brothers and five sisters, almost all to become victims of the Mexican Inquisition. She was born at Marialbar, in Portugal, her parents being Antonio Rodrigues Arias (who held a high position in the Court of the Viceroy of New Spain) and Bianca Enriquez. Diego Rodriguez Arias was her brother. In 1642 Juana's son Gaspar Vaez, aged 18, was arrested, and under torture denounced 114 Jews. Juana and her husband were 'reconciled' to the Mother Church in the great auto of 1649. From this it is clear that Diego Rodriguez Arias came from no ordinary family of secret believers. He was 'reconciled' in March 1648 though sentenced to permanent imprisonment. The list of his property made out by the court there shows that he owned four slaves, which he inherited from his mother, Bianca Henri quez.76 Other holdings were in silver and jewellery; many people owed him considerable sums of money, but he himself had no debts, according to his own declaration made to the court's keeper of confiscated property. He was guarding some valuables given to him by his aunt Isabel de Silva, wife of Pedro de Espinosa; perhaps she herself was afraid of being arrested by the Inquisition. Diego Rodriguez Arias owned a house, also inherited from his mother, in Mexico, on Tacuba street. A few Indians owed him some small sums of money, but they were not even listed by the court. Most of his business was carried out in the town of Zacatecas, or its province. From the list of his property we can assume that he was, like merchants of his day, a trader in every possible merchandise: slaves, silver, jewellery, mer? chandise brought over from Europe, etc. The court's decision to accept him back into the fold of the Church in a private auto-de-fe (auto particular), held in Mexico on 30 March 1648, clearly indicates that his judaising offen? ces were not considered grave but involved confiscation of all his goods. Thereby he avoided the great auto of 1649. After this, he wisely did not stay long in Mexico, since we find him (if it is the same man) in Holland in 1650 and in London in 1651.77 Even in London he did not tarry long but went to Angola 76 He sold two slaves. See Inq. Mexico, vol. 427 fol. 227r. This is mentioned in the list of his con? fiscated property. See Appendix IV. 77 Wolf, p. lf&gt;9ff. [Maurice Woolf, 'Foreign Trade of London Jews in the Seventeenth Century', Trans.JHSE XXIV, p. 42, has now shown that he must have been in Holland by April 1650, in business dealings with Antonio Carvajal.J [See footnote 73j X = Rafaela Henrique/. Antonio Rodriguez = Bianca Henriquez (reconciled 1648) Isabel de Silva m. Pedro de Espinosa (perhaps an aunt from the father's side of Diego Rodriguez Arias) Condemned. Bianca Xuarez m. Jorge Jacinto (both condemned) Dona Lucina Diego Rodriguez Arias Francisca Lopez (brother: Gonzalo V?ez in Canary Islands) Ana Xuarez m. Francisco Lopez de Fonseca (condemned 1642) Juana m. Caspar V?ez Catalina Henrique, widow of Diego Tinoco Gaspar m. Lucina Rodriguez</page><page sequence="11">58 Professor Haim Beinart and to the West Indies, perhaps for some slave trading from Angola to the West Indies, or to the New World. In 1653 he arrived in the Canary Islands78 as captain and master of a ship (the San Pedro) on which a coloured witness accused him of whipping a crucifix.79 In the Canary Islands, the Inquisition laid hands on him in the house of his brother-in-law, Gonzalo Rodriguez Vaez, in Tenerife. Wolf concluded that he escaped from the Canary Islands, since in 1654 he was already back in London, where he became active in converso circles. So much so, that the Inquisition sent a special envoy to London to learn about his activities in detail. This was after his wife was condemned by the Canariote Inquisition in 1656. The reports which the Inquisition re? ceived stated that Diego Rodriguez Arias was now a full-fledged Jew, active in the com? munity and synagogue, which had only just been officially organised and come into the open. We can hardly accept without demur Wolf's suggestion that he fled the Canary Islands. Judging from his behaviour on the ship which brought him to England, and looking into the witnesses' testimonies about him, he was more probably released and had somehow still the means to hire himself a berth and buy his passage on the ship, as was customary in those days, through direct negotiation with the ship's captain. From the file of his wife, Francisca Lopez, we learn that he went alone; she probably joined him later in London. She was tried in absentia, which means that she had left Tenerife already in 1654 before her trial,80 and that the couple must have saved their property as well. Francisca Lopez was, according to the description in her proceso, a woman of about forty, a little corpulent, of a clear complexion, black hair, and good looking. This description was most probably made and, according to custom, forwarded to all ports and frontiers by courts of the Inquisition in the hope that she might be arrested. It also shows that she was well known in the Canary Islands. We can also say that for at least twenty years she had been Diego Rodriguez Arias's wife, though to the Inquisition in 1648 he claimed to be a bachelor. This is to say that he was living alone in Mexico, as was often customary in those times.81 We lack any details as to when they were married and whether they had any children. From his will it would not seem so.82 His behaviour while on board ship shows how strongly he adhered to the precepts of the Mosaic Law while pretending the opposite; this was after his (presumable) release from prison,83 and he probably was seasick on ship. All the time he would ask for titbits from the passengers from the pork they were eating. Almost all the passengers who went on this trip and later returned to the Canary Islands testified before the Inquisition how on their arrival in London, when the berth of Diego Rodriguez Arias was cleaned, all the meat was found below the straw on which he slept.84 The story throws an interesting light on seventeenth-century travel conditions. It also clearly shows the care which he took to maintain the Christian mask he was wearing. From the material to be found in his wife's proceso much may be learned about his Jewish practices in London. Lorenca Diaz de Amiz queta, a Negro slave whom he bought, intend? ing to send her to his brother-in-law Gonzalo Rodriguez V?ez in Tenerife, told the court how a person acting as a Shohet (ritual slaughterer), of Portuguese extraction, would slaughter meat for him.85 While in London, 78 Trial of Francisca Lopez, AHN. Leg. 1824 No. 7 fol. 4r. 79 Wolf, p. 136. 80 See Appendix III. On October 1654 the court of Seville wrote to the Canary Islands to open a case against her. This letter arrived on 15 February 1655. From that date on the court began to collect information on her. Most of the witnesses testified in 1656 and sentence was passed on 24 October 1656. Thirteen witnesses for the prosecution testified; almost all of them gave evidence against Diego Rodriguez Arias. 81 No allusion is made to her property in the list of property confiscated from him in Mexico. See Appendix IV. 82 See Appendix V. 83 See especially testimony of Cristobal de Alvarado Bracamonte (7r); he testified on 15 May 1656. See Appendix III. 84 See, for instance, testimony of Antonio Garcia de Catillo and of Martin de Naveda Romero (4v; 5r). 85 Her testimony fol. 4v. Testified on 29 November 1655.</page><page sequence="12">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 59 and during the time he spent in Holland, he led a fully Jewish life,86 but we do not know when and where he was circumcised. We have his Hebrew name: Abraham; Abraham Rodriguez Arias in full.87 We are told of this by a witness who carried to him letters from his brother-in-law Gonzalo Rodriguez Vaez. When this witness arrived in Amsterdam and inquired about Diego Rodriguez's whereabouts, he was told: 'Abraham is to be found in London.'88 Diego (now Abraham) abstained from giving alms in London to poor Christians, although at the beginning he went frequently to Mass at the houses of the Spanish and Venetian Ambassadors.89 Presumably, Abraham Rodriguez Arias was involved in the founding of the London First Synagogue. Pedro de Arechava, a ship's captain on the route between London and the Canary Islands, told the court of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands the fantastic story else? where recorded about the proposal some London Jews were alleged to have made to Cromwell to buy St. Paul's Cathedral in order to consecrate it as a synagogue. The price offered for the church was said to be ?200,000.90 But the testimony of another witness in this trial (of Francisca Lopez), Captain Alonso de Molina by name,91 speaks only of buying a plot of land for this purpose and states that an offer was made accordingly to Oliver Cromwell. The sum offered was the same, but Cromwell's Council and the London merchants were opposed to it and nothing came of the proposal. No doubt, the rumour which Pedro de Arechava carried to the Canary Islands at a time when war was raging between England and Spain, as is well known, was spread in a pamphlet in London, and we could today class it as a hoax. But this bit of news was worth telling to the Inquisition to show what those converso-]ews were capable of on the one hand, and what Cromwell was party to on the other, namely?the sale of a church in all its holiness. Such a story sounded alarming in a Catholic country jealous of England and at war with her. According to Alonso de Molina, the Jewish negotiators had money ready for this transaction in London and Flemish banking houses.92 The file does not of course tell how far Diego (Abraham) Rodriguez Arias was involved in real negotiations for a synagogue, which certainly took place and led to the founding of the modest meeting place in Cree Church Lane. It involved 8&lt;&gt; Testimony of Guillermo Clerque, a Protestant who testified in the Canary Islands (7v); testified on 17 May 1656. 87 Testimony of the monk Leonardo Petit (9v); testified on 19 June 1656. 88 Ibid., foL 9r: '. . . y preguntando si estaua alii el dicho Diego Rodriguez Arias, le dijeron quien es Diego Rodriguez, y dijo es vn hombre curiado de Gonzalo Rodriguez que esta en las islas, y dijeron asi: Abraham, ya se fue a Ynglaterra, no esta aqui.' 89 Testimony of Juan Lopez de Miranda (9v); testified on 29 July 1656. 90 His testimony in the trial of Francisca Lopez (6r); testified on 29 April 1656. 91 His full name: Alonso de Molina y Llarena (6v); testified on 30 April 1656. 92 Testimony of Pedro de Arechava (Gr): . . que Diego Rodriguez Arias, hermano que a oydo decir es de dona Lucina, que auia declarado ante Oromuel por Judio que esa ley guardaua, y que el y otras personas que nombro pedian a Cromuel les diese la yglesia que fue de San Pablo para hacer la sinagoga y le ofrecian por ello entre todas docientos mil libras.' Testified on 29 April 1656. Alonso de Molina, who told of the coming of many Portuguese to London, testified on 30 April 1656: '. . . y que la murmuracion comun en todo Londres es que los que tienen dichos son judios muy conocidos y se a soligitado y pretendido ante Cromuel y su consejo se les de parte sehalada para hazer cinagoga ofreciendole por ello dar doscientas mil libras que dicen tienen prontas en los bancos de Flandes e Ynglattera. Y el reyno los mercaderes lo contradicen.' On the rumours about the proposed buying of St Paul's Church, see now A. Fraser, Cromwell, Our Chief of Men, London, 1973, pp. 564-565. This story was duly related to the Genoese and Venetian Governments by their gullible agents in London. For the Genoese report, see Roth, 'New Light on Resettlement,' Trans.JHSE, XI (1924-1927), pp. 126 -127. Roth's statement that the Venetian envoy devoted only one entry about the Jews' return to England turned out to be not quite correct. A. B. Hinds, Calendar of State Papers, Venetian 28, 1647 1662, p. 138, No. 38 (London, 1927), produced the Venetian version of the canard dated 14 February 1655: the Church of St. Paul's com? parable to St. Peter's remains desolate and is said to have been sold to the Jews as a synagogue. The choir will be profaned by the voices of the infidel as soon as they receive possession from the soldiers, horse and foot, who have been lodged there.</page><page sequence="13">60 Professor Haim Beinart men like Duarte Enriquez Alvarez,93 Antonio Fernandez Carvajal,94 and Antonio Rodriguez Robles95 (on whom see below). But an opinion expressed on Diego (Abraham) Arias, found in the proceso of his wife, calls him the 'greatest Jew among those residing in Holland, and a Sacristan in the Synagogue.96 We do not know how much time he spent in Holland and in England, but we know that he considered moving to Antwerp.97 This is the story of a Spanish converso, who crossed seas and lands in order to return to and remain faithful to the faith of his fore? fathers. Abraham Rodriguez Arias was buried in the Spanish and Portuguese Velho Ceme? tery, behind the Beth Holim in London (now 253 Mile End Road).98 He is listed last among those buried in the year 5436 ( = 1676) but the date is destroyed in the register; he pro? bably died at the end of that year, full of deeds and years. His will, drawn up the pre? vious year, seems to suggest some degree of distance from his wife (Appendix V). * * * Duarte Enriquez Alvarez was a man of differ? ent character: he was a Portuguese who was born in Fund?o (Portugal) in 1613, but had risen to be chief tax- and income-collector of the Canary Islands,99 and spread out a net of activities from La Laguna in Tenerife. We do not know when he left Portugal and how he became the holder of one of the highest positions in the Spanish administration of the Canary Islands. We can safely presume that this could have happened only in the days when Spain and Portugal were united, i.e., before 1640, and that he brought with him much experience as a tax-farmer and collector as well as a good name and strong connections in Court circles. In the Canary Islands he led a strictly Christian life, giving much alms to the poor and organising feasts in honour of the revered image of Christ kept in the Church of San Francisco at La Laguna.100 His three 93 See on him further below. See his file AHN Leg. 1823 No. 14, and here, Appendix VII. The files of the others are not extant. 94 Antonio Fernandez Carvajal is Abraham Israel Carvajal. See Wolf, 'Crypto-Jews,' pp. 55-60, 79, 88. On the first synagogue see W. S. Samuel, 'The Jewish Oratories of Cromwellian London,' Misc.JHSE, III, London, 1937, pp. 46 56; The first synagogue was rented by Antonio Fernandez Carvajal on 19 December 1656 and was inaugurated for prayers early in January 1657. Carvajal's house in Leadenhall Street served as synagogue in the beginning. Samuel calls it a Canariote meeting-place. See also: Idem, 'The First London Synagogue after the Resettlement,' Trans.JHSE, 1921-1923, pp. 1-148. See as well: A. S. Diamond, 'The Cemetery of the Resettle? ment,' Trans.JHSE, XIX (1955-1959), pp. 163 190, esp. pp. 166-167 (the synagogue of Creechurch Lane). On Carvajal see: L. Wolf, 'The First English Jew,' Trans.JHSE, 1894-1895, pp. 14-46; W. S. Samuel. 'A List of Jewish Persons Endenized and Naturalized,' Trans.JHSE, XXII (1970), p. 43. He was endenized on 17 August 1665. On the synagogue in Carvajal's house there is a testimony of Francisco Tomas de Franchi Alfaro in the trial of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, AHN Leg. 1823 No. 14 fol. 71v. (see Appendix VII). See as well, Frazer, op. cit., p. 560. 95 See further below, note 99. 96 Testimony of Benito Suplicio Talarico (8r); testified on 20 May 1656: '. . . Diego Rodriguez Arias el maior judio que tiene la cinagoga de Olanda . . . me dijeron que hera sachristan en la sinagoga.' 97 See the letter which Juan de San Francisco wrote to the Inquisition. The letter was sent on 11 February 1656 and arrived on 27 December 1656. The information is based upon the testimony of Salvador Martinez (10v-llr). 98 R. D. Barnett, 'The Burial Register of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews', London 1657-1735, Misc.JHSE, London, 1962, No. 35. 99 His official title was: Recaudador mayor de las rentas reales y almoxarifazgo destas islas. We do not know how long he served as chief tax-collector. Most probably he started in this office in the 1640s. In 1646 Antonio Rodriguez Robles visited the Canary Islands and most probably stayed with his uncle Duarte Enriquez Alvarez. See testimony of Antonio de Porto in the Robles trial, on 11 May 1656. Wolf, 'Crypto-Jews,' p. 84, which shows Duarte Enrique Alvarez testified on the same occasion. The file of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez (AHN Leg. 1823 No. 14) consists of 120 folios. See also note 116 below, and Appendix VII. 100 Testimony of Diego Garcia de Figueroa. AHN Leg. 1823 No. 14 fol. 18v; testified on 10 October 1656. This witness was in Amsterdam during the months May-July 1656 and he met there Duarte Enriquez Alvarez. His testimony: '. . . y en Thenerife le tenian por bien christiano y hacia muchas limosnas y grandes fiestas al Santo Cristo que esta en San Francisco.' Duarte Enriquez Alvarez lived in La Laguna in the quarter of Nuestra Sefiora de los Remedios (fol. 25v-26r).</page><page sequence="14">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 61 children were born there;101 he took one son with him to London when he went there in 1652;102 the other two were brought over in 1653 or 1657,101 and there he tried to give them a Jewish education.103 While living in the Canary Islands he enjoyed all the prerogatives, liber? ties, and exemptions of a Catholic Christian.104 There is no doubt that he planned and organised his departure from the Islands very thoroughly and in the utmost secrecy, trans? ferring his property to London little by little. I think that we can safely suggest that in this he was helped by his nephew, Antonio Rodriguez Robles, the owner of two ships, the Two Brothers and the Tobias, plying between London and the Canary Islands. In June 1652 at the latest he left the Canary Islands and was outside the boundaries of Spanish law and rule.105 His proceso with the Canariote Inquisition106 opens with a list of merchandise confiscated by order of the Consejo de Hazienda (Treasury Council). It contained a variety of mirrors, hats, cloth, and pipes of wine sent to Havana in Cuba107 The confiscation order was signed by Alvaro Gil de la Sierpe, to cover Duarte's debts in tax arrears owed to the Treasury. The Inquisitors of the Canary Islands, Fran? cisco Massia de Frias Salazar and Joseph Badaran de Osinalde, claimed in a letter to the Suprema (the chief Council of the Spanish Inquisition) that the merchandise should not have been confiscated for tax arrears but should have been confiscated by the Inquisition, since Duarte Enriquez Alvarez was a Judaising heretic in Amsterdam and London. This letter was sent to the Suprema on 17 September 1657, after he had been pronounced rebel against the Church. The Inquisitors asked the Suprema to intervene on their behalf with the Treas? ury,108 basing their legal argument (and they said it formally) on the claim that Duarte Enriquez Alvarez had taken out all his belongings from the Islands and the little he left behind could easily be smuggled out. According to this the court of the Canary Islands would have found actually nothing left to confiscate after having condemned him as a heretic. The court therefore wanted to have a right to the goods confiscated in 1652 in Havana by the Treasury. The court applied as well to that of Cartagena de las Indias to find out whether there were other goods belonging to Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, or to his correspondents, that could be confiscated. The Suprema sided of course with the courts of its own organisation. But I stress that the confiscation carried out by the Treasury had no connection with Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's Judaising practices; it was done to guarantee any debts to the Treasury left over till his final account was worked out. The Inquisition got wind of this confiscation only after testimonies on Duarte Enriquez Alvarez were collected and his trial was well under way. We do not know when and where his first 101 Two of them were: Tomas de Rojas and Diego de Rojas. Tomas returned to Tenerife in 1665. 102 His arrival in London dated to November 1652 according to his letter of 20 August 1653: see note 105 and Appendix VI, and note 5 (App. vi). 103 See further below. 104 See Appendix VII. The Prosecution, fol. 88r ff. 105 In a letter to Pedro Valdespino, his corres? pondent in San Christobal de Havana, written from London 20 August 1653, Duarte Enriquez Alvarez tells him of his intention to renew his tax farming activities in Tenerife: . . pretendo augus tar y poner una buena pila de dinero en Madrid para tomar otra vez las rentas de las Isias de Canaria, por quanto el Consejo de Hacienda me esta rogando con ellas por el tanto que la tiene Diego Perera.' For full text of this letter see Appendix VI. Diego Perera was an inhabitant of Tenerife and had business relations with Francisco de Medina in Amsterdam. Perera fled from Tenerife to avoid arrest. See Wolf, p. xxxiii. We learn of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's arrival in London from that letter. 106 On the composition of the court and procedure see Appendix VII. There were 29 witnesses for the prosecution. The trial started on 12 October 1656, although there are testimonies of an earlier date in that year. 107 Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's correspondent in Havana was Don Pedro Valdespino (fol. 7r). See above, note 105. 108 In their words: '. . . y creemos que el dicho Duarte Enriquez a pagado todo el dicho arrend amiento como constaua en el Consejo de hazienda' (7r).</page><page sequence="15">62 Professor Haim Beinart wife died,109 whether in La Laguna or in London, where, he officially stated in 1656, he had been resident at least since 1653.110 When his sons arrived in London he hired Rabbi Shelomo Dormido to teach them Hebrew, Prayers, and Dinim (Laws).111 Perhaps he himself was also in need of a teacher. We cannot state the exact date of their arrival.112 In London, Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, accord? ing to Wolf now known as Daniel Cohen Henriques,113 led a full Jewish life, keeping the Sabbath, abstaining from non-kasher meat and getting his needs in meat from a Shohet, etc. He must be considered one of the richest Canariote settlers in London,114 being, as already said, one of the three converso-Jews who applied to Oliver Cromwell to grant the London community a legal status.115 As was frequent among conversos, and especi? ally among those living in London, Duarte Enriquez Alvarez postponed his own cir? cumcision. Many witnesses testified that in the first years of his stay in London, he went to Mass, held in the residences of the Spanish and Venetian Ambassadors, as did Antonio Rod? riguez Robles116 and Diego Rodriguez Arias. His sons as well were not circumcised upon arrival in London; the testimonies about Duarte Enriquez Alvarez himself give the year 1656 as the date of his circumcision, when the converso community of London became the semi-recognised Jewish community. But, unlike his nephew Antonio Rodriguez Robles, who was circumcised in London,117 he became a 109 His family is shown below. 110 Wolf, 'Crypto-Jews,' p. 84. See above note 105. 111 On R. Shelomo Dormido, see Wolf, 'Crypto Jews,' p. 70. He died on 29 Adar 5457 (1697). See R. Barnett, Burial Register, p. 8, No. 182. On him as the teacher of Duarte Enriquez's children see testimony of Francisco Bautista in the trial of the Rodriguez Francia brothers, Appen? dix VIII. (AHN Leg. 1823 No. 10 fol. 8v.) 1,2 Testimony of Pedro de Arechava (9v), testified on 29 April 1656. This is the date of his testimony against Francisca Lopez (AHN. Leg. 1824 No. 7 fol. 5v-6r: see Appendix III). From the testimony of Tomas de Rojas before the court in Tenerife (see Appendix VIII) testified on 20 November 1665 in the trial of the Rodriguez Francia brothers we learn that he is 20 years old. He and his brother Diego de Rojas arrived in London in about 1653 in the ship the Two Brothers (see Wolf, pp. 210-211), whose owner was Antonio Rodriguez Robles, and perhaps even accompanied by him. This ship is mentioned in Francis Knevett and John Baptista Dunnington's denunciation before the Privy Gouncil. The other ship owned by Robles was the Tobias. See Wolf, 'Grypto-Jews', p. 61. 113 Wolf, pp. 179-181, but Wolf gives no evidence for the identification. As to Daniel Cohen Hen riques, it may be presumed that he was a close relative of Jacob Cohen Henriques, who died in 1674. He is buried in the Spanish and Portuguese cemetery in London and was a founder member of the community in New York. Jacob was the son of Abraham Cohen Henriques (alias Francisco V?ez de Leon) and was a member of the Mahamad of 1651-1652 in Recife, Brazil; others of the family dwelt in Amsterdam (see A. Wischnitzer, Records of the Earliest Jewish Community in the New World, and I. S. Emmanuel, Precious Stories of Curacao (New York, 1957), pp. 272-275). 114 See below, for the dowry he received from his wife's father and the houses he bought in Amsterdam and London. 115 Various witnesses thought it was in 1653, but they erred. See Wolf, 'Crypto-Jews,' p. 68. On Carvajal see above, note 94. 116 On Robles see testimony of Francisco Ma chado (1823 No. 10 fol. 9r; here Appendix VIII) testified on 2 October 1665. He told the court that Robles wanted to return to the Islands and ask the Inquisition for forgiveness. See Wolf, p. 203. 117 Probably by R. Shelomo Dormido. Antonio Rodriguez Robles was circumcised in April 1656, i.e., just after his trial (March 1656). Some witnesses told the Inquisition of the Canary Islands in the trial of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez (see Appendix VIII) how a servant of Robles dug up the foreskin and showed it around with laughter X Duarte Enriquez Alvarez m 1. (first wife) 2 (2nd wife) I I_ i_ Tomas de Rojas b. 1635 (?) Beatriz Enriquez m. Enrique Fernandez de Ybarra i : I Diego de Rojas Another son Leila Henriquez (no known issue)</page><page sequence="16">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 63 Jew in Amsterdam. Duarte Enriquez Alvarez arrived in Amsterdam in April 1656. This was connected with his marrying a Jewess from the Paz family,118 a rich Madrid-born widow who came to Amsterdam in 1653/4. Her name was Leila Henriquez and her father gave Duarte as a dowry 14,000 or 15,000 florins.119 Many witnesses testified that he had some troubles with his circumcision, ailing after it for some months. The marriage ceremony had to be postponed, but was celebrated with great pomp on 24 August 1656 in the Amsterdam Synagogue, in the presence of the town's Burgomasters. We illustrate his civil marriage record120 (PI. XI). His marriage was registered on 24 August 1656 in the Registry of Births, Marriages, and Deaths of Amsterdam. He declared that he was a merchant, 43 years old, born in Fund?o, Portugal, and living in Amsterdam on Bree straat, which was the Jewish street. But he gave as the name of his bride Beatriz de Vega, 23 years of age, from Lisbon. She was accom? panied by a lady called Dona Philippa de Lisveda, housewife. No names of parents are given. This information raises many doubts, since it is unlikely that his son Tomas de Rojas, who gave her name to the court in the Canary Islands as Leila Henriquez, would not know the exact name of his own stepmother. Duarte Enriquez Alvarez then bought a house in Amsterdam and furnished it lavishly. In the company of many fellow-Jews he would frequent the synagogue there, and many wit? nesses, who knew him from his days as tax collector in the Canary Islands, testified before the court there about his open behaviour as a Jew.121 They all described the deep impression which his becoming a Jew left on them and in the town,122 and he was con? sidered to be the greatest Jew in Amsterdam.123 It was a sensation, to be written about and described in letters to the Canary Islands.124 Ships' captains and visitors, who came from Spain and the Canary Islands, and out of curiosity went to visit the synagogue in Amsterdam, testified how he prayed there and derision. See, for instance, testimony of Antonio de Ponte, who testified on 23 January 1657 (62r). The witness was well acquainted with Robles, Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, and Antonio Fernandez Carvajal and saw their petition for the synagogue which they presented to Cromwell. This witness told the court about Robles's detention in London and the confiscation of some pipes of wine which were later returned to him. From some Englishmen he heard about Carvajal being a Jew (see above, note 94). See testimony of Juan Fereira de Andrada (16v), testified on 19 September 1656. On Robles's circumcision see his declaration made on 1 April 1656 (not 1655, as erroneously thought by Wolf) that he is not circumcised. This clearly indicates that he was circumcised after that date. See Wolf, 'Crypto-Jews,' p. 83. Duarte Enriquez wanted to persuade a mulatto slave of his to be circumcised. The slave refused and fled. He was arrested and detained in Carvajal's house and later sent to Barbados. See testimonies of Alonso de Molina (llr), Francisco Diaz (13r), Asencio de Araujo Mederos (11 v). 118 Marcos de Herrera y Leyva testified on 23 January 1658 that she came from the Abrabanel family (74v). This witness spent 14 months in Amsterdam and London and was acquainted with many Jews there. 119 According to the witness Juan Rodriguez Rivero (12r), he received as a dowry 20,000 florins from the father of Leila Henriquez. This is the person whom Thomas de Rojas gave as his stepmother (Wolf, p. 210). 120 Unfortunately we cannot compare the record of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's civil marriage with his Ketubah or religious marriage certificate, which would have given us both his and her 'Hebrew' name, as the Amsterdam Ketubot are not preserved before 1673. See DTB Amsterdam, No. 683, p. 64. 121 Testimony of Nicolas Ginovez (Appendix VII, Trial fol. 26r). I wish to thank my pupil and friend Mr. Y. Kaplan for having found and forwarded this notice. 122 See, for instance, testimony of the friar Joseph Franco, who wrote about this to his fellow-brethren in the Augustinian monastery in Tenerife (see Appendix VII). His letter arrived on 2 October 1656 (16r). He told in his letter about the Jewish way of life of Manuel Rodriguez Lindo and his brother Lorenzo Rodriguez Lindo and their uncle Juan Lopez Chill?n. He informed as well on Dr. Reynzo, who arrived in Amsterdam from Seville, whom he described 'as a good Jew as he was a good Christian in Spain.' 123 (fol. 16r): '. . . ya esta circuncidado y por maior judio de todos.' 124 Mathias de Sosa, who met Duarte Enriquez Alvarez in London in February 1656 (Appendix VII) (17r), testified on 20 September 1656: '. . . Duarte Enriquez Alvarez auia dado mala quenta de si porque era judio declarado.' Duarte was nicknamed 'perro judio'. Juan Rodriguez Rivero, a notary (12r) testified on 29 July 1656 that he asked Duarte whether he was a Jew and he answer? ed: 'Si, senor, por la Gracia de Dios' (ibid.).</page><page sequence="17">64 Professor Haim Beinart with his head covered with a Talith.125 Another witness heard him recite the Shema; this witness visited the synagogue five or six times, till he was thrown out by the Jews.126 From Amsterdam the couple went to live in London. This happened at the latest in 1657. Duarte E^nriquez bought a house from an Englishman and paid ?500 for the right to make some alterations to it and make it a comfortable dwelling-place. In 1660 he lived in Duke's Place.127 He became a prominent member of the Jewish community and ab? stained from going to the Stock Exchange on the Sabbath. He was party to passing a hascamah obliging the young Portuguese Jews to participate in Sabbath prayers; it was forbidden to be absent from them.128 His wife tried to persuade his children to undergo circumcision and become full-fledged Jews. Here a family crisis occurred. Duarte's son, Tomas de Rojas, left London and returned to Tenerife and presented himself before the Inquisition,129 most probably being influenced by a Jesuit priest who was at that time in London and convinced him to act in this way.130 Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's file was closed on 27 February 1659, with his being condemned to be burnt in effigy. If and when arrested, this sentence was to be carried out on him in person. The details of how the burning in effigy was carried out survive. In order to round up his life story we should like to add some additional information on his first days in London. As already pointed out, he fre? quented Mass,131 held at the residence of the Spanish Ambassador, Alonso de Cardenas, and at that of his Venetian colleague.132 Like Diego Rodriguez Arias, when he became a Jew, he stopped giving alms to poor Christians. Many witnesses stress this, especially those of them who came in distress to Amsterdam and London. This refusal was considered by them a very un-Christian deed,133 especially since in Tenerife he had been famous for his generos? ity, though the Jews in those places were reputed among Christians to be non-givers of alms.134 Duarte Enriquez Alvarez expressed himself openly about the Inquisition and spoke bitterly of its ways and deeds.135 Nevertheless he was very eager to know what people said of him in the Islands. When told that he was consid? ered there a very great Jew, he smiled hap? pily.136 No doubt he was happy to hear this, having thus gained there the highest apprecia? tion he could ever have dreamt of. But from the material found in the files of the Inquisition in Mexico137 we learn the sad end of his story. Duarte Enriquez Alvarez 125 See, for instance: Testimonies of Pedro del Piru, a merchant who knew Duarte Enriquez personally (21v, testified on 15 October 1656) and of Nicolas Ginovez (26r, testified on 3 Dec? ember 1656). On the prayer, see testimony of Antonio Gonzalez, a mulatto who served with the Spanish army in Flanders (27r-27v; testified on 9 December 1656). 126 Testimony of Antonio Gonzalez (27v). ?27 See Wolf, p. 181, note 1. 128 The prosecutor in his prosecution (89r). He recounted all the Jewish deeds done by Duarte Enriquez Alvarez. [No such hascamah as that des? cribed is recorded in the London community's first book of hascamot, L. D. Barnett, El Libro de los Acuerdos (1931)?R.D.B.]. 129 Testimony found in file of the brothers Rodriguez Francia (1823 No. 10 fol. 14r) (Appen? dix VIII) testified on 20 November 1665. 130 Wolf, pp. xxxvi, 210-211. 131 Wolf, pp. 180-1. 132 There were witnesses who testified how he abstained from going to Mass. See his trial (Appendix VII), testimony of Juan Rodriguez Rivero (12r), testified on 29 July 1656. 133 The Spanish Ambassador would advise to whom alms should be given. See Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's trial (Appendix VII), testimony of Juan Lopez de Miranda (14r), testified on 29 July 1656. Cf. testimony of Francisco Diaz, a sailor, who came to London in 1655 (13r), testified on 29 July 1656 in Tenerife. 134 Testimony of Antonio Gonzalez (27r), testified on 9 December 1656. See also note 100, above. 135 Testimony of Juan Correa Amado (64v), testified on 17 October 1657: . . Aquella perra Inquisicion de las Isias de Canaria.' See also testimony of Francisco Tomas de Franchi Alfaro, who told how badly Duarte Enriquez Alvarez spoke of the Inquisition of the Canary Islands for having confiscated his property (71v); testified on 29 December 1657. 136 Testimony of Antonio de Lima (69v), testified on 5 December 1657. The witness was in London in February 1657. According to him he was: . . que era grandisimo judio'. 137 I wish to thank Dr. E. A. Uchmany for the material forwarded by her to me.</page><page sequence="18">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 65 had on 20 August 1653, writing from London, ordered his correspondent in San Christobal de Havana, Captain Pedro Valdespino, to collect for him the money for merchandise that Antonio Rosel y Lugo owed him in Vera Cruz.138 Although this letter was written so long before, the court of Mexico acted on it only on 9 June 1660, when Nicolas Esteves Borges, the representative of the Inquisition in Havana, informed the Inquisition in Mexico about it. There he describes Duarte Enriquez as a relaxado, meaning that he was caught and burnt by the Inquisition.139 * * * To this group of London settlers tried by the Canariote Inquisition we have to add the family of Rodriguez Francia,140 a Portuguese converso family, who at an unknown date settled in Malaga, where Domingo and Jorge Rodriguez Francia were born. We can presume in all probability that their leaving of Portugal occurred while Spain and Portugal were united under one sceptre, i.e., before 1640, but nothing can be said exactly. The family fled Malaga in 1655141 and went directly to London, thus bypassing the Canary Islands. The reason why they were tried in absentia by the Canariote Inquisition is perhaps that most of the witnesses for the prosecution testi? fied there and the Rodriguez Francia brothers had there their most important business correspondents.142 But there still remains the question why they were not tried in their birthplace, Malaga, where they were well known wine merchants. Malaga remained in their memory as a beautiful and pleasant place to live.143 We may suppose that the family left Malaga intact and successfully settled down in London, where they became known in the City as: George and Domingo Francia Spanish and East (and West) India Merchants and Shipowners Leadenhall Street.144 Naturally such a business demanded corres? pondents and the list of their names is to be found in the Rodriguez Francia proceso.145 Their most important correspondent in the Canary Islands was Don Simon de Herrera y 138 Already referred to. See above, Note 105. 139 He does not state where he was burnt. See fol. 162r. (below, Appendix VI). His fate explains why his name is not to be found among those buried in the Velho Cemetery of London. 140 On the family see Wolf, pp. 199-205ff; 210-213. Their file is to be found in Madrid AHN Leg. 1823 No. 10 (it holds 21 folios). See here, Appendix VII. Wolf published some summaries of witnesses' testimonies and he did not see that he had before him notes of the 'Book of Testimonies'. This can only partially be compared to the file. On the family, see M. Lipton. 'Francis Francia - the Jacobite Jew,' Trans.JHSE, XI 1924-1927, pp. 190-202, especially Wolf's postscript, ibid. pp. 203-205 (which see for the differences in the geneaology). See also L. D. Barnett, El Libro de los Acuerdos, Oxford, 1931, index s.v. Francia. Wolf, p. 200, note 3, gives Villareal in Portugal as the birthplace of the family. See Boletim de Academia de Sciencias de Lisboa IX, pp. 461-467. But Maurice Woolf, Trans. JHSE, XXIV, p. 48, gives their birthplace as Almeida in Portugal. Domingo (Isaac) Rodriguez Francia died on 11 Adar 5448 (1688) ; See R. Barnett, Burial Register, No. 115. Jorge (Abraham) Rodriguez Francia died on 13 Ab 5439 (1679); See R. Barnett, Burial Register, No. 74. Both brothers lived till quite old. Woolf (op. cit.) says they were 'in their early forties' in 1655. 141 Testimony of Salvador Martinez (Appendix VIII; 1823 No. 10 fol. 12v): '...que los dichos Francias abian venido huyendo de Malaga por miedo del Santo Tribunal de la Ynquisicion'; testified on 15 October 1665. I4- On the extent of their trade with the Canaries and elsewhere see Wolf op. cit. 143 Testimony of Ignacio de Landasola (I5r 15v), testified on 11 November 1665; 'que Espana era buena tierra y Malaga era muy lindr. ciudad y que solamente vna co.sa avia en Espana mala . . . el tribunal de la Ynquisicion.' See further below. 144 See Wolf, p. 198, note 1. With Domingo and Jorge worked their three brothers: Rodrigo. Simon, and Francisco (Francis). 145 Fol. 2r (see Appendix VIII). This list was made out on 17 March 1666. The banking accounts found at Alderman Backwell (today in Child's Bank) from 1663 show that for a period of six months in 1663 the entries of the Rodriguez Francias amounted to ?35,739. This amount stands immediately after that of Duarte da Silva (?41,441), and before Fernando Mendes da Costa (?30,490). The other sums entered by other merchants run between ?13,000 and ?18,000. In this list only eight merchants are listed. See L. Wolf, 'The Jewry of the Restoration 1660-1664,' Trans.JHSE, 1902-1905, p. 19.</page><page sequence="19">66 Professor Haim Beinart w X H C u &lt; N W 2 Q 0 w h o o w ? ? o &lt; O " bc . 'rt - SP I: ? 3 C s_ 13 II .5 g T3 ^ O OJ Ks oQ'O m C/?) bO T3 O b? o _b/D.? bo ? ?^ " G V TS c s - ? b? o ,0 ~ S-U Y I o bc OJ O T3 . 3 13 2 o &gt; u S ? ? c o T3 CJ S S S ?</page><page sequence="20">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 67 Leyba, inhabitant of La Laguna,146 Tenerife. Their business connections began in 1662. Other correspondents in the Islands were Don Tomas de Nava y Grim?n, Maestre de Campo of the Spanish Army in the Canary Islands;147 and Lorenzo Rodriguez Lindo,148 founder of a family which survived in the London com? munity till our own time?both of them inhabitants of Orotava in Tenerife; the latter was Antonio Fernandez Carvajal's nephew. Other correspondents who were suspected of having business dealings with the Rodriguez Francias were Balthazar de Vergara, regidor and familiar of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, owner of the village of Asnalcasar and knight of the Order of Santiago; and last, Don Benito Vina y Vergara, regidor, nephew of the above-named Balthazar.149 The brothers Francia would sign their business letters with the assumed English names of Thomas and George Hupar, or Hooper or Horper,150 to avoid the prying eyes of the Inquisition. The brothers were merchants in wines, marshmallows, and general mer? chandise, which they sent to the West and East Indies and to the New World.151 The Rodriguez Francias went to London with the intention of living there openly as Jews. They arrived there around the time of Antonio Rodriguez Robles's trial and the semi-legalisation of the Jewish settlement there.152 They had no transition period of a crypto-Jewish life in London, since all the witnesses who testified against them expressedly said that they were never seen at Mass.153 Upon their arrival they were circumcised, but their children postponed this ritual. In 1660 the Rodriguez Francias lived in Gravel Lane and shortly afterwards they bought a house in Leadenhall Street. This house remained in the family's possession for three generations.155 The proceso of the Rodriguez Francias records their Jewish way of life: Friday after? noon they would cease working, make their 140 He worked with Duarte Enriquez Alvarez. See trial of the Rodriguez Francias (Appendix VIII; 1823 No. 10 fol. 2r.) Simon was a ship's captain and came from Castille. His son Marcos Herrera, aged 19, testified against Duarte Enriquez Alvarez (Appendix VII; 1823 No. 14 fol. 74) on 23 January 1658. On their business connections see testimony of Francisco Bautista, who learned this from R. Shelomo Dormido (Appendix VIII; 1823 No. 10 fol. 8r-8v); testified on 27 October 1662. The ship's captain, Juan Ramon (ibid. 9r; testified on 2 September 1665), told the court that the Rodriguez Francias sent merchandise from Hamburg on the name of Simon Herrera in the ship of Don Tomas de Nava y Grimon. See testimony of Pedro Manzano (ibid., fol. 10r-10v; testified on 3 October 1665), who heard about this from Joseph Contrera, who lived then in London. 147 He was a regidor (magistrate) in Tenerife and was raised to the rank of Marquess by the King. He was a very rich man and had widespread connections in the Islands. See testimony of Juan Ramon in the trial of the Rodriguez Francias (ibid. 8v-9r); testified on 2 Sept. 1665. 148 Brother of Manuel Rodriguez Lindo. See Wolf, pp. xxxv, 200. The courUield on 23 Oct. 1656 in his and his wife's case a Considta-de-fe. His wife's name was Perpetua Lopez. See trial of Francisca Lopez (Appendix III; 1824 No. 7, fol. 1 Ir). His uncle (mother's brother) was Juan Lopez de Chillon, who lived openly as a Jew in Amsterdam. See testimony of Joseph Franco in the trial of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez (Appendix VII, 1823 No. 14, fol. 40v). Manuel Rodriguez Lindo and his wife settled in London in 1670, where he called himself Isaac Lindo. See Wolf, p. xxxv. 14y Testimony of Gasper de Acosta (Appendix VIII; 1823 No. 10 fol. 6v). 150 See letter sent by the Inquisitors of the Canary Islands, Francisco Porteros de la Vega and Fran? cisco Massia de Frias Salazar, to the Suprema in Madrid on 17 March 1666 (Appendix VIII; 1823 No. 10 fol. lr). 151 The Canary Islands were a centre of trade in marshmallows. On the extent of their trade, see above, note 142. 152 Testimony of Bartolome de Molina (17r-17 v); testified on 12 December 1665. '. . . porque alii podrian viuir en sus profesiones sin ser reprehen didos ni castigados por ello.' Domingo signed as witness confirming that Robles was a Jew. See Wolf, 'Crypto-Jews,' pp. 68, 69, 79. Wolf gives his Jewish name as Israel Roiz Francia, but he erred (p. 69). See R. D. Barnett, Burial Register, No. 116. 15 * See above, trial of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez (Appendix VIII). In the trial of the Rodriguez Francias (Appendix VIII) see, for instance; testimony of Pedro Manzano (10r-10v), testified on 3 October 1665; testimony of Captain Gabriel Francisco (llr), also testified on 3 October 1665. 154 Testimony of Tomas de Rojas (ibid. 14r 15r), testified on 20 November 1665. He gave the date of his circumcision as 1654 or 1655, but he was not right, since he only arrived in London in 1655. 155 On the family, see Wolf, p. 198f.</page><page sequence="21">68 Professor Haim Beinart beards and dress up;156 the Sabbath was spent in the synagogue and later they would promenade fully dressed in new shoes and white stockings. The witnesses said that their Sabbath was as scrupulously kept as the Christians keep their Sunday.157 They never went to the Stock Exchange on Sabbath.158 The meat they ate came only from the hands of a Shohet, and they were renowned among Jews and Spaniards,159 most of them ships' captains, as devout Jews.160 Domingo Rodriguez Francia even tried to force a Christian slave of his household to eat meat on a meatless day.161 He spoke badly of the Christians and praised the Jews, 'who don't beg for alms and don't go from door to door'.162 He also said: 'When the Messiah comes, all the Christians will have to be killed.'163 No wonder he came to a fist fight with a witness, who later testified against him.164 The brothers Domingo and Jorge (i.e., Isaac and Abraham) were renowned as Jews by 'blood and belief'.165 They found their proper place and standing in the Jewish com? munity of London; Domingo ( = Isaac Rod? riguez Francia) signed in 1677 the Mahamad's Hascamoth. Both brothers lived out their full span of years: Jorge Abraham was buried on 13 Ab 5439 (1679) and Domingo Isaac on 1 Adar 5448 (1688) in the Velho Cemetery.166 * * * We have tried to re-evaluate Lucien Wolf's work on the Canary Islands, in which he was a pioneer, and to compare the journals that he published with what we can learn about the Canariote conversos from the extant procesos of that court of the Inquisition. In fact, we have made more concrete his foundations. For the first period, we were able to compare his material with the proceso of Alvar Gonzalez. This gave us an opportunity to see how life appeared in the early days of colonization in the Canary Islands, when first-generation conversos were among the settlers. Alvar Gonzalez was a unique personality. He did not live in a vacuum or isolated in an ivory tower. He was a moving spirit in this small and clandestine converso community, which it took the Inquisition some time to discover and 156 Testimony of Gabriel Francisco (ibid.), testified on 3 October 1656. This witness saw them during his stay in London for a period of about six months. See also testimony of Captain Alonso de Molina (ibid. 13r), testified on 16 October 1665. The witness Bartolome de Molina expressed this so: '. . . con mas aseo y limpieca en sus personas que los demas dias de entrese mana' (16v-17v); testified on 12 December 1665. 157 Testimony of Bartolome de Molina (ibid.). Wolf, p. 212, note 1, says that in 1655 the Jews prayed in private homes (that of Carvajal); but from the beginning of 1657 in the synagogue in Creechurch Lane (see above, note 94). 158 Testimony of Francisco dc Molina y Lugo, who met them in 1658 in London. As is well known, it was very common among the Jewish merchants to meet at the Stock Exchange in Amsterdam and London. The testimony is ibid. fol. 18r, testified on 14 November 1665. 159 This was told by Abraham Peregrino to the Captain, Francisco Machado, while serving as his interpreter (ibid. 9r-9v); Machado testified on 2 October 1665. 160 They were: Alonso de Molina; Juan Ramon; Ignacio de Landasola (with whom Domingo quar? relled), and others. 161 Testimony of Caspar de Acosta, a Negro slave from Recife (Brazil), who served in his house (ibid., 4r). Gaspar applied for advice to a certain priest, who told him to abstain from eating. Dom? ingo Rodriguez obtained the detention of this slave and his transfer to the Islands; he was considered (in Lanzarote) as war booty (4r-5r). Gaspar testified on 9 July 1664 and claimed that he was born free as a son of free parents. 162 Gaspar de Acosta (ibid. 6r): '. . . que mejor era ser judio que critiano porque los judios no pedian limosna ni andaban por los puertos.' 163 Testimony of Caspar de Acosta (ibid., 6r): . . que quando el Mesia viniera avia de matar a todos los cristianos.' 164 Testimony of Ignacio de Landasola (ibid., 15r, testified on 11 November 1665). This witness testified against Duarte Enriquez Alvarez as well (see above). This witness was annoyed by Domingo's words about the Inquisition (see above, note 143) and said to Domingo that he was sorry that the Inquisition did not burn all his line (linaje). They were separated in this quarrel by some Englishmen. 165 Testimony of Francisco Tomas de Franchi Alfaro (ibid., 19v), testified on 15 November 1665: . . son judios de sangre y profesion.' See his testimony against Duarte Enriquez Alvarez (Appendix VII; 1823 No. 14 fol. 16v). Cf. as well testimony of Pedro de Bate, a Flemish settler in the Canary Islands, who testified on 16 November 1665 (Appendix VIII; 15v). 166 See R. D. Barnett, Burial Register, Nos. 74, 116.</page><page sequence="22">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 69 to uproot. But the seventeenth-century con? versos described above were of a different character. Their files bring to light their life stories and tell us about their deeds, exposing their innermost thoughts and releasing their beliefs. Diego Rodriguez Arias and his wife Francisca Lopez,167 Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, and the brothers Domingo and Jorge Rod? riguez Francia were four personalities who were among the first Jewish settlers in London and later among its leading Jews. All of them were people of great courage who with real enterprise took part in the international trade of those days and had their share in shaking the Spanish overseas trade, and they thus aided England to gain a strong grip over the Seven Seas. This is certainly one of the reasons why these newcomers were tolerated at all and officially acknowledged in Cromwellian Eng? land. They knew Spain and Portugal well and had a lot to offer England through their con? tacts in various places in the world of those days. No doubt both Oliver Cromwell and John Thurloe, his Secretary of State, knew how to appreciate their value as persons and how to put what they had to offer at England's disposal. This may perhaps explain why they were preferred as the recognised London Jewish community and why Menasseh ben Israel's proposal was put aside. But above all they were Jews for whom nothing stood higher than their being such. For their Jewishness they were ready to en? danger themselves in the days when the Inquisition had all its power and strength, unshaken in their faith either through torture or by threats of burning alive or in eihgy, or of having their bones exhumed wherever found and burned posthumously. They were hardcore fighters for their place in society and their rights to live according to their beliefs. Wherever they came and went they never forgot the mission they voluntarily took upon themselves of carrying the banner of the struggle against organised religious tyranny: that of the Spanish and Portuguese Inquisitions. [See PLATE XI] 167 Officially it was her proceso, but, as pointed out, almost all witnesses testified against him. APPENDIX I The trials of the members of Alvar Gonzalez's family LAHN Leg. 1823 No. 13] /. Trial of Alvar Gonzalez A. Composition of the Court and Witnesses: We do not know who sat in judgment in this trial. No doubt one of the judges was Martin Jimenez, who was appointed Inquisitor in the Islands not long before Alvar Gonzalez's trial opened. Another name known is that of Diego de Avila, who was the gaoler (he served as witness for the prosecution). Witnesses for the Prosecution (in order of testification): (1) Juan, a Negro (also called Berber) slave (2) Pedro Pinto (see Wolf, p. 15) (3) Ines, a Moorish slave girl (4) Juan Gonzalez, a Negro slave (5) Juan Delgado (see Wolf, p. 44) (6) Alonso Lopez de Talavera (see Wolf, p. 44) (7) Juan Fernandez (8) Francisco Garcia de Mesa (9) Pedro de Belmonte (10) Francisco de Baeza, a converse (11) Alonso de la Zarza, a converso (12) Alonso Y?nez, a converso (13) Diego de Avila (14) Fernando, a Negro slave (15) Fernando de Noya (16) Juan Franco Additional List of Witnesses as published by Wolf, pp. 43-46 (17) Alonso de Luxan (18) A slave, not named (19) Juan de Zamora (20) Juan cle Yillulpando (21) Mencia Vaez, wife of Alvar Gonzalez (22) Diego Frances</page><page sequence="23">70 Professor Haim Beinart (23) Pascuala, a Moorish slave (24) Pedro Hernandez, son-in-law of Alvar Gonzalez (25) Alvar Gonzalez, son of Alvar Gonzalez To this we must add the confessions of Silvestre and Duarte Gonzalez, Alvar Gonzalez's sons. B. Procedure of Trial: 1519 20 March Testimony given against the Gonzalez family (Wolf, p. 54) 1524 22 October Testimony of Juan de Zamora (Wolf, p. 43) 23 October Testimony of Alonso de Luxan (Wolf, p. 43) 2 November Testimony of Diego Frances (Wolf, p. 43) 9 November Alvar Gonzalez is examined (Wolf, p. 46) 21 December Testimony of Juan Delgado (fol. 3r; Wolf, p. 44) 24 December Testimony of Juan de Villalpando (Wolf, p. 44) 1525 3 January Testimony of Alonso Lopez de Talavera (Wolf, p. 44) 9 January Testimony of Francisco Garcia dc Mesa (Wolf, p. 44) 10 January Alvar Gonzalez is examined (Wolf, p. 47) 20 February Testimony of Ines, Moorish slave girl (fol. 2v) 20 April Testimony of Antonio Gonzalez, son of Alvar Gonzalez, (Wolf, p. 46) 11 July Alvar Gonzalez is examined (Wolf, p. 48) 3 August Alvar Gonzalez is examined (Wolf, p. 48); Arraignment served on him and defence appointed; Alvar Gonzalez hands in his defence. 18 August Testimony of Mencia V?ez (Wolf, p. 43) No date probably 19 August Testimony of Pascuala, a Moorish slave girl (Wolf, p. 46) 20 October Testimony of Pedro Hernandez, Alvar Gonzalez's son-in-law (Wolf, p. 46) 26 November Second confirmation of the testimony of Juan, a Negro slave (lv) 28 November Confirmation of testimony of lues, a Moorish slave girl (2v) No date Testimony of Pedro Pinto (2r) Testimony of Juan Gonzalez, Negro slave (2r) Testimony of Juan Fernandez (3v-4r) Testimony of Pedro de Belmonte (4v) Testimony of Francisco de Baeza (4v-6r; he is listed in file as witness No. XIX) Testimony of Alonso de la Zarza (6r-7r) Testimony of Alonso Y?nez (7v-8r) Testimony of Diego de Avila (8r) Testimony of Fernando, Negro slave (9v) Testimony of Fernando de Noya (9v) Testimony of Juan Franco (9v) 1526 10 January Alvar Gonzalez is brought before the court and examined (Wolf, p. 49) No date Consulta-de-fe; sentenced to be burnt and his property confiscated 24 February Sentence carried out at auto-de-fe (Wolf, p. 50) 2. Trial of Silvestre Gonzalez (Wolf, p. 50) 1525 10 January Trial opens No date Silvestre writes to the court and asks for his release, cause: illness Presents his defence; denies knowledge of Hebrew and keeping of Mitzvot No details and dates Witnesses for the prosecution testify on Silvestre and his parents 26 June Silvestre confesses and is sentenced to pass through town riding on a donkey as a penance. The same sentence is passed against Duarte Gonzalez (?) 2 September Silvestre claims that his guilt was not proven; the witnesses for the prosecution are his enemies 1526 20 January</page><page sequence="24">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 71 Silvestre admits having slept with the Moorish slave girl before her conversion and after it 23 January Sentence to put Silvestre to torture, confesses how his father persuaded him to be a Jew 25 January Retracts his confession and is tortured anew. Confesses that there are many Jews in the Islands 26 January Retracts again, denying all he confessed 31 January Sentence passed to hand him over to the Secular Arm 24 February Auto-de-fe; sentence carried out 3. Trial of Ana Gonzalez (Wolf, pp. 54f.) 1519 20 March Testimony given against her and her family 1524 3 July Testimony of Juan Fernandez 21 December Testimony of Juan Delgado 1526 14 January Confession of Antonio Gonzalez; tells the court that Ana spoke to him in Hebrew 26 February Duarte Gonzalez confesses 28 February Testimony of Mencia Vaez, Ana's mother, entered; the mother said that Ana took no part in Mitzvot kept at their home 5 May Ana is admonished by court to tell the truth; tells the court about her marriage 9 May Ana continues her confession 12 May Ana continues her confession 19 May Sentenced to be imprisoned; is forbidden to leave the island 6 June Examined anew about her family 29 December Part of her confession is received by court 1528 20 May Presents new declaration to the court 1530 13 January Confirms anew her confessions 12 May Examined about her baptism; Ana tells the court that she was baptised anew in Tenerife 4 June Sentence passed for her return to the fold; her property is confiscated 13 June Her house in La Brena is to be her prison 1532 22 July Petitions the court to be set free 1533 10 January The court agrees to set her free APPENDIX II Trial of Diego Rodriguez Arias 1646-1648 [Mexico, vol. 427, fol. 139ff; 227ff] A. Composition of the Court: Judges: Dr. Domingo Velez de Asas y Argos Dr. Francisco de Estrada y Escobedo Dr. Juan Saenz de Manosca Lie. Bernabe de la Higuera y Amarilla Receiver of confiscated property: Martin de Aeta y Aguirre Notary: Miguel de Almonacir Notary of confiscated property: Diego Ortiz de Vargas B. Procedure: 1646 23 November</page><page sequence="25">72 Professor Haim Beinart Diego Arias's Mulatto slave is sold to Martin Saenz de Goyas 26 November Sale confirmed by receiver of confiscated pro? perty, Martin de Aeta y Aguirre 1648 6 February Inventory of Diego Rodriguez Arias's property is made Diego Rodriguez Arias is in prison 30 March Diego Rodriguez Arias returns to the fold in an auto-particular 16 April Auto-particular: Pedro de Espinosa returned to the fold 1649 11 April Diego Rodriguez Arias's mother, Bianca Hen riquez, is burnt in effigy at an auto-de-fe held in Mexico. In that auto-de-fe the following sentences were carried out (presumably a partial list): Isabel de Silva, wife of Pedro de Espinosa, Diego Rodriguez Arias's aunt, burnt in effigy Catalina Henriquez, burnt in person Diego Tinoco, Catalina's husband, burnt in effigy Antonio Rodriguez Arias, Diego Rodriguez Arias's father, burnt in effigy Bianca Xuarez, daughter of Rafaele Hen? riquez, and Blanca's husband Jorge Jacinto returned to the fold; their property confiscated. Francisco Lopez de Fonseca returned to the fold; his property confiscated APPENDIX III Trial of Francisca L?pez, wife of Diego Rodriguez Arias [AHN Leg. 1824 No. 7] A. Composition of the Court and Witnesses: Judges: Francisco Massia de Frias Salazar Joseph Badar?n de Osinalde Examiners of witnesses: Juan de San Francisco (his official title: Consul tor calificante del Santo Oficio en San Cristobal) Cristobal Calvo de Osorio Juan Garcia del Castillo (title: Calificador y comisario) Notaries: Miguel de Collado Samartin Diego Benitez de Lugo Miguel Alvarez de Miranda Mathias Oranias Villarreal Witnesses for the Prosecution: (1) Lorenza Diaz de Amizqueta (2) Martin de Navera Romero (3) Antonio Garcia del Castillo (4) Pedro de Arechava (5) Alonso de Molina (6) Cristobal de Alvarado Bracamonte (7) Guillermo Clerque (8) Benito Suplicio Talarico (9) Pedro Ribete (10) Leonardo Petit (11) Juan Lopez de Miranda (12) Thomas Clerque (13) Salvador Martinez B. Procedure: 1654 2 October Letter from the Sevillian court to start procedure against Francisca Lopez 1655 15 February The above-mentioned letter arrived in La Laguna 4 April Testimony of Martin de Navedo Romero (4v) 29 November Testimonies against Diego Rodriguez Arias (4r) Testimony of Lorenza Diaz de Amizqueta (4v) 1656 8 April Testimony of Antonio Garcia del Castillo (5r) 29 April Testimony of Pedro de Arechava (5v) 30 April Testimony of Alonso de Molina (6r)</page><page sequence="26">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 73 15 May Testimony of Cristobal de Alvarado Bracamonte (6v) 17 May Testimony of Guillermo Clerque (7r) 20 May Testimony of Benito Suplicio Talarico (7v-8r) 28 May Testimony of Pedro Ribete (8r-8v) 19 June Testimony of Leonardo Petit (8r-9v) 29 July Testimony of Juan Lopez de Miranda (9v-10r) 16 October Testimony of Tomas Clerque (10r-10v) 23 October Consulta-de-fe 24 October Sentence to confiscate Francisca Lopez's and Diego Rodriguez Arias's property 8 November Order given for confiscation and detention (lOv) 11 December Juan de San Francisco writes to the Suprema for information on the tried (11 r) 27 December Letter arrives in Madrid 1657 24 January Letter to the Relator of the Suprema about the correspondents of Diego Rodriguez Arias 23 May Relator receives letter APPENDIX IV The list of Property Confiscated from Diego Rodriguez Arias Mexico 1648 Inquisici?n de Mexico, vol. 427: fol. 139 Mexico de la venta de Diego Arias, mulatillo pertenesciente a los bienes confiscados a Diego Rod? riguez Arias. Reconciliado en 30 de marco de 1648. Noviembre 26 de 1646 Cobrolos el receptor general el licenciado Don Martin de Aeta y Aguirre Martin Saenz de Goyas vezino de esta ciudad de Mexico fenecido sobre que se le mandase dar por el tribunal testimonio authoricado en manera que hiciese fee de haversele rematado en almoneda un mulatillo llamado Diego Arias en 195 ps, que tenia satisfechos, como constaba de la carta de pago que presentaba el receptor general de esta Inquisici?n licenciado Don Martin de Aeta y Aguirre, y pertenecia a los bienes confiscados a Diego Rodriguez Arias, reconciliado en el Auto particular de la fee de 30 de marco de 1648. Mandosele dar para que sirviese titulo y parece se le dio en 26 de noviembre de 1646. Receptor Aetta Cobro 195 ps del remitente de un mulatillo de este reo fol. 140r Muy Ilustrisimo senor En 26 de noviembre de 1646 afios Martin Saenz de Goyas digo que a mi se me remato en el moneda de este Santo Oficio por bienes del un mulatillo llamado Diego Arias en ciento y nouenta y cinco ps en Rs que tengo pagados al licenciado don</page><page sequence="27">74 Professor Haim Beinart Martin de Aetta y Aguirre, receptor general, del como consta de lacarta de pago de que hago presentation. A Vs pido y suplico mande que para titulo del dicho mulatillo se me de testimonio autori^ado en manera que haga fee que en ello reziuiese merged VA. (?) Martin Saenz de Goyas. En la ciudad de Mexico a veynte y seis dias del mes de nouiembre de mil y seiscientos y quarenta y seis anos, estando en su audiencia de la tarde los senores ynquisidores doctores Domingo Belez de Assas y Argos y don Francisco de Estrada y Escobedo y don Juan Saenz de Manozca y licen^iado don Bernabe de la Higuera y Amarilla se leyo esta peticion que presente el contenido. Y vista dijeron que auian y vbieron por presentada la carta de pago que refiere, y se le de el testimonio que pide para que le servia de titulo del mulatillo, que se le remato, y asi lo mandaron y senalaron. Ante mi (?) Miguel de Almonacir. fol. 140v En la ciudad de Mexico a veynte y seis dias de el mes de noviembre de mil y seiscientos y quarenta y seis anos en cumplimiento de lo probehido y mandado en el auto desta otra parte se dio el testimonio al dicho Martin Saenz de Goyas, para que le sirua de titulo del mulatillo Diego Arias que compro en almoneda publica. (?) Miguel de Almonacir. fol. 141r Recivido del senor don Martin Saenz de Goyas ciento y nouenta y cinco ps la Rs por el precio en que se le remato en almoneda publica un esclabo mulatillo llamado Diego Arias perteneciente a los bienes de Diego Rodrigues Arias, y por verdad los firme en Mexico a beinte y tres de noviembre de seiscientos y quarenta y seis anos son 195 ps. (?) Martin de Aeta y Aguirre. [141 v blank page] fol. 227r Vezino de Colima reyna de la Nueva Galicia, residente en Mexico Soltero reconciliado Audiencia de hacienda que se tubo de ofigio puesto en relacion con los pleitos fenecidos Diego Rodrigues Arias estando preso en la carceles secretas de esta Inquisicion en 6 de Febrero de 1648.?y fue reconciliado con confiscacion de bienes en el auto particular de la Fee, que se celebro a los 30 de marco de 1648.? notese Que para ajustar esta parte de herencia es menester buscar entre los papeles de este reo. AI inven tario que declara se hallaria entre ellos Caudal que declaro tener La herencia que le havia cabido de su madre dona Bianca Hen riquez (fue relajada en estatua en el auto general de la fee de 11 de abril 1649). iV pesos poco mas o menos en plata labrada, deudas, algunas halajas de sillas y mulas 4 esclauos, que le cupieron de dicha herencia, los 2 vendio Gaspar Vaez Seuilla albacea. Los 2 tenia en su casa quando le prendieron, no dice los nombres de ellos, ni las tierras.? 35 o 36 marcos de plata labrada expresando algunas de las piecas de ella.? Algunas joyuelas sin decir las que fuesen con otras cosas que men ciona.? Unas casas en la calle de Tacuba que eran de su herencia.?</page><page sequence="28">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 75 Dona Isauel de Sylba fue relajada en estatua en el auto general de 11 abril de 1649. Pedro de Espinosa su marido fue reconciliado en el particular del 6 de abril de 1646. Dona Catalina Henriquez fue relajada en persona.?Diego Tinoro su marido en estatua en dicho Auto General Contra este Gamboa se siguio pleito por debido que este Diego Rodriguez Arias debia a Simon Vaez Seuilla [227v] [228r] [1] de hazienda riguez Arias de Diego Rod caudal que tenia quando fue preso, la parte de la herencia que le cupo de su madre dona Bianca Hen? riquez, fue relajada en estatua en el auto general de 11 abril de [16]49 IV pesos poco mas o menos en plata labrada Lo que dieron para que lo ocultase su tia dona Isauel de Sylba, mujer de Pedro de Espinosa. Y su hermana dona Catalina Henriquez viuda de Diego Tinoro. Algunas joyas en una bolca de falniquera.?Un escritorio de Flandes con todas las joyas de dicha su hermana dicha dona Catalina, La Tinora. Deudas que debian a el Francisco Lopez de Fonseca (que fue reconciliado en dicho auto general de 11 abril de 1649). d[stain]o, 900 ps de la dicha herencia Diego de Gamboa, vecino de la provincia de Xalapa, 400 ps poco mas o menos de resto de escritura.? Las deudas de algunos bales, que pertenecian a su pariente Antonio Rodriguez Arias y paraban en poder de Simon Lopez de Aguarda, residente que fue de Qacatecas. Algunas ditas perdidas de pocas cantidades sin especificarlas.? Declar? no deber a nadie cantidad alguna.? Declar? que la carta de dote de dona Bianca Xuarez su sobrina quando cas? con Jorge Jacinto se hauia echo en su cabeca como si el la dotase, siendo quien la dot? su madre dona Rafaela Henriquez./ En la ciudad de Mexico, jueues, seis de febrero de seiscientos y quarenta y ocho afios, estando en la audiencia de la tarde el senor inquisidor licenciado don Bernaue de la Higuera y Amarilla mando traer a ella a Diego Rodriguez de Arias de las carceles, y siendo presente fue del receuido juramento en forma de derecho, so cargo del qual prometio decir verdad. Preguntado cuanto valdria su caudal al tiempo que fue preso por este Santo Oficio y en que gener?s le tenia, y si tiene casas o haciendas proprias o en arrendamiento. Dixo que por el inventario que Gaspar Vaez su sobrino le entrego como alvacea de dona Bianca Enriquez su madre que se hallara entre sus papeles Consta la parte de herencia que le cupo de la dicha su madre y mil pesos poco mas o menos que tenia de caudal cuando le prendieron en plata labrada y deudas y algunas alajas de sillas y mulas que tenia. Preguntado si tiene algunos esclavos como se llaman y si tiene algunos esclavos como se llaman [sic] y si tiene algunos en empeno o ipoteca.?</page><page sequence="29">76 Professor Haim Beinart Esclabos 4 que le cupieron de dicha herencia Los 2 vendio el albacea Gaspar Vaez Seuilla Los 2 tenia el en su casa quando le prendieron, no los nombra. Notese que es menester por el inventario de su madre de este reo, que el dice tener entre sus papeles ajustar esta parte de su herencia. Plata labrada 35 o 36 marcos de plata labrada Joyuelas 12 escudillas de china guarnecidas de plata/ [228v] Panos de manos y otras cosillas todo en un escritorio joyas que le dieron para que las ocultase dona Isauel de Sylba su tia, mujer de Pedro de Espinosa, ella fue relajada en estatua en el auto general y el reconciliado en le particular de 16 de abril de 1646 Dona Catalina Henriquez su hermana de este reo, muger de Diego Tinoro, ella relajada en persona, y el en estatua en dicho auto general. Casas Las que heredo de dicha su madre dona Bianca Henriquez en Mexico Deudas que le debian a el. Francisco Lopez de Fonseca casado con dona Ana Xuarez, sobrina de este reo, marido y mujer reconciliados. 800 o 900 ps de dicha herencia materna.? Los bales que paraban en poder de Simon Lopez de Aguarda, tocantes a Antonio Rodriguez Arias, padre de este reo, que fue relajado en estatua en dicho auto general. Dixo que por el inventario le cauian quatro esclauos, tres barones y una hembra que alii se veran sus nombres, de los quales avia vendido dos el dicho Gaspar Vaez y los otros dos tenia en su casa quando le prendieron y ninguno dellos estava en empeno ni ipotecado.? Preguntado que plata labrada, joyas, oro, perlas y reales tenia al tiempo de su prision, asi en su casa como fuera della, y si tenia algunas empenados en poder de otras personas y en que cantidades, y si en su poder avia algunas joyas empefiadas de otras personas en que cantidades. Dixo que tenia treinta y cinco o treinta y seis marcos de plata labrada diferentes piecas, como son platillos, escudillas, cucharas y cuatro candeleros que no se acuerda las piezas que eran. Y en un escritorio tenia algunas joyuelas, que no se acuerda cuantas, y una dozena de escudillas de cozino/guarnecidas de plata, y pafios de manos y otras casillas, asi de lo contenido en dicho inventario como fuera del. Y que tenia no perlas ni reales cuando le prendian. Y no tenia empefiada prenda ninguna suia ni agena.? Y que en dicho escritorio estava una bolca de faltriquera atada con algunas joyas que le entrego dona Isauel la de Pedro de Espinosa su tio que le guardara, que no saue los que son.? Y que su hermana dofia Catalina la Tinoca le enuio vn escritorillo de Flandes en que la dicha dona Catalina le dixo estauan todos sus joyas, para que se las guardase. Y el dicho escritorio quedo en su casa en una caxa grande de china que este declarante tenia.? Preguntado si a heredado alguna cosa o por via de donacion en que cantidades y de que personas.? Dixo que no a heredado mas de lo que dicha dofia Bianca su madre le dexo contenido en dicho inventario a que se remite, en que estan tanuien vnas casas que su madre le dexo en la calle de Tacuba, pared en medio de las del alguacil mayor deste Santo Oficio. Preguntado, si le deuen alguna hazienda o el la deue por que instancia y de que prozede. Dixo que Francisco Lopez de Fonseca su sobrino le deue ochocientos pesos o nouecientos conthenidos en la herencia de dicho inuentario, y que no le deuen otra cosa sino algunas dittas perdidas de pocas cantidades que como era vianda no por estancias alii le deuian? Y que algunos vales de deudas que le deuian al dicho Antonio Rodrigues Arias su padre pertenecen a este declarante en la ciudad de Cacatecas, y estan dichos vales en poder de Simon Lopez de Aguarda.?</page><page sequence="30">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 77 Diego de Gamboa, vezino de Xalapa 400 ps. Esta cantidad y lo mas que fue se cobro por deuda de este reo a Simon Vaez Seuilla, de que ay pleito algunas ditas perdidas de pequenos cantidades [229r] No debia a nadie Cuentas de su libro de hacienda pertenesciente a Juan Baptista de Caraca Algunas de este reo de poca monta Declaracion de la carta de dote de su sobrina dona Bianca Xuarez quando caso con Jorge Jacinto. Todo cayo en el fisco pues fueron reconciliados [229v blank page] [230r] [230v blank page; end of file] Y que Diego de Gamboa, vezino de la prouincia de Xalapa que esta en un ingenio que posee le deua de resto de escritorio de maior cuantia quatrocientos pesos poco mas a menos y que no deue este declarante deuda ninguna/ Preguntado cuantos libros borradores tenia donde asentaua sus tratos y contratos y si tiene algunas cuentas pendientes ajustadas o por ajustar. Dixo que dos libros borradores dexo en su casa donde asentaua sus tratos y contratos, los quales eran de hazienda pertenesciente a Juan Baptista de Caraca que era alcalde maior de Colima. Y algunas cuentas hauia tocantes a este declarante con algunos indios y otras personas de poca monta.? Preguntado si tenia tienda de mercaderias a donde y si tiene com pania con algunas personas, quienes, en que cantidades, y a que partidos, y ante que escriuanos hacia sus escrituras de tratos y con tratos y si a hecho algunas en caue^a ageno o otros en caue^a deste declarante.? Dixo que no tenia tienda de mercaderias ni compania con persona alguna en matheria de hazienda.?Y que sus escrituras las hacia en Qacatecas cuando alii asistia ante codina Pedro Alonso Bayo y Diego Arias, escriuanos publicos de hacienda.? Y que la escritura de dote de dona Bianca Xuarez su sobrina casada con Jorge Jacinto la otorgo este declarante como el que el le daua el dicho dote. Pero la verdad es que se lo dio dona Rafaela Enriquez madre de dicha dona Bianca Xuarez. Y que por aora no se acuerda de otra cosa en matheria de su hazienda, que si se acordara la declarara, y lo que tiene dicho es la verdad so cargo del juramento que tiene lecho y lo firmo? (?) Diego Rodrigues Arias Ante un Diego Ortiz de Bargas Audiencia de hazienda de Diego Rodriguez Arias APPENDIX V* Will of Diego Rodrigues Aires [sic]; P.RO., Haie, 70 In the name of God Amen. I Diego Rodrigues Aires, of Hackney in the Countie of Middlesex merchant stranger being weak in Bodie but of sound &amp; perfect mynd &amp; memorie, praised be God, * My thanks are due to Dr. A. S. Diamond for this material. doe make &amp; declare this my last Will &amp; Testament in manner &amp; forme following. After my debts &amp; funeral charges shall be payd and discharged I give &amp; dispose of all my goods &amp; chattels plate readie moneys debts and personal estate whatsoever both here &amp; beyond the seas to Elianor da Costa</page><page sequence="31">78 Professor Haim Beinart who hath been helpful and assistant to mee for many years and in consideration of certain summes of money goods &amp; merchandise heretofore received in trust for her . . . [and of the ?] trust and con? fidence in her the said Elianor da Costa by mee reposed that she the said Elianor da Costa shall provide and give to my wife Frances Lopes good and sufficient meet drink and apparell lodging and other necessaries meet for one of her condition soe long as she shall think fit to dwell &amp; continue with her in a quiet &amp; peacable manner. And in case the said Elianor da Costa shall marrie or dye or decease during the life of the said Frances Lopes then I give &amp; bequeath unto the said Francis the sum of fiftie pounds to be paid to her by the said Elianor for the maintenance of the said Frances from &amp; after the death or marriage of the said Elianor &amp; in full satisfaction of all that the said Francis may clayme out of my Estate. And I make &amp; ordaine the said Elianor da Costa full and sole executrix of this my last Will &amp; Testament [revoking?] all former wills by mee made &amp; constituting this my last Will &amp; Testament. In witness whereof. . . the 13th day of June 1675 and in the seven &amp; 20th year of the reign of [Chas II] Diego Ruiz Aries [signature] signed subscribed and published &amp; declared by the said Diego Rodriguez Aires for and as his last Will &amp; Testament in the presence of Edw. Bushell. John Rolfe Probate 12 July 1677 by oath Elianor da Costa Executrix etc. APPENDIX VI Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's Letter [Source: Mexico Archivo General de la Naci?n, Ramo Inquisici?n, Tomo 376, exp. 25] [162r] Reciuida a Siete dias del mes de septiembre de mill y Muy Reuerendos Seiiores seiscientos e sesenta anos estando en audiencia de la [by another scribe] manana los senores Inquisidores don Francisco de que se entregue el sefior fiscal Estrada y Escouedo e don Juan Saenz de Manosca1 Por ordenes que tengo del tribunal del Santo oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena y papeles remitidos por el de la Yslas de Canaria estoy haciendo diligencias para cobrar los bienes que parecieren ser de Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, relaxado.2 Y entre otros papeles halle una carta del suso dicho en que parece tenia trato con don Antonio Rosel y Lugo, vecino de la Vera Cruz, y me parecio dar quenta a V.S. dello para que se sirba mandar hacer las diligencias que conuengan. = De todo lo que boy [sic] obrando boy [sic] dando quenta al Supremo Consejo, a las inquisiciones de Cartagena y Canaria porque asi se me a ordenado. Y asimismo para todo lo que V.S. fuere servido ordenarme me hallara con la misnia puntualidad. Guarde Dios a V.S. para augmento y defensa de nuestra Santa Fe Chatolica [sic]. Hauana, Junio 9 de 1660 [sic] (?) Nicolas Estebes Borges [162v blank page] [163r] En la ciudad de San Christoual de la Hauana en ocho dias del mes de junio de mil y seiscientos y sesenta anos el senor don Nicolas Estebes Borges comisario proprietario de la Inquisicion del Santo Tribunal de la ciudad de Cartagena, beneficiado cura rector desta dicha ciudad, dixo que por quanto en virtud de las ordenes de los tri? bunals del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena, e Isias de Canaria. Su merced esta solicitando cobrar los bienes que en esta ciudad ay pertenecientes a Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, relaxado, y auiendo mandado al Capitan don Pedro 1 Both of them were connected with the trial of Diego Rodriguez Arias. Libro 427 fol. 174. 2 This indicates that Duarte Enriquez Alvarez was arrested by the Inquisition and handed over to the Secular Arm for execution. Otherwise the notary could have written condenado.</page><page sequence="32">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 79 Baldespino,3 persona con quien tubo comunicaci?n y trato que entregase todos los papeles y cartas pertenecientes a dicho Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, entre otros que entrego fue una carta que esta en estos autos a foxas ochenta y quatro del dicho Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, su fecha Londres a veinte de agosto del afio de cinquenta y tres, en la qual da a entender tubo trato y contrato con don Antonio Rosel y Lugo, vecino de la ciudad de la Vera Cruz, y encarga se le remitan el dinero que en su poder parase [sic], como mas largamente de dicha carta Consta. Y para que se hagan las diligencias necesarias mandaba y mando se saque testimonio de dicha carta y en primer lugar deste auto y del testimonio que esta en estos autos a foxas dos, por el qual consta la resolucion que se tomo en el tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Canaria, y todo se remita a los muy ilustres sefiores inquisi dores apostolicos de la ciudad de Mexico, para que su sefioria mande al comisario de la Vera Cruz, donde es vecino el dicho don Antonio Rosel y Lugo haga las diligen? cias que conuinieren para recoger los bienes que en su poder estubieren pertenecientes al dicho Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, y por este su auto asi lo proueyo y mando y firmo. D. Nicolas Estebes Borges. Ante mi D. Antonio Graecano, notario. Carta A don Pedro Baldespino = Londres a 20 Agosto 1653 aflos [163v] Luego que llegue a esta ciudad de Londres escribi a V.M. y desde que estoy en ella no e visto carta suya de que me marauillo mucho y quedo con cuydado el ver que V.M. se aya descuydado de escribirme pus [sic] an venido tantos nauios de ese lugar a Tenerife, como el nauio en que vino Francisco Bustin,4 y despues vino don Fernando Monteser, personas tan ciertas y conocidas, pues son de casa, y ninguno dellos me trujo cartas, de que lo e sentido en estremo, pues me lo importaba tanto como V.M. sabe el darme respuesta a la que le escribi con el dicho don Fernando Monteser. Y tambien hacerme a saber si se auia bendido los vinos y las demas mercadurias que llebo el dicho mi quenta para entregar a V.M. Y tambien si auia remitido don Antonio Rosel y Lugo alguna partida de dinero de mi quenta de que me dara V.M. auiso en auiendo pasaque [sic] para Espania [sic] o para las Isias de Canaria, remiti endo las cartas a don Luis de Vitoria a la Isla de Thenerife, en la ciudad de La Laguna y a Espania [sic] a Juan Flaniel en Sevilla, y le pido y ruego que luego que llegue a manos de V.M. esta me escriba largo dandome quenta de todos los particulares que en esta escribo y enuiandome quenta de todos los cargazones que e embiado a V.M., y tambien todo el dinero que me ubiere remitido a Espania [sic] y de todos los demas particularidades que V.M. tubiere que darme auiso estimare mucho me lo aga a saber. V.M. me a de hacer fabor de remitir la que ba con esta a manos de don Antonio Rosel y Lugo porque en ella le ordeno que todo el dinero que vbiere en su poder de mi quenta remita a V.M. Y me ara fabor de escribir al dicho sefior que lo que parare en su poder de mi quenta lo remita a V.M. Y es to sea pidiendoselo muy encarecidamente lo haga el remitiendo todo lo que parare en su poder porque pretendo augustar y poner una buena pila de dinero en Madrid [164r] para tomar otra vez las rentas de las Isias de Canaria/por quanto el Consejo de la Hacienda me esta rogando con ellas por el tanto que la tiene Diego Perera. Y asi necesito para entrar otra vez en la renta me lo corra V.M. con todo lo que parare en su poder de mi quenta y de don Antonio de Lugo. = Estimare esta alia a V.M. con la salud que desea en compania de todo lo que vien quiere. Yo quedo bueno, a Dios gracias para serbirle en todo lo que me quisiere mandar. En no auer yo hecho viage asta el dia oy para Madrid y estar tanto tiempo 3 Inhabitant of Havana. He was his correspondent, who would send over merchandise, received from Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, to Mexico. Was in his service in 1657. See AHN Inq. Canarias Leg. 1823 No. 14 fol. 3r, 6r. The merchandise was confiscated in Havana. 4 He handed over merchandise which belonged to Duarte Enriquez Alvarez in the Canary Islands to the Inquisition. See AHN, Inq. Canarias Leg. 1823 No. 14 fol. 4r.</page><page sequence="33">80 Professor Haim Beinart en esta ciudad de Londres que a diez meses que estoy en ella,5 lo causan algunas quentas que tenia que agustar con mis correspondientes y bender algunas merca durias que aqui tenia para llebar por delante todo lo que tengo en este reyno porque es cosa trauajosa el dexar atras quentas abiertas y efectos. Por quanto pueda yo conseguir mi pretension que es el tomar las rentas de las dichas Isias, pido a V.M. que en todo lo que me pudiere ayudar, ademas de lo que para en su poder de mi quenta lo haga que yo le serbire y satisfare con mucha puntualidad. Ouedo confiado en todo V.M. me ayudara y me ara fabor. Lo que en esto pido como tan buen amigo y senor mio. Y sabre serbir y ratificar lo que V.M. hiciere en esto, con que no se ofrece otra. Nuestro Sefior guarde a V.M. felices afios en compania de esa mi senora su esposa, a quien beso las manos con los senores hijos a quien vea V.M. en el estado que desea. Duarte Enriquez Alvarez.? Testimonio Yo don Miguel Alvarez de Miranda, secretario del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion [164v] destas Isias de Gran Canaria certifico y doy fe que por un proceso que / esta en la camara del secreto del dicho Santo Oficio que el fiscal de el a seguido contra Duarte Enriquez Alvarez, recaudador mayor que fue de las rentas reales y almoxarifasgos de estas Isias diciendo esta notado y testificado del crimen de la heregia y apostasia de judaismo, y siendo ademitida su querella en doce de octubre de mil y seiscientos y cinquenta y seis.6 Y hecha su causa como contra ausente y conclusa difinitibamente parece se vio en consulta en once deste presente mes de marco de mil y seiscientos y cinquenta y ocho afios,7 por los senores inquisidores y licenciados don Francisco Masia de Frias Salazar, don Joseph Badaran de Osinalde juntamente con el ordinario y consultores, el dicho dia unanimes y conformes, condenaron al dicho Duarte Enriquez Alvarez en la pena que en dicho consulta se expreso y en confiscacion de todos sus bienes como mas largamente Consta y parece del dicho proceso, a que me remito, y por mandado de dichos senores inquisidores di el presente, firmado de mi nombre y sellado con el sello deste Santo Oficio, en la ciudad de Las Palmas de esta Isla de Canaria, en veinte y un dias del mes de marzo de mil y seiscientos y cinquenta ocho afios, Prior Miguel Alvarez de Miranda, secretario.? Segun consta y parece del traslado original remitido de la Inquisicion de Canarias que queda en la camara del secreto deste Santo Oficio, a que me refiero. Dado en Cartagena en treinta dias del mes de Octubre de mil seiscientos y cinquenta y ocho afios. Don Anuflo de Camargo.? [165r] Concuerda con dicho auto, carta y testimonio/de donde saque este traslado y con quien lo corregi que estan en los autos y diligencias que sobre la aueriguacion de los bienes pertenecientes a Duarte Enriquez Alvarez se an fecho que entregue al sefior licenciado don Nicolas Estebes Borges, comisario del Santo Oficio y de mandado de su merced doy el presente en la Hauana, en nuebe de junio de mil seiscientos y sesenta afios. En fe de lo qual firme de mi nombre y en testimonio de verdad.? (?) Antonio Graecano Notario publico Muy Ilustrisimo Sefior Uisto la carta de el licenciado don Nicolas Esteues, comisario de el Santo Oficio de la ciudad de Cartagena, y los demas autos que con ella se me an entregado y parece que el tribunal de las Isias de Canaria despues que por el senor fiscal de el se siguio causa criminal contra Duarte Enriquez Alvarez en uista y consultada de ella, despues de otras penas convenga a dicho Duarte Enriquez Alvarez en confiscacion de todos sus bienes. Y por parecer que el dicho tiene algunos en la ciudad de nuestra Vera Cruz en poder de don Antonio Rosel y Lugo, y que con el suso dicho como Consta 5 Thus he arrived in London in November 1652. 6 On that day he was summoned to appear before the court and a term of a year was given to him. On that day the arraignment was presented. AHN, Inq. Canarias Leg. 1823 No. 10 fol. 5v, 9r, 25v-26r, 78r. 7 This is the date of the consulta-de-fe. See synopsis of dates in Appendix VII.</page><page sequence="34">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation de la carta que desde Londres escriuio el dicho Duarte en beinte de agosto de el ano pasado de cinquenta y tres a don Pedro Valdespino que parece ser vecino de la ciudad de San Christoual de la Hauana, y cuia copia remite a VS dicho licenciado don Nicolas Esteues a quien por los tribunales de dichas Isias y de Cartagena se le esta encargado el cobro de los bienes de el dicho Duarte Enriquez, y para que su cuidado tenia buen efecto en lo que se le encarga, hauiendo uisto la dicha carta y las quentas y dineros que por ella parece tener en dicha ciudad de la nuestra Vera [165v] Cruz el dicho Duarte Enriquez con don Antonio / Rosel de Lugo para que se auerigue que bienes tiene el dicho de Duarte Enriquez, y para que los que tubiere se conbiene y entreguen al dicho comisario licenciado don Nicolas Esteues Borjes en conformidad de las ordenes que parege tener para ello, pide y suplique a V.S. se sirua de dar comi sion y orden al comisario de la ciudad de Nuestra Vera Cruz para que en racon de la noticia que Duarte Enriquez da en su carta haga las diligencias de sauer y aueriguar los bienes y hacienda que dicho don Antonio Rosel tiene de el dicho Duarte Enriquez y las quentas que con el tubiere y auia tenido, y que todo lo que constare tener de dicho Duarte lo cobre el dicho comisario y ponga en persona segura que lo guarde hasta que por V.S. se le mande otra cosa. Y ser cosa tan conueniente al servicio de el Santo Tribunal de Canaria, y que no se oculten los bienes de semexantes personas reos y penitenciados y castigados por el Santo Oficio, siendo V.S. seruido podra mandar conforme lo suplicada y ruega el dicho comisario d. Nicolas Esteues y despacha para todo la comision necesaria al doctor don Bernardo de Aguilera, comi? sario deste Santo Oficio en la dicha ciudad de la Nuestra Vera Cruz, encargandole el cuidado y diligencia y que con todo que avise a V.S. de lo que obrare para que como aora con justa procuralo a ella mas conforme. Mexico, Mayo 14 de 1661 anos en esta secreta de el Santo Oficio. No vale lo provado = enmiendo cinquento. (?) Licenciado Juan de Onega Montanes. APPENDIX VII Trial of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez [AHN Leg. 1823 No. 14] A. Composition of Court: Judges: Francisco Massia de Frias Salazar Joseph Badar?n de Osinalde Juan de San Francisco, calificadory comisario Prosecutor: Joseph Espinola Canifio (also Alguaz? mayor) Miguel Alvarez de Miranda (replaced the prosecutor on 3 July 1657) Examiner of Witnesses: Juan Garcia del Castillo Notaries: Mathias Oranias Villarreal Diego Benitez de Lugo Miguel Alvarez de Miranda Bartolome" Estacio Miguel Collado Samartin Martin de Navedo Romero Gonzalo Garcia de Leon Salvador de Mesa Francisco Jorge Chavez Participants in Consul ta-de-fe: Francisco Massia de Frias Salvador Joseph Badar?n de Osinalde Mathias Andres Gonzalez Manuel de Angulo Estuniga Marcos de Leon y Amaris Witnesses for the Prosecution: (1) Pedro de Arechava (2) Alonso de Molina (3) Asencio de Araujo Mederos (4) Juan Rodriguez Rivero (5) Francisco Diaz (6) Juan Lopez de Miranda (7) Joseph Franco</page><page sequence="35">82 Professor Haim Beinart (8) Juan Ferrera de Andrada (9) Mathias Sosa (10) Diego Garcia (11) Francisco Perez (12) Lazaro Gonzalez Cabrera (13) Gaspar Abreu (14) Pedro del Piru (15) Antonio Tasarte (16) Tomas Clerque (17) Marcos Hernandez Barroco (18) Nicolas Ginovez (19) Antonio Gonzalez (20) Salvador Martinez (21) Antonio de Ponte (22) Melchor de Aranguren (23) Juan Correa Amado (24) Andres Barba (25) Antonio de Lima (26) Francisco Tomas de Franchi Alfaro (27) Cesar de Bandier (28) Marcos de Herrera y Leyva (29) Juan Ros B. Procedure: 1652 26 March Luis Beitr?n signs contract with Duarte Enriquez Alvarez about transfer of mer? chandise to the New World (4v) Second contract signed on transfer of wine (5r) 28 June Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's merchandise con? fiscated in Havana 1656 29 April Pedro de Arechava testifies before the court of the Canary Islands (9v). Testimony con? firmed on 4 January 1658 (31r) 30 April Testimony of Alonso de Molina (lOr); con? firmed on 3 January 1658 (32v) 14 May Testimony of Asencio de Araujo Mederos (llr-llv); confirmed 4 January 1658 (33v) 29 July Testimony of Juan Rodriguez de Rivero (12r); Testimony not confirmed because the witness is in captivity in the Moorish lands (34v) Testimony of Francisco Diaz (13r); confirmed 18 Febr. 1658 (36r) Testimony of Juan Lopez de Miranda (14r); not confirmed because witness is in the North (36v) 20 August Joseph Franco writes to Canary Islands and informs of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's circumcision (16r), see below 2 December 1657 (39v) 19 September Testimony of Juan Ferrera de Andrada (16v); not confirmed because witness not to be found (41v) 20 September Testimony of Mathias de Sosa (17r); confirmed on 24 Jan. 1658 (43v) 25 September Juan Garcia writes from Orotava to the court in La Laguna (15r) 2 October Letter reaches court (14v-15r) 10 October Testimony of Diego Garcia (18v); confirmed 19 December 1657 (45r) 11 October Testimony of Francisco Perez (19r); con? firmed 6 January 1658 (46v) 12 October Duarte Enriquez Alvarez is summoned before the court; a year's term is given him to appear (5v; 25v-26r; 78r) Presentation of first arraignment (9r) 14 October Testimony of L?zaro Gonzalez Cabrera (19v); confirmed 30 January 1658 (48r) Testimony of Gaspar de Abreu (20v); con? firmed 19 December 1657 (49v) Duarte Enriquez Alvarez is ordered to appear before court; Order published in La Laguna and Canaria (79r-79v; 84r-84v) 15 October Testimony of Pedro del Piru (21 v); confirmed 25 January 1658 (50v) 16 October Testimony of Antonio Tasarte (22r); Not confirmed, because witness not in the Islands (52v) Testimony of Tomas Clerque (lOr); confirmed 19 January 1658 (54r) 20 October Testimony of Marcos Flern?ndez Barroco (24r-25v); confirmed 7 January 1658 (56r) 1 November Summons of Duarte Enriquez proclaimed in San Cristobal (Tenerife; 84r) 17 November Summons proclaimed in front of the house of his dwelling in La Laguna (84r)</page><page sequence="36">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 83 3 December Testimony of Nicolas Ginovez (26r-27r); confirmed 5 January 1658 (58r) 7 December Testimony of Salvador Martinez (58v) 9 December Testimony of Antonio Gonzalez (27r-27v); confirmed 5 January 1658 (61r-61v) 1657 22 January Summons read in front of Duarte Enriquez's dwelling-place in La Laguna (78v) 23 January Testimony of Antonio de Ponte (62r) 24 January Summary of testimonies sent to Suprema (78r). The Inquisitors write to the Suprema about the confiscation of Duarte Enriquez's property (8r) 5 February Testimony of Melchor de Aranguren (64r) 7 February Information sent to the court that the sum? mons was read in front of Duarte's house (78v) Summons taken off church post in the Church of Nuestra Senora de los Remedios (84r) 15 February Information arrives in the court (78v) 2 March Duarte Enriquez Alvarez pronounced rebel (for the first time; 86r) 23 May Letter sent by the Inquisitors to the Suprema arrives in Madrid (8r; see 24 January) 24 May The Suprema confirms one-year term given to Duarte Enriquez to appear (5v) Supremats answer sent to La Laguna (78r) 3 July Duarte Enriquez Alvarez pronounced rebel (second time; 86v) 17 September The Inquisitors Francisco Massia and Joseph Badar?n appeal to the Suprema about the merchandise which the Consejo de Hazienda confiscated (7r-7v) 21 September The Supremo's order to Duarte Enriquez arrives in the Islands (5v); answer to letters sent on 24 January 1657 from the Canaries 17 October Testimony of Juan Correa Amado (65v); confirmed 29 December 1657 (66v) 20 October Testimony of Andres Barba (67v); confirmed 5 January 1658 (68r) 21 October The Supreme?'s answer arrives in the Canaries; Orders how to proceed in trial (78r) 13 November Duarte Enriquez Alvarez pronounced rebel (for third time, 86v) 14 November Letter of the Inquisitors Massia and Badar?n arrives in Madrid (7r-7v; see above, 17 September) 5 December Testimony of Antonio de Lima (68v); con? firmed 20 January 1658 (69v) 10 December The Prosecutor asks the court to try Duarte Enriquez in absentia and to pronounce him rebel (87r) 11 December Arraignment presented to judges (88r); Francisco Tomas's testimony confirmed (72r); see below 29 December 1657 15 December The court applies to the Suprema to act in Havana and Cartagena de las Indias against Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's correspondents (3r) The Inquisitors of the Canary Islands inform the Suprema that they have written to Cartagena on the above-mentioned matter. The correspondent is named: Pedro Val despino (6r). The court in Canary Islands orders the confirmation of procedure according to the request of the Prosecutor (90v) 19 December Testimony of Gaspar de Abreu confirmed (49r); testified on 14 October 1656 (see above) 24 December The Suprema agrees on form of procedure (27v); [in Madrid] 28 December Testimony of friar Joseph Franco (39v) 29 December Confirmation of Joseph Franco's testimony (41r) Testimony of Francisco Tomas de Franchi Alfaro (70v). See above, 11 December 1657. Testimony of Juan Correa confirmed 30 December List of merchandise confiscated in Havana confirmed (4r)</page><page sequence="37">84 Professor Haim Beinart 1658 3 January Confirmation of Don Alonso de Molina's testimony (32r); see above 30 April 1656 4 January Confirmation of Asencio Araujo's testimony (33r); see above 14 May 1656 Confirmation of Pedro de Arechava's testi? mony (31r); see above 29 April 1656 5 January Confirmation of Andres Barba's testimony (68r); see above 29 October 1657 6 January Confirmation of Francisco P6rez's testimony (46v); see above 11 October 1656 7 January Confirmation of Marcos Hernandez Barroco's testimony (56r); see above 13 April 1656 9 January Reminder sent to Suprema about the petition made on 15 December 1657 19 January Confirmation of Diego Garcia's testimony (45r); see above 10 October 1656 Confirmation of Tomas Clerque's testimony (54r); see above 10 October 1656 Dr C?sar de Bandier testifies (72v) 20 January Confirmation of Antonio de Lima's testimony (69v); see above 5 December 1657 Confirmation of Cesar de Bandier's testimony (73v) 23 January Testimony of don Marcos Herrera y Leyva (74r Confirmation of Juan Rodriguez Rivero's copied testimony. The witness is a captive in Berbery (34v); see above 29 July 1656 Confirmation of Juan Lopez de Miranda's copied testimony. The witness is in the North (34v); see above 29 July 1656 Confirmation of Antonio Tasarte's captivity in Berbery (52v) 24 January Confirmation of Marcos Herrera's testimony (75r) Confirmation of Mathias de Sosa's testimony (43v); see above 20 September 1656 25 January Confirmation of Pedro del Piru's testimony (50v); see above 15 October 1656 27 January Marginal note made on Salvador Martinez's testimony that he went in May-June 1657 to the Indies (58v) Confirmation of Antonio de Ponte's testimony (63r); see above 23 January 1657 31 January Confirmation of Lazaro Gonzalez Cabrera's testimony (48r): see above, 14 October 1656 2 February Confirmation of Melchor de Aranguren's testimony (64r); see above, 5 February 1657 4 February Testimony of Juan Ros, an Englishman (76r) 5 February Confirmation of testimony (77r) 12 February The Suprema receives the letter of the Canary Islands' Inquisitors to act in Cartagena de las Indias (6r). 18 February Confirmation of Francisco Diaz's testimony (36r); see above, 29 July 1656 20 February The Suprema receives the letter of the Canary Islands' Inquisitors to act in Cartagena against the correspondents of Duarte Enriquez (2r) 23 February The Suprema orders transfer of application to Cartagena (3r) 27 February The Prosecutor asks for publication of witnesses' testimonies. Petition approved (91r) 7 March Second copy of letter to the Suprema arrives in Madrid (6v); see above 12 February 1658 8 March The Prosecutor asks for passing of sentence against Duarte Enriquez Alvarez (lOOr) 11 March Consulta-de-fe; sentence passed of burning in effigy (lOOv) 21 March Miguel Alvarez de Miranda sends copy of sentence to Cartagena (Inq. Mexico, Tomo 376, Exp. 25, fol. 164) 30 October Copy of above sent to Mexico (i6) 1659 17 February The Suprema writes to the court of the Canary Islands to carry out sentence (2r) 27 February Sentence approved by Suprema (lOlv) 29 May The letter sent from Madrid on 17 February 1659 arrives in the Canaries (2r)</page><page sequence="38">The Jews in the Canary Islands: a Re-evaluation 85 9 June The court answers the Supremo*s letter (2r) 8 August The court's answer arrives in Madrid (2r) 1660 8 June Pedro Valdespino, Captain, hands over to the Inquisition in San Cristobal de la Havana a bundle of letters, among them Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's letter; see above 20 August 1653 9 June Nicolas Esteves Borges writes from San Cristobal to Mexico on the confiscation of Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's property (Inq. Mexico, fol. 162r; 165r) 7 September Letter arrives in Mexico (fol. 162v) 1661 14 May Inquisition in Mexico informed about order to act against Duarte Enriquez Alvarez's property in Vera Cruz (ibidem 165v) APPENDIX VIII Trial of the Rodriguez Francia Brothers [AHN Leg. 1823 No. 10] A. Composition of Court: Judges: Francisco Massia de Frias Salazar Francisco Porteros de la Vega Examiner of Witnesses: Juan Garcia de Castillo Prosecutor: Bartolom^ Estacio Notaries: Miguel Collado Samartin Lucas Esteves Francisco Jorge Su?rez Nicolas Martin Miguel Alvarez de Miranda Jorge Fernandez Rodriguez Witnesses for the Prosecution: (1) Gaspar de Acosta (2) Francisco Bautista (3) Juan Ramon (4) Francisco Machado (5) Gabriel Francisco (6) Salvador Martinez (7) Alonso de Molina (8) Tomas de Rojas (9) Ignacio de Landasola (10) Bartolom^ de Molina (11) Francisco de Molina (12) Francisco Tomas (13) Pedro de Bate B. Procedure: 1662 27 October Testimony of Francisco Bautista (8r) 1664 7 May Testimony of Gaspar de Acosta (4r) 16 June Examination of Gaspar de Acosta (5v) 9 July The Prosecutor presents Gaspar de Acosta's testimony and asks the court to accept it. The court concedes (4r) 6 August Confirmation of Gaspar de Acosta's testimony (7v) 1665 2 September Testimony of Juan Ramon (8v) 2 October Testimony of Francisco Machado (9r) 3 October Testimony of Pedro Manzano (lOr) Testimony of Gabriel Francisco (11 r) 15 October Testimony of Salvador Martinez (12r) 16 October Testimony of Captain Alonso de Molina (13r)</page><page sequence="39">86 Professor Haim Beinart 11 November Testimony of Ignacio de Landasola (15r) 14 November Testimony of Francisco de Molina (18r) 15 November Testimony of Francisco Tomas de Franchi Alfaro (19r) 16 November Testimony of Pedro de Bate (15v) 5 December Order to arrest the defendants and to se? questrate their property; the property of the correspondents as well is ordered to be sequestrated (20r) 11 December Bartolom^ Estacio presents his arraignment and asks for order of arrest for the Rodriguez Francias (3r) 12 December Testimony of Bartolome* de Molina 1666 17 March Letter of the Canary Islands Inquisitors to the Suprema A second letter of the Inquisitors on the same subject 25 August The letters arrived in Madrid 10 September Sentence passed in Madrid to burn the effigy of the two brothers in Granada (21 r)</page><page sequence="40">PLATE XI [See 'Jews in the Canary Islands'] Fig. 1. Marriage record, 24 August 1656, of Duarte Enriquez Alvares to Beatrice de Vega (Reproduced by kind permission of the Geme ente-Archief van Amsterdam) Fig. 2. Part of the tombstone of Benjamin alias Simon Francia, died 22 Tammuz 5449/30 June 1689, aged 54, showing the Francia arms</page></plain_text>