The Correspondence of the Mahamad of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation of London During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries

<plain_text><page sequence="1">The Correspondence of the Mahamad of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation of London during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries1 By R. D. Barnett, M.A., Litt.D., F.B.A., F.S.A. IHE extent to which the Mahamad2 (Wardens) of the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue of London have made public their records shows a remarkable spirit of liberality and enterprise which might well serve as an encouragement and example to others. Already in the last century James Picciotto3 was granted access to their records, and for the Bicentenary of Bevis Marks Synagogue in 1902, the late Dr. Gaster, a former occupant of my present presidential office, and Haham of the congregation, was the first to use their records to make a general survey, the History of the Ancient Synagogue of Bevis Marks (1901), which?whatever its defects?was no less remarkable for being the first of its kind than for being written in the incredibly short space of six months. It may be also noted that, as has recently come to light, Dr. Gaster prepared a number of detailed appendices for a second volume which, though they got as far as proof, were never published. Since then, we have had my father's translation of the first Minute Book,4 his history of the Congregation,5 and the Abstracts of Ketuhoth or Marriage Contracts from 1687 to 1837;6 Treasures of a London Temple1 (a description of the silver and other ritual appurtenances) and finally the late Mr. Hyamson's admirable history, The Sephardim of England, published in 1951 for the 250th anniversary of the opening of the Synagogue. After these distinguished pre? decessors of mine have skimmed off the cream of Anglo-Sephardi history (and I have made no mention of the labours of Lucien Wolf, and of others, in fields outside the Synagogue's own records), it may well seem that there is little left for us to garner. And it is probably now true that little but subsidiary work (though there could be plenty of it) remains to be done in the archives of the Synagogue?with the possible exception of the one field upon which I have chosen here to speak. Yet even here what I have to say is largely marginal comments to the great works of my predecessors. The correspondence of the Mahamad has been little read and less studied. It is particularly useful in throwing additional light on well-known domestic matters, but most of all because it reflects the whole pattern and picture of the foreign relations of the London Synagogue. This is a subject which has hitherto not been particularly 1 Presidential address delivered before the Jewish Historical Society of England on 4th November, 1958. 2 In this article, the traditional spellings used by the Spanish and Portuguese Jews for certain titles are used, instead of more philologically accurate transliterations, e.g. Haham (for Hahham) Mahamad (for Ma'amad) Saliah (for Shaliahh) &amp;c. 3 Sketches of Anglo-Jewish History, London, 1875. Second edition: Edited with notes by Israel Finestein: 1956 (Soncino Press). * El Libro de Los Acuerdos, O.U.P., 1931. 5 Bevis Marks Records, Part I, O.U.P., 1940. e Bevis Marks Records, Part II, O.U.P., 1945. 7 By A. G. Grimwade and others, ed. R. D. Barnett, London, 1951. 1</page><page sequence="2">2 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD studied,1 obviously because it could be said that domestic affairs have deserved priority. I shall hope in this paper to repair this omission of the past, treating first of some internal matters, then of British matters overseas, then those of Europe and the Holy Land. The correspondence in question, with a few exceptions, consists of outgoing letters, in the form of several hundreds of copies, which from the year 5451 (1691) were written in at the end of the Minute Books of the Mahamad, a custom continued until the end of the eighteenth century.2 Occasionally copies of letters inward are found incor? porated into the text of the Minutes of a meeting of Elders or Mahamad, but these are usually about purely domestic matters such as legacies, divorces, marriages. The languages employed in the correspondence are various, ranging over the following in order of frequency: Portuguese, Spanish, English, Italian, French and Hebrew, of the last there being but one example. But fortunately it does not seem to have been necessary for the then Secretary of the Synagogue (or Chancellor as he was chiefly and rather grandly called) to be a master of all these tongues, as very often the copies of the letters at least at first appear to be in different hands. The commonest was, of course, Portuguese, the recognized vernacular of the Congregation for the first hundred years of its existence, after which English gradually took over. In 1803 Jacob Mocatta pointed out that Portuguese was unfamiliar to most members of the Congregation, but English was not established as the official language until 1819. Spanish was used for writing letters to certain Sephardic communities abroad, among whom it was more current than Portuguese. It may be asked why, if the Congregation was founded in 1656, there should be no copies of letters earlier than 1691. There were certainly foreign relations before that date, and it is certain that letters must have been exchanged. The paucity of records in fact from the seventeenth century in general is peculiar. In his introduction to the Libro de los Acuerdos, in effect the Synagogue's first Minute Book which begins in 1663, my father suggested that it had a predecessor, now lost. So, too, with marriage records of the Kahal, none of which survive before 1687. The absence of a marriage register prior to 1687 is explained by the assumption that it was retained by Haham Jacob Abendana who died in 1686, since it was originally the practice that they were written by the Haham himself and that they should be under the Haham's charge; and we know the present series of Registers was begun with a set of three Registers presented or rather, returned, to the Kahal in 1744 by Haham Isaac Nieto, which he had either written himself or received from his father, Haham David Nieto.3 It is similarly then possible that copies of synagogal correspondence earlier than 1691 were kept by an individual and lost; but it is also most probable that they were destroyed, as part of a general policy which seems to have been decided on at an early date, to draw a veil over the awkward truth that the origins of the Synagogue lay under the Commonwealth (whose official acts the Stuart Government at the Restoration declared null and void 1 Mention, however, might be made of a pamphlet of 20 pages by the late Paul Goodman entitled Bevis Marks in History, a Survey of the External Influences of the Congregation Sahar Asamaim, Bevis Marks, London. (1934) This brochure, however, is an essay in publicity, rather than a contribution to historical studies. See also A. Hyamson, The Sephardim of England (London 1951) ch. ix. 2 The volumes which I have used in the preparation of this paper are MSS. 103 (5438-5484), 104 (5484-5511), 105 (5511-5536), 106 (5537-5548) and 107 (5548-5554). 3 They must have been those of Hahamim Ailyon, David and Isaac Nieto. An inventory of books and papers recorded under the Minutes of the Mahamad for 7th Iyar, 5523 (1763), showed that a fourth book of Marriage Registers had then been received through Is. Lumbrozo de Mattos. This must have been that of Haham Gomes de Mesquita.</page><page sequence="3">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 3 and overturned) and to suggest instead that the Synagogue was founded in the days of the Merry Monarch,1 a belief only finally and completely dispelled by the work of Lucien Wolf and Wilfred Samuel.2 Of this policy of mystification we have clear evidence in a letter addressed to Ishac Abraham Cohen de Lara of Amsterdam, written on 20th Tisry, 5466 (1705). This gentleman, a bookseller and publisher,3 had written on 29th September to the Mahamad, stating that he proposed to republish some works of Rabbi Menasseh ben Israel concerning the resettlement of the Jews in England, and, as such a publication would be of advantage to the Synagogue, he wished to dedicate it to the gentlemen of the Mahamad. The Mahamad replied that, as "absent matters are very different from those which one sees before one's eyes, they are positive that it would be more damaging than beneficial, and therefore beg him to refrain from his intentions of publishing this work until circumstances improve." It is quite clear from this letter that they felt that the less said about their connection with the still hated Common? wealth, the better. Internal Affairs We turn first to the internal affairs touched on in the correspondence. Here the recurrent theme, rather surprisingly, is that of poverty. By this is meant not that of the Kahal as a whole but of its less fortunate members, who have to be supported. This appears repeatedly as grounds for refusing appeals for help from congregations abroad, but it seems at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth to be substantiated.4 In 1689 the Government of William III found it necessary in its struggle against the Stuart cause to impose a system of passes at the English ports on all foreigners coming into the country. A list of Jews among them compiled from the state records covering the years 1689 to 1696 was published by Israel Abrahams.5 From 1692 numerous persons entering are marked in the lists as "poor Jews"; others not so marked may have been; almost all are Sephardim, and in a letter addressed to Senor Joseph de la Penha,6 apparently in Holland, 1692, the Mahamad warn him to discontinue forwarding poor people to London as "His Majesty's Council have just passed a new Order forbidding entry at the ports without a passport which costs 1 The facts are admitted grudgingly by the authors of the Petition of 1689 "The Case of the Jews Stated" (Henriques, "Proposals for Special Taxation of the Jews after the Revolution," Trans. J.H.S.E., IX, 44) saying "that about the year 1654, there came Six Jews Families into this Kingdom which have (since King Charles the Seconds Restauration) been increased to the number of between Three and Fourscore Families." This figure doubtless refers to the six who signed the Petition to Cromwell after Menasseh ben Israel. It was perhaps a misunderstanding and magnification of this misstatement of six families, by reckoning in the wives, that caused Haham Nieto to inform D'Blossiers Tovey that in 1663 the whole number of Jews in London did not exceed twelve. Paragraph 7 of the Petition is significantly at pains to dismiss the notion of the Cromwellian re-establishment "forasmuch as it is believed by some Persons, that the Jews did offer a very great sum of Money to Oliver Cromwell for their Establishment in this Kingdom, They do solemnly declare, they are altogether strangers to it and utterly deny it." 2 e.g. L. Wolf, "The Jewry of the Restoration," Trans. J.H.S.E., V; W. S. Samuel, "The First London Synagogue of the Resettlement," Trans. J.H.S.E., X. Indeed, by the end of the eighteenth century, the myth of the KahaVs foundation under Charles II had become so firmly accepted as an article of belief that the event was commemorated in a special annual service. See L. Wolf, "American elements in the Resettlement," Trans. J.H.S.E., III. 3 See The Jewish Encyclopaedia, vol. VII, p. 620. 4 See, too, " The Case of the Jews Stated," op. cit., which described a half of the Congregation as consisting of partly "an industrious sort of people . . . part as indigent poor people who are maintained by the rest." * Misc. J.H.S.E., Part I. 6 A wealthy Merchant and ship-owner of Rotterdam, who according to a tradition is said to have saved the life of William of Orange (William III of England) in a storm. But it is a fact that one of his captains fought a victorious battle with two French ships off Dunkirk on February 19,</page><page sequence="4">4 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD ?3 10s. Od., a sum which the congregation cannot possibly afford for all the poor would-be immigrants who are detained thereby on entry." It seems that the fires of the Inquisition were being stoked again, as a letter of 29th Kislev, 5463 (1703), to the Mahamad at Amsterdam begs them not to send on siluhim, or emissaries collecting money for the Holy Land (a theme to which we shall refer later), in view of the great poverty which prevailed, as many families have taken in many penniless persons fleeing from the tyrannies of the Inquisition. On 29th Ellul, 5465 (1705), the Hahamim and Parnassim of Jerusalem are given the same news, it being added that the refugees are from Spain and Portugal. In January, 1705 and 1706, the Synagogue's agents in Livorno (the firm of Franco) are told that the congregation is overburdened with poor refugees from Portugal and other places. Indeed, the Mahamad, on 11th Heshvan, 5468 (1707), in view of the great cost that was always arising from outsiders begging for help, ordered that no one, not even a Haham, should receive more than 40s. unless he came as a saliah (or emissary of the Holy Land) or came to rescue captives, two subjects to which we shall refer anon. On 12th Iyar, 5470 (1710), "the Gentlemen of the Mahamad having considered the excessive expense which the multitude of poor cause the Sedaca that welcomes them, and particularly Italians and Berberiscos, who are of great detriment to the poor of the nation, resolved unanimously that from hence? forth anyone who comes to this City to avail himself of Sedaca shall have maintenance for three days and 10s. to take themselves away and nothing more; and this order shall be posted on the doors of the Synagogue to come to the notice of all, and no Mahamad shall be able to escape this order, but will take it henceforth as a principle." The flow from the Peninsula continued. The marriage records1 contain several entries of couples who are marked "Vindos de Portugal" ("having come from Portugal") who came to London and were re-married there on arrival according to the rites of Judaism during the years between 1703 and 1735, reaching a peak of sixteen couples in the years 1726 and 1728. All of these came from Portugal, except two who are from Spain in 1714 and 1716. It is recorded in the Minutes of 28th Heshvan, 5487 (1726), that many Jews from Spain and Portugal are arriving destitute, unable even to pay their fares to the Captains,2 presumably of English ships, who bring them, but as they arrived uncircumcised, it was ordered that they were not to receive help if they remained without the berith for more than fifteen days, unless prevented by a good reason. This some? what severe enactment was apt to bring further difficulties, for in Nisan, 5493 (1733), 1 Bevis Marks Records, Part II, especially pp. 66-9, 73-84. 2 On 24th Nisan, 5467 (1727), the Mahamad in a Minute recorded a complaint that passengers by sea from Spain and Portugal were continuing to appear without sufficient money to pay their fares to the Captain, but when it was paid to them from the Sedaca (the Congregation's funds) they pocketed it. The Treasurer's Accounts for 5488 (1728) show that ?254 4s. was expended on the fares of such fugitives from Spain and Portugal. On 16th Tebet, 5498 (1737), the Elders report that since last Rosh Hashana more than 50 persons have arrived from Portugal whose fares have had to be paid. From the Circumcision Register of Isaac Carri?o de Paiba (1731-1775) the regular arrival of refugees can be deduced from the following figures of circumcisions of adults or boys above the usual age: 1717: 2, 1722: 2, 1723: 2, 1724: 4, 1725: 28, 1726: 42, 1727: 23, 1728: 3, 1729: 3, 1730: 6, 1731: 2, 1732: 7, 1733: 8, 1735: 3, 1736: 6, 1739: 4, 1740: 1, 1741: 3, 1743: 1, 1744: 1, 1745: 5, 1746: 5, 1747: 1, 1750: 2, 1756: 1, 1761: 2, 1763: 1, 1765: 1, 1772: 1, 1773: 7, 1774: 1. It is hoped to publish this important Register in full in due course. _ 1696, for which de la Penha rewarded him with a gold medal (A. Polack, Joodse Benningen in de Nederlanden, No. 4). In November, 1697, William signed a remarkable document transferring to Joseph de la Penha and his descendants the ownership in perpetuity of a large part of Labrador (text reproduced in Canadian Jewish Archives, I, 4, March, 1959, with translation). This document, one of the most remarkable in Anglo-Jewish history, has, alas, disappeared. See Plate 5.</page><page sequence="5">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 5 the cases are noted in the Minutes of four individuals who were punished by being excluded from the Synagogue for infringing Ascama 29, which forbade Jews to go to Portugal after they had been circumcised. They were pardoned after suitable penance on 11th Tammuz.1 Next year occurred another case. It was a difficult choice for these people who left family and friends behind, but risked death if they were found by the Inquisition with the marks of Judaism on them. After this, apart from casual references to Spaniards or Portuguese in receipt of alms, or in other contexts,2 we hear no more of this subject until June, 1788, when a person with the high-sounding name of a hidalgo, Christoval del Sottomayor y Martines, appeared in Gibraltar and requested permission to be circumcised, claiming to be a fugitive from Spain and a descendant of Jews. He was minutely examined by the Haham of Gibraltar, Rabbi Judah Halevy, who forwarded the question to London where it was approved.3 But to return to the correspondence. The affair of Haham Nieto's sermon is the subject of no less than eight letters. The episode is described in Hyamson's history of the Sephardim. On 23rd Kislev, 5465 (20th November, 1704), not 1703 as stated by previous writers,4 on Parashath Vayesheb the new Haham delivered in the New Synagogue a sermon which caused "disagreement amongst some Yehidim," thirteen of whom presented a signed petition asking that it be submitted to a Beth Din for a decision as to its orthodoxy. It appears that in his Yeshibah or Talmudic college the Haham had discussed the Deists whose theories were then somewhat in the public eye, and this also was a subject of extreme perturbation. Nieto was accused of Spinozism, in having taught that God and Nature were one, and the dispute was referred for a decision to the Rabbinical authorities of Amsterdam. By this time five of the thirteen signatories had left the Yehidim and the rest had withdrawn from the Syna? gogue; and soon it was rumoured that they were threatening either to form a new synagogue or to join the Ashkenazim. In consequence of the hesitations of Amsterdam, the case was referred to Haham Zebi of Hamburg (Altona), the head of the Ashkenazi community of that town, who delivered his judgment in favour of Nieto, on 29th EUul 1 The offenders were: Moseh de Jacob Rodrigues da Costa, David Orobio Furtado, and Raphael Rodrigues Diaz. The offender of the next year was Jacob Rodrigues Paulo. 2 In 1770 two persons named Abraham Navarro and Samuel Mesquita are mentioned as arriving from Lisbon and are assisted to migrate to Jamaica. In 1771 an unpleasant quarrel between Raphael Vaz de Silva and Isaac Fernandez Valentin alias James de Lemos broke out, in which da Silva accused Valentin of blackmailing one Antonio Suares de Mendoza Brand?o of Lisbon, evidently a Marrano still living there, in an attempt to obtain payment of his debts. Valentin was cleared. Samuel Lopes Henriques from Portugal, in 1774, was granted ?12 to convey him to "America." In 1775 Manuel da Costa Alvarenga arrived from Lisbon with his wife and daughter, and three others. After circumcision he was renamed Abraham Ribeiro Sanches de Alvarenga, and the party were despatched to "America." In January, 1789, a certain Luis da Costa, born in Portugal appeared, claiming to be on his way to Amsterdam, but to have been shipwrecked near Dover, and requested to be circumcised. The Mahahad were dissatisfied but apparently agreed, for in March, 1789 Abraham Rodrigues da Costa, a Portuguese, apparently the same man, was granted half a guinea as despacho. 8 Their cautious scepticism was justified. In Heshvan, 5530 (1770), a boy from Gibraltar named Moseh de Paz had appeared with a presumably similar story and was granted ?12 for maintenance and ?4 for his teaching, which was renewed for two years. Then he was discovered to be a fraud, and he was returned to the Mahamad of the Gibraltar congregation in charge of the ship's captain. 4 Hyamson, p. 91-94. J. J. Petuchowski, The Theology of Haham David Nieto, (New York 1954) p. 15. Gaster, pp. 102-115.</page><page sequence="6">6 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD (August), 5465 (1705).1 The rebels were put to flight, being fined ?20 each for author? ship of an anonymous pamphlet purporting to reply to Haham Nieto's publication on the Divine Providence, in default of apologizing. They duly seceded. However, it seems that on 6th Tishri they appealed for readmission and, on the recommendation of Haham Nieto, who urged reconciliation, they were offered readmission by the Elders if they returned before Hoshanna Rabbah. A handsome letter of thanks to Haham Zebi for his learned and elegant declaration followed. It is, however, clear that this challenge to the leaders of the Congregation was very serious and would have split it from top to bottom but for its leaders' firmness. Internal Communal affairs do not appear again in the correspondence for many years until in 5504 (1744) on 5th Nisan the new Haham, Moses Gomez de Mesquita, is appointed at a salary of ?100 per annum with ?10 for Purim, a house free of tax, four tubs (chaldras) of oak firewood, matzot, fees for marriage certificates, and ?31 10s. Od. for travelling expenses. Not unsuitably the Mahamad offered him their congratulations. The Dublin Congregation In 1746 began the series of letters regarding the burial ground of the Jews in Dublin which ended in the property being purchased by the Synagogue of Bevis Marks. It was not a wholly disinterested party, as the congregation in question was originally founded by Sephardim. But as six of the letters in question have been published and discussed at length by Bernard Shillman in his The Jewish Cemetery at Ballybough in Dublin, Transactions, Vol. XI, there is no point in discussing them here. These authors, however, seem to have missed a seventh letter of 6th July, 1753, addressed to Michael Philips, whom the Mahamad remind that their purpose in buying the cemetery was to secure its possession, not to incur further charges for its repair. They also report that complaints have been received that Isaac Philips, evidently a relative of the addressee, denies others the use of the Sepharim. By way of an afterthought it is mentioned that, according to a rumour, Jews at Cork are obtaining Kasher meat, but the Mahamad knows only of Abraham Solomons who is qualified to kill kasher2. This might imply 1 See Kaufmann, "Rabbi Zevi Ashkenazi and his family in London," Trans. J.H.S.E., III, esp. pp. 107-8. According to Kaufmann, his judgment was dated Friday, 7th August, 1705 and countersigned by the Assessors of the Ecclesiastical Court in Altona, Rabbis Solomon ben Nathan and Arye ben Simcha of Wilna. See also Israel Solomons, "David Nieto, Haham of the Spanish-Portuguese Jews Congregation," Trans. J.H.S.E., XII. aDublin, Michael Philips. London July 6, 1753. The Gentlemen of our Synagogues have examined the contentes of your letter of the 25 May, 1750, and have charged me to write you that their intent and meaning in purchasing the Burrying place was to secure their property there in and never thought they should be called upon for any further charges, as the Jews at present residing in that Kingdom can do no help for ye sake of Burrial than to keep it in Repair. The Gentlemen have had several complaintes from some of your folkes in that Kingdom against Mr. Isaac Philips in keeping ye usse of the Sepharim from them. Pray inform us of the Truth for the Intention of bestowing them on that Kaal was that every Jew should have equal benefit of their use. The Great purpose of this Letter is upon a very weighty affair which is that we are informed there are in that Kingdom specially at Kork several people that pretends to Kill Casser-meat without having a Semeja for So doing which is a great Sin and to avoid proceeding rashly in these affair the Gentlemen have resolved to desire you to write to all these people that Kill at present to transmitt to me their Semeha by Rossanah ensuing, and those that shall neglect to do it their meet will be given as herefor. Signed by Abm. de Castro, Secretary.</page><page sequence="7">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 7 that Abraham Solomons was not of Cork, but probably at Dublin, though Dr. Roth, following previous writers, in his Rise of Provincial Jewry appears to believe that he was at Cork, and a silversmith of Cork of that name is in fact known. The Dublin community once more sought help for the repair of the cemetery wall on 27th February, 1788, when a Mr. Israel Wolf (also sometimes spelt Woo?fe or Wolffe), "an old resident in Dublin" in a letter conveyed by Aaron de Abraham Nunes Martinez, applied to them for assistance. The Elders agreed to pay for the repair (estimated at ?32 16s. 4d.), inviting a Mr. Thomas Kirwan of London, a friend of one of the Parnassim, to arrange the matter. An approach to the Ashkenazi Community produced a promise of contributions in the form of ?10 from the Hambro Synagogue, ?3 3s. Od. was contributed by Solomon Leveen. For the Great Synagogue Mr. L. de Symons offered ?15. In the upshot, the bill for the repairs, received in July, 1789, amounted to ?78 2s. 9d., which the Mahamad paid and, in return, received a letter of thanks from Mr. Wolf. The Dublin congregation was by this time moribund, and on 22nd November, 1791, the Mahamad wrote to a Mr. Abraham Lyons, c/o Mr. Saunders of "Fixhumle" (=Fishamble) Street opposite Christ Churchyard, Dublin, that they learn with much concern that the Synagogue at his place has been lately shut up, but as there were two Sepharim with their adornments belonging to the London Congrega? tion, they request him to send them back, offering to pay every expense. They did not come, and on 9th February instead, an evidently unpleasant letter was received on 13th September, 1792, from Benjamin Coen of Dublin, executor of the late Joel Wolf, which it was decided to ignore. In 1793 a woman called Sarah Saunders came to the Mahamad to say that some Tudescos in Dublin had taken from her the two Sepharim which she intended to carry to this city in consequence of the letter written by them to Abraham Lyon on 22nd November, 1791. This high-handed action is described further in Shillman's Short History of the Jews of Ireland. Quoting the 1839 edition of the Laws and Regulations of the Dublin Hebrew Congregation, he says: "About half a century ago there was a place of worship, held at a rent, in the yard of the glass-works, Marl borough Street, but the Community gradually declining and digressing, it fell into decay and the offices at last were seized and held for the arrears of rent, when one woman got possession of some of these sacred effects. They (the brothers Cohen) went in pursuit of her on board a vessel, in which she intended going to England, and succeeded in rescuing from her a box containing two Sepher Toroth [sicl] (the Scrolls of the Law) which they kept in their possession for many years." Later we are told that these two Siphre Torah were presented as "a relic" by the brothers Cohen to the Jewish place of worship which was opened in 1822 in Stafford Street. Such were the thanks with which the Mahamad was rewarded for its assistance. The English Sephardim Lastly, we may notice the constant solicitude of the Mahamad for more distant individuals under their care. In a letter addressed to Bristol in 1771 to a Mr. Jacob da Silva Porto, we read: "Sir, Being informed that on board Cap. Boyd lately arrived to your place, there is a Jewish young girl we shall be obliged to you if you will make enquiry about it and if truth to endeavour to speak to her and take her home to your house, then acquaint us therewith immediately and we shall give your instructions how to proceed with her therafter. We hope if ones you get her at your house youl endeavour she may remain B</page><page sequence="8">8 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD there till you receive our Answer and be so good to interrogate her and gett from her how she came to stay with said Captain and other particulars, and being a deed of charity hope you will excuse the trouble. By Order of the wardens of the Portuguese Synagogue, Sd. by Elias Lopes Pereira." So too in December, 1786, a Tudesco wrote to the Mahamad asserting "that a person had been buried in the local churchyard at Sudbury, who from his garb was supposed to be a Moslem, but from letters in Hebrew which he carried from one Jacob Toledano, it was evident that he was really one Menahem Filus. Presumably he was one of the itinerant Sephardi hawkers of slippers. Oriental spices and the like. As he had a wife in Salonica, proof of his death was important. A letter was written to Sudbury and Filus was re-buried in Mile End. In 5523 (1773) on 3rd August, the first breath of modern biblical scholarship was felt within the walls of the Synagogue when the Rev. Benjamin Kennicott approached the Synagogue for permission to consult its Sepharim for their version of the Hebrew text of the Bible?of which he ultimately compiled an edition with critical apparatus. The episode is described in Picciotto's Sketches?* who mentions that Kennicott proposed to send his emissary, Mr. Paul J. Bruns. In Picciotto's words "the Portuguese Elders hastened to comply with so praiseworthy a wish," and sent him the following letter: "In answer to your kind favour Mr. Bruns or any other gentleman you may be pleased to send may inspect any manuscripts that are in our possession; the gentlemen who have the care of these and are our Readers, the Rev. Mr. de Castro and the Rev. Mr. Salom, either of whom or our Rev. Rabbi Mr. Moses Cohen d'Azevedo, will attend Mr. Bruns or any other gentleman that comes from you. Our said clergy all live adjacent to our synagogue and one of them will be in the way at any time that may be convenient to Mr. Bruns, though from 11 till 1 will be most suitable. Yours most sd. Isaac Serra for Wardens." In fact, the Mahamad went further, giving the two scholars a long and handsomely illuminated general letter of recommendation in Hebrew bearing the signatures of all the Parnassim.2 In 1780 we meet in the correspondence a personality well-known in the history of modern Hebrew literature. This is Ephraim Luzzatto, who, it now appears for the first time, was then better known by the name of Dr. Angelo Luzzatto.3 He settled in 1763 in London and was appointed Physician to the Sedaca in the year 1779, but his fame as a Hebrew poet appears far to have outshone his celebrity as a doctor. Of his literary talent Mrs. Nina Salaman has written gracefully in Vol. IX of our Transactions. The Mahamad correspondence, however, throws a disturbing light on the conclusion of his medical appointment at the Hospital: in August 1781 the doctor was refused leave of absence as he had not supplied the name of a locum tenens. 1 ed. Finestein, pp. 164-5. 2 The original letter is preserved in the Bodleian QJeubauer, Catalogue of Hebrew Mss. nr. 2596. The text is published in full by Neubauer in Israelitische Letterbode, XI, p. 82 (Amsterdam). A similar but less ornate letter was supplied by the Ashkenazi community (information from Mr. A. Schischa). See Plate 4. 3 So also in his Will; A. Arnold, Wills and Letters of Administration, p. 185. On him see Hyamson, p. 109.</page><page sequence="9">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 9 "17rft December, 1781, Dr. Angelo Luzzatto: Sir, From what passed Saturday night it was thought you was going Immediately to see the Sick Child of Jacob Hs. Cardozo, find notwithstanding that by the message you recd this morning from 2 gen? of the Vestry &amp; the Discoverie you have had with Mr. Moron ward of Society of Hebra you have not as yet been?The ps ent desire you will without further loss of time visit said child?we hope you will attend to our sick poor in conformy to agreem* without giv^ us reason to interfere again on this subject yr complyance will oblidge Sr yr m humble Servt J. B. Lousada, Gabay." "23rd December, 1781. Dr. A. Luzzatto: Sir, Your letter of 18th inst. being of an extraordinary tenor, We desire youll attend us at our Vestry on Thursday morng next precisely at 11 o'clock to explain the same, the subject being new to us By Order of the Mahd Sd. E. L. Pereira Sec." From the Minutes of the Mahamad we learn that Dr. Luzzatto appeared on 27th December before the Mahamad who had summoned him to them, and apologized for his letter of the 18th, which however has not survived. In any case, he vacated the post the following year. The Ashkenazi Congregations of England Correspondence with the Ashkenazic communities is on the whole slight. The Minutes of the Mahamad disclose a curious correspondence bearing on proselytism in the middle of the century.1 In Tebet, 5512 (December, 1751), the following letter was sent "to the German and Hamburg Jews Vestries," i.e. to the Great and Hambro Synagogues: "Being persuaded you will joyn with us in all things that tends to preserve our present happy toleration. We take this opportunity to acquaint you as worthy repre? sentatives of your congregation of a growing evil amongst us, viz.: that of permitting proselites for which end we have heard that two or three Christians have come hither from Norway with that intention, and lest these practices should extend to create English proselites also, which is contrary to the express conditions annexed to our first establishment here, we have thought proper to forbid in our synagogue any from aiding or assisting them therein in a manner whatsoever. Under the penalties as we send you inclos'd, do not doubt but you will also concur with us to endeavour to prevent the same from taking effect amongst you in the manner may be judg'd most expedient. We pray God to preserve you for many years, etc. and believe us to be gentlemen, your friends and humble servants. For the gentlemen, Parnassim &amp; Gabay of the Portuguese Jews call'd Saar Asamaim: Abm. de Castro. London, 27 Dec, 1751." The penalties on discussing religion with persons of other nations or scandalizing them or circumcising them, or bathing them, were declared to be expulsion and refusal of burial to the offenders and their families. This agreement is alone sufficient, how? ever, to explain what formerly seemed obscure: why in 1787 Rabbi Tevele Schiff refused to admit to the Jewish faith Lord George Gordon,2 and it is no doubt the reason 1 On the policy of the Mahamad on this subject, and its application see further, E. R. Samuel, in Three Centuries of Anglo-Jewish History (1961), ed. by V. D. Lipman, p. 43, note 32. 2 See Israel Solomon's "Lord George Gordon's Conversion to Judaism" Trans. J.H.S.E., VII, pp. 241-3.</page><page sequence="10">10 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD why the noble proselyte found it necessary to go to Birmingham for his admission.1 In 1788 a letter (not preserved) was received from the Parnassim and Yehidim of the Dover Congregation asking for a Sepher Torah, which was refused. According to Dr. Roth,2 the foundation of the Dover Congregation, now extinct, took place in 1770. In March, 1790, the Ashkenazim of Duke's Place sent a letter offering the Mahamad thirty-eight tickets for the consecration of their new synagogue. In October and November, 1792, took place a lively correspondence with the Great and Hambro synagogues on the subject of building a joint Hall for Shechita, but the substance of this is well summarized already by Picciotto.3 Anglo-Sephardic Communities Overseas Jamaica We must now turn our attention to the English possessions overseas. Of these the most important was Jamaica, with its three Sephardic congregations of Spanish Town, Kingstown and Port Royal, whose origin goes back even beyond that of Saar Asamaim, London at least to 1655. This is not the place for a history of the Jews of that island, although it is a work which badly needs to be done. Suffice to say that the Jews in that island enjoyed considerable privileges and were prominent in trade, though they suffered heavily from discriminatory taxation and their presence was resented by their English rivals. In the State Papers (Colonial)4 occurs a letter from the President of Council of Jamaica dated 28th January, 1691/2, addressed to the Lords of Trade and Plantations which says: "Lord Inchiquin (i.e. the last Governor) died on the 10th instant [sic 16th] and we have assumed the Government. The Jews cut us and our children out of all trade, the reasons for naturalising them not having been observed; for there has been no regard had to their settling and planting as the law intended and directed. We did not want them at Port Royal, a place populous and strong without them; and though told that the whole country lay open to them they have made Port Royal their Goshen, and will do nothing but trade. When the Assembly tries to tax them more heavily than Christians, who are subject to Public duties from which they are exempt, they contrive to evade it by special favours. This is a great and growing evil and had we not warning from other Colonies we should see our streets filled and the ships hither crowded with them. This means taking our children's bread and giving it to Jews. We believe that it could be avoided by giving a little more confidence to the Council." In a letter dated 14/16th July, 1692, addressed to the Mahamad of Jamaica, the London Mahamad encourage them: "By your letter of 31st January we see the consternation which reigns in your Kahal caused by the general illwill and envy in which our enemies hold us everywhere. You are experiencing it in the business which some of your Kahal are doing without 1 The berith was performed by a mohel named Tettenborn (?) from Norwich whose portrait, allegedly by Constable, was seen in 1952 by the late W. S. Samuel in the possession of a descendant of the mohel in Sydney, Australia, Mrs. Rosine Guiterman. This is doubtless the mohel referred to by Israel Solomons as "Rabbi Jacob." 2 Rise of Provincial Jewry, p. 110. 3 ed. Finestein, pp. 204-6. 4 "American and West Indies, 1689-1692," p. 952, letter dated 28th January, 1691-92. Quoted in J. A. P. M. Andrade, Record of the Jews in Jamaica, Kingston, 1939. On the manoeuvres against the Sephardi merchants operating in the West Indies and the discriminatory legislation procured by the hostile English merchants, seeH. S. Q. Henriques, "Special Taxation of the Jews," Trans. J.H.S.E., IX, pp. 53-66.</page><page sequence="11">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 11 prudence, which the wickedness of our enemies has given as a motive for preventing your trade. But thank God, their damned thoughts may fail because as soon as we received your letter we made our application to His Majesty, whom God preserve, who is now in Flanders, by way of Machado and Pereira,1 to whom the King replied that it should give them no anxiety because all would be well. . . ." They continue that the strongest claimant on the Governorship is the late Governor's son, the office being in the gift of the King's favourite, his brother-in-law, Lord Portland, the King having said that until he came home he would not dispose of the Governorship, but he was very fond of him. They continue that they will not relax their efforts on behalf of their brethren; and it is said that Colonel Beeston, who is well-known to the addressees, has been chosen as Lieutenant-Governor; to him they will try to speak. The misfortunes of the Jamaican community in the political field were followed by the catastrophe of the earthquake that shook the island on 7th June, 1691. In a letter to Haham Abraham Galante and the Hahamim of Safed in Palestine, dated New Moon of Sebat, 5453 (1693), the Mahamad mention that last Sivan a great misfortune befell Jamaica in the form of a great earthquake, when all the houses from most of the town fell into an opening in the ground and this disaster was followed by a tidal wave. "Our brethren miraculously escaped, except for twenty-two dead, more than two thousand Goyim dying. This week reports dated the end of Succoth report that many illnesses followed, many died, and earthquake still continuing, causing much loss to that holy Congregation." In this disaster Port Royal was destroyed. The disaster is referred to in a petition of nine Jamaica merchants, addressed to the Queen on 30th August, begging to be made full denizens, and stating that they have lost all they2 had in the world. At that time Jews bore the bulk of the taxation of the island, although the avowed Jewish population is stated to have been only eighty.3 Andrade quotes in full a petition made on their behalf by the Dutch-Jewish magnate Baron de Belmonte, who was actively interested in Jamaica.4 G. F. Judah5 describes an almost constant series of petitions by the Jews from 1707 onwards, protesting against the various impositions and begging relief from them. In 1736 the correspondence of the Mahamad takes up the thread of Jamaican affairs when on 20th Tebet (5496) the Mahamad report to Jamaica that, in conjunction with the Elders, they had decided to make efforts to induce the new Governor, Mr. Coningham, to favour the Jews of Jamaica wherever possible. "This he has agreed to do and they hope God will bring it about. Accordingly, they have resolved to present a Petition to the King on behalf of the Jamaican Jews, begging him not to proceed with separate taxation of the Jews there, the Jews to enjoy all other privileges of the Islanders." This petition was to be signed by all the principal merchants, Jewish and English, dealing with the island. (The text is said to be already before the King, whose 1 The Sephardi firm of Commissaries or Quartermasters to William Ill's army. See L. Wolf's postscript in Shillman, The Jews in Ireland, p. 35. Roth, History of Jews in England, p. 185. 2 Quoted from State Papers (Colonial): in Andrade, Record of the Jews in] Jamaica, Kingston, 1941. 3 Andrade, p. 9. 4 G. F. Judah, "The Jews' Tribute in Jamaica", Publications of American Jewish Historical Society 18, pp. 149 ff. See also pp. 247-254 of this volume. On Belmonte, L. Wolf, Essays in Jewish History, pp. 400-1. 5 Ibid.</page><page sequence="12">12 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD acceptance is hoped for.) It is published in full by Andrade and Judah, but the signatures of the merchants concerned are ludicrously miscopied in many cases1 The Mahamad continue that they have laid out ?352 on this petition, further expenses would be needed for Counsel's fees, and they desire to be reimbursed. In a further letter of 14th Tishri, 5497 (1736), they mention that the cost of the lunch given to the Governor Coningham was ?24 12s. Od. Writing on 26th Heshvan next year, they add that the fees of the solicitor, Mr. Wood, are ten guineas, and make mention of a further lunch given to Mr. Trelawney who replaced Coningham, costing ?20 13s. Od. On 20th Adar, 5498 (1738), they mention that the King has approved this Petition, entrusting it to Governor Trelawney to convey to the Jamaican Assembly. Andrade records that after the removal of the special taxation, the Jews of Jamaica thought it prudent for many years to present a handsome gift to the newly-appointed Governor and his assistants. The Governor received a purse (which was called a "pie") of about 200 doubloons, the Lieutenant-Governor one of about 150, which was called a "tart," while his Secretary received 50, which was denominated a "tartlet." No doubt that this tactful practice was inspired by the annual gift to the Lord Mayor of London by the London Mahamad and Elders of a large piece of silver plate, either a cup or a dish, rilled with sweetmeats or chocolate. In 1743 the Jamaican community are asked to repay ?21 12s. Od. for expenses incurred in procuring the insertion of a clause in an Act of Parliament naturalizing Jews in the West Indies, which sum was duly sent. On 13th November, 1745, we learn of a new trouble when the Mahamad write regretting to hear from Jamaica how the Jews of St. Jago de la Vega (the older name of Spanish Town) are being obliged to carry arms on the Sabbath and Succoth. The Mahamad promise to take the matter up with the Secretary of State. The correspondence is then silent concerning the troubles of Jamaica, except for two episodes concerning individuals: one was the disturbance created by Abraham Sanches in 1751, who solicits votes for election as "semblista" (a strange word not in the dictionary, but evidently a corruption of the equally unrecorded word "assemblista" meaning a member of the Assembly of the Island) on the basis of his rights as a freeholder; unfortunately the strong opposition which he has met with as a Jew has become attached to the whole of the Jewish com? munity. The Mahamad write that they have studied all the papers and documents and are submitting them to the 'Deputies of the Nation' who will consult Counsel with a view to seeking redress. In my father's History of the Congregation2 is described how the Deputies of the congregation, until then only appointed ad hoc, had since 1746 been formed into a standing committee, to deal with political matters with authority to keep minutes and accounts of their own, but unfortunately no Minute Book of the Deputies so old has survived. In the following year, there was some correspondence concerning a member of the Kingston congregation, Isaac Henriques Furtado, who is said to have com? mitted various offences and to have blasphemed publicly in a Court of Law. The matter was referred to the Beth Din at London, and for these offences and for bringing the Jewish name into disgrace amongst the English, he was condemned to grow a beard for two months, to fast till next Rosh Hashana every Monday and Thursday, 1 Thus for "Serza" read Serra; for "Lopusnape" read Lopes Suasso; for Elbenator Simentel, Abenatar Pimentel; for Vramia, Namias, etc. 2 Bevis Marks Records, I, 37-9.</page><page sequence="13">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 13 to go to no festivities, to attend Synagogue morning and evening and to sit behind the Tebah (Reading Desk) in the seat allocated to the mourners. In their meeting of 26th November, 1760, the Deputies considered a letter from the Jamaican community, passed on to them by the Mahamad. In this letter the Jamaican Jews complain of the militia service to which they had been made liable, under martial law, involving violation of the Sabbath, and apparently also of chscrimi natory taxation. The Deputies intervened on their behalf with Governor Lyttleton and Mr. Pownall, Secretary of the Board of Trade, and obtained remission of the tax.1 In 1779 Kingston, Jamaica, was inviting applications for a hazan through the London congregation, but the advertisement produced no result. In 1786 the post appeared to be still vacant and at last a Mr. Abraham de Moses Bassan, hazan at Naarden in Holland, "a small congregation" near Amsterdam, was brought to London, approved, appointed, furnished with clothes and linen and sent out by the first ship. All this is duly recorded in the form of letters. So much for Jamaica. Barbados The other principal island of the West Indies for Jewish interest is the island of Barbados, where an important Sephardi congregation existed since 1654.2 To them an important constitutional point is made clear. In 1753, 6th August, the Mahamad write that they have heard with great distress of the disorders in that congregation, which (one concludes) are due to members of the congregation ignoring its authority, to remedy which that Kahal wishes to seek support in law. The Mahamad continue as follows: "No one here can remedy [these disorders]. It is incompatible with the British Constitution to enforce laws or ascamot in societies which are not incorporated by Royal Charter. We have, however, referred the congregation's letter to the Deputies, who, apart from advising you as stated, add that at present there are in this Kingdom diverse persons ill-disposed to our nation who wish to prevent this congregation obtaining the privilege of naturalization, which we formerly pursued for our brethren in those parts," i.e. the British Colonies. The Mahamad add that it could have the worst consequences for all, if dissensions were exploited by such evil-wishers, and the gentlemen who dispute the authority of the Mahamad, are besought to contribute to a calmer atmosphere. A similar letter followed on 28th August. Reference to the question of naturalization is, of course, to the famous Jew Bill of 1753 which, owing to popular clamour, had to be repealed in the following year. On 3rd May, 1781, a letter was received from the Parnassim of the Barbados Congregation describing the sad state of the community as a result of calamities which had recently befallen the island, involving great damage to the Synagogue and other buildings belonging to it. The matter was referred to the Elders. On 6th June, 1781, the Mahamad report that the Elders have voted ?200 towards the relieving in part of the damage to the synagogue and the community resulting from the recent hurricane, while Messrs. N. I. and Abraham Nunes are being instructed to forward three Sepharim as a gift from this congregation to theirs. 1 On this episode, see Hyamson, pp. 136-138. 2 E. M. Shilstone, Jewish Monumental Inscriptions in Barbados (London, 1955).</page><page sequence="14">14 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD St. Eustatius Even from the congregation Honen Dalim of St. Eustatius in the Leeward Islands in the West Indies, then under Dutch control, came a letter dated 8th October, 1773, reporting that the synagogue had been destroyed, though mercifully the Sepharim had been saved and no lives had been lost. The matter was referred to the Elders who, however, refused help.1 Minorca: Port Mahon For further references to the political history of the Jewish communities in English possessions overseas, we have to seek elsewhere, in the First Book of Minutes of the new Board of Deputies. These throw a most important light on a hitherto almost unknown community, that of Port Mahon in the Island of Minorca, which it seems proper to include here in the present survey. On 22nd May, 1766, a meeting of the Deputies reported that they had received a letter, forwarded by the Mahamad from Mahon, complaining that the Lieutenant Governor of that island was objecting to the congregation meeting for their devotions. This Community had apparently come into existence when Minorca, having been captured by the British in 1708, the island was ceded to Britain by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 and Port Mahon became a free port like Gibraltar. But when the French temporarily seized the island from 1756-62 the Jews were evacuated with the Fleet. In 1762 the British had returned. The Deputies accordingly resolved to convey the Mahon congregation's protest to the Governor, General Sir George Howard (who was apparently at that time in London), and, if necessary, to carry the complaints to a higher level, but meanwhile to counsel the congregation of Mahon to have the utmost patience and make themselves agreeable to the natives of the island. Mr. Joseph Salvador and Mr. Moses da Costa called on the Governor, and he advised them to see the Duke of Richmond, then Secretary of State. They did so, and submitted to him a memorial which the Duke accepted, saying that though the conduct of the Lieutenant-Governor had been in accordance with the Treaties, he would report the matter to His Majesty and hope to obtain an Order permitting the community of Mahon to have a synagogue, but that the Jews of Mahon should have applied to the Governor for a licence, as is usual in garrison towns. At the same time he advised that the Deputies should tell the community to make them? selves useful commercially, but to discourage them from tampering with the coinage.2 Permission was granted for the establishment of the synagogue. But the com? munity was short-lived. Although in 1782 in the Minutes of the Mahamad it is reported on 1st June, 1781 that several of the refugees who were forced to leave the Rock of Gibraltar at the time of the siege proposed to go to Mahon, these may have been persons who had originally come from Minorca to Gibraltar in the first place.3 We do not know if they ever sailed to Mahon, but if they did, they were unlucky, for on 1 On Burke's defence of the Jews of St. Eustatius in 1781 and their misfortunes, see Alfred Rubens' article, Trans. J.H.S.E., XIX, p. 31. 2 For the texts of the document see Appendix 2. For a sketch of the history of the Mahon community, see Roth, "The Jews of Minorca under British Rule," Orient and Occident: Essays presented to Dr. M. Gaster, ed. by Dr. B. Schindler (London 1936). 3 In 1782 at the time of the Siege of Gibraltar, Jews (individuals or families) are recorded from Minorca with the following names: Atal, Azuelos, Alevy, Botbol, Bottibol, Cansino, Delmar. W. H. Howes, The Gibraltarian: The Origin and Development of the Population of Gibraltar, Colombo. No date. On David del Mar of Mahon c. 1745 see Roth, loc. cit., p. 494, n. 9.</page><page sequence="15">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 15 22nd August Minorca was captured by the Franco-Spanish fleet and the Jews were deported, with some others, to France. Gibraltar In Gibraltar, a congregation had been officially recognized since 1749 when a grant of land for religious purposes was obtained.1 On 29th May, 1781 the Mahamad received from Benjamin Levy and Abraham Wolfe (? of Dublin) the first intimation of the consequences of the Siege of that fortress resulting in the evacuation by the Fleet of the Jewish population amid much distress, a situation closely reproduced in the last World War. The particulars are given in a letter to the Deputies of Safed in November, 1782, telling them of the burden constituted by the poor who have been displaced by the wars and arrived here from Gibraltar and elsewhere, and the ferocity with which the Spaniards have attacked and destroyed their homes, forcing more than one hundred families to leave, destitute of everything. The Elders' Minutes of 8th Sivan, 5541 (1st June, 1781), deal at some length with the misfortunes of their brethren at the Rock who have arrived with the last Fleet. A letter is included from Jexiel Tedesquiny which gives a list of the refugees, headed by the Haham, Isaac Almosnino. The numerous families and individuals, it is said, are being housed and fed by the Portsmouth congregation.2 Many propose to pass to Port Mahon. Eight other families are said to have arrived at other ports. Some of these were in Ireland, for it is said that Jacob Levy Bensusan in a letter from Ireland dated 17th May to his son describes the lootings that have taken place in the beleaguered Rock. However, the Sepharim and both the synagogues have been miraculously preserved. On 27th May Senor Judah Israel, another refugee, writes from Maryport?whether the port of that name in Cumberland, or that in Scotland (Wigtown) is unclear. North America The American Continent receives a little attention in correspondence which, how? ever, is mostly well-known in substance. New York In October 1757 the Mahamad acknowledge a letter from the congregation Shearith Israel of New York, conveyed by the hand of Moses Franks, asking for a hazan "who should be a 'y?ung man5 ?f morals and strictly religious, with the advantage of an agreeable voice, and a capacity for teaching of Hebrew, and translating it into English as well as Spanish,' to read prayers, and to teach poor boys, for a salary of ?50." They agree to look for a candidate, but ask whether the ?50 includes or 1 A. S. Sarfaty, The Jews of Gibraltar under British Rule (Gibraltar 1933) and valuable data. W. H. Howes, op. cit., also A. G. Grimwade and others, Treasures of a London Temple, London, 1951, p. 36 (edited by R. D. Barnett). 2 Their names are given as Solomon Cohen, Jacob Sarfaty, the widows Hadida and Varicas, Moseh Nahon, Judah Benatar, Judah ben Oliel, widow of Abraham Toledano, Menahem Atias, wife of Samuel Anijar, widow Luna Atias and all their children. These passengers owe the Captain 18 guineas. Other families believed to be on their way were Judah Israel, with a son and nephew, Senoras Hana and Simha Aboab, Jacob Levy Bensusan and four daughters, Isaac Lara and three daughters, Salom Azuelos, and Abraham Cohen, both with large families, Jacob and Abraham Pariente, bachelor youths; at a distant port, Isaac Benzaquen and wife, Moseh Levy, Menahem Levy Bensusan.</page><page sequence="16">16 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD excludes offerings and other perquisites, without which the post would be somewhat unattractive. They also insist that his passage and expenses be paid, and the agree? ment be made for a certain term of years. Further, that as the season is now late, nobody can go out before the spring. The reply came: "We have no objection to a married man, but would choose one rather if with a small family and not attended with much charge as our congregation is small, and few that are able to contribute to the support thereof."1 The gentleman elected was Mr. Joseph Jeshurun Pinto.2 But the conditions were not wholly satisfactory and in 1761 he complains to the Mahamad in London that his new employers are reducing his salary by ?20 per annum to pay a teacher (ruby) in the boys' school. Neither of the two writers who have described the Rev. Mr. Pinto's career have discovered this, the real reason for his departure. He resigned four years later, and his successor was advertised for at an increased basic salary of ?80, with ?20 for rent, wood and matzot. Newport The congregation of Newport, Rhode Island, ranks as one of the oldest in America, having been traditionally founded in 1658.3 In 1678/9, it was reinforced by a group of merchants immigrating from Barbados, and the congregation was given the name Nephuse Israel ("The Scattered of Israel") since the name of the Barbados community was Nidhe Israel, "The Scattered of Israel." In a letter dated 6th Sebat, 5514 (1754), the Parnassim of Nephuse Israel1 wrote to London asking for help in establishing an esnoga more worthy to house their Sepharim and for prayer, which it seems had been conducted until then in private houses or rented premises. The request was declined. But a further application was submitted in 1789 in the form of a circular letter addressed to various communities.4 In 1759 the congregation of Newport, now calling itself Yeshuat Israel, "Salvation of Israel," seriously began its preparations for building its first permanent synagogue, the beautiful "Touro Synagogue" which still stands, the oldest surviving synagogue in the American Continent.5 The dedication took place in 1763, but in 1767, it being still unfinished in some respects unspecified, another appeal was addressed to Bevis Marks for assistance. Perhaps many of the debts incurred in building it were still outstanding. The copy-book of the Mahamad records that ?30 was sent in the following year through Senhores Ximenes and Lousada of London and Daniel and Moseh Gomes of New York, accompanied by apologies for the smallness of the sum, for which again poverty was blamed. Soon the shadow of the American War of Independence falls across the corres? pondence. The Jews of Newport had mostly joined the Colonial Cause,6 and when the British troops occupied Newport they mostly fled. But on 1st September, 1780, Hazan Isaac Abraham Touro, of Newport, who officiated at the Synagogue's opening, was the friend and Hebrew teacher of Dr. Ezra Stiles (afterwards President of Yale 1D. &amp; T. de Sola Pool, An Old Faith in a New World (1955), p. 165. 2 Ibid. Hyamson, The Sephardim of England, p. 148. 3 For the history of this community see Morris Gutstein, To Bigotry no Sanction (1958) esp. pp. 22-6, 163-5. Dr. Gutstein draws attention (p. 171) to its use of the name Nephuse Israel, but is somewhat mystified by it. The confirmation of its use contained in the above-mentioned letter of 1753 was not known to him. 4 Gutstein, p. 53. I cannot find a reference to this letter in the papers of Bevis Marks. 6 Gutstein, p. 56. 6 On the Loyalist Hart family see Trans. XVI, p. 139.</page><page sequence="17">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 17 University), and was evidently an unusual man.1 Hazan Touro, however, remained and continued to conduct services, while the synagogue itself was used by the British as a hospital. On 1st September, 1780 he wrote in distress to the Mahamad of Bevis Marks. His letter is not preserved, but in a reply dated 22nd January, 1781, the London Mahamad express their deep regret at the disappointments and difficulties which have been caused him by the present wars. Their great regret is that they are unable to send him the relief he desires, the community not being as he knew it years ago, with poverty rising daily. It seems that the distressed Hazan had already given up hope, for before the year was out, he left Newport with his family for New York, He died in Jamaica four years later. Philadelphia In 1793 the Beth Din report having received a letter from the congregation Mikveh Israel, Philadelphia, by then no longer part of the British Dorninions, asking how to proceed in the matter of a Yahid who wishes to have converted, so that he may marry her, a servant with whom he has lived and by whom he has begotten children. The Mahamad discreetly advised the Beth Din that it is impolitic to give instructions in such a case. Charleston In the same year, on 14th Sebat, 5553 (27th January, 1793), a letter dated 22nd May, 1792, was received from Kahal Kadosh Beth Elohim signed by Gershom Cohen, Jacob Cohen and Isaac da Costa, inviting contributions for the building of a synagogue. Probably on account of its original close connection with the London congregation this was rewarded with a vote of ?20. Europe France With this we leave the British dependencies and congregations of the New World and turn to the Continent of Europe. There is a curious episode in Paris in 1716 when Bevis Marks writes, presumably to some person or secret congregation there, asking for information. The matter, however, is most peculiar, since the letter is without an addressee and, according to The Jewish Encyclopaedia, the Portuguese community was not established in Paris until 1750, (on which more below). The letter, written in French, states that the writers have read in newspapers an article from Paris quoted from the Gazette ? la Main, saying that the Jews have offered forty million tournois to the Regency in return for freedom to build a synagogue and worship there. The writers consider this story improbable, both on account of the largeness of the sum, and the insufficient number of God's people in Paris to pray there. As Parnassim, the writers would like to know the facts as quickly as possible, in case they should need them. They expect that this report is simply due to malice of the Gazette ? la Main, or of the London printer. The writers beg that the addressees should in their reply protest sufficiently strongly to enable their letter to be shown to others, if need be. The episode is described by Dr. Cecil Roth ("La pretendue readmission des juifs ? Paris en 1716 et la communaute de Londres," in Notes et Melanges, Revue des Etudes 1 On him see Gutstein, pp. 49-50; D. &amp; T. de Sola Pool, op. cit., p. 169. See also Leon H?hner, The Life of Judah Touro (1775-1854), Philadelphia, 1946, Chap. II.</page><page sequence="18">18 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD Juives, Tome xciv 188, April-June, 1933), who finds a reference to it in the Memoir es du Due d'Orleans in 1716. But it still remains unexplained. In Kislev 1778 an important letter was received from Jacob Rodrigues Pereira, the leading figure of the Sephardim of France, which throws considerable light on the history of the Jews of France. He states that the Portuguese Jews, or Jews of Spanish or Portuguese origin, who come from any direction to France, have received the rights of nationals of France since 1550, by Letters Patent of Henry II, renewed from reign to reign, of which a printed copy is stated to be enclosed.1 The Paris police, however, from time immemorial have confused them with Jews of other nations, all being equally made liable to certain formalities, which, while necessary in the case of unknown and unnaturalized foreigners, were offensive to "our nation." Their privileges were probably not unknown in Paris, but for the difficulty of distinguishing the Portguese from other Jews, especially because "the Nation" has until 1750 had no representative to make the necessary claims on this point. Since that date the writer has become their Agent (and some time afterwards Pensioner of the KKs. of Bordeaux and Bayonne) a position recognized only in the last confirmation of privileges. The rigour of the law had gone so far on some occasions as to cause some well-known and highly honoured Portuguese to be imprisoned, only because they had come to Paris without a passport, likewise some Portuguese women, who were only passing through, but at their time of arrival had not had themselves registered before the Inspector charged by the police to look after the Jews; such were Sr. David Pereira, the writer's brother, in 1749 and shortly after, the wife of Sr. Mendes, Hazan of Hebra of Bordeaux. The attitude of the police has, it is true, not always and equally been the same, but it has always expelled without distinction after a certain delay, all Jews who do not take out passports, or neglect to renew them on expiry. The writer, zealous for honour of "the Nation," feels that his fellow-Portuguese are involved in the public mind with the anti-Semitic hostility aroused by the misdeeds of non-Portuguese Jews, who are incomparably more numerous in Paris. Furthermore, some Ashkenazim have profited from the neglect on the part of the Portuguese of these privileges, to raise themselves up and weaken the Portuguese in various ways, e.g. M. Zalmer,2 who, though unsucessfully, tried to make himself master of all the Jews of Paris with power to admit, send away and imprison those he thought fit; or the two Jews of Avignon who, despite the writer's protests, dared to betroth the two daughters of Sr. Is. Ximenes, who had eloped from London to Paris, to two youths.3 Accordingly, the writer last June invoked the Portuguese Jews' rights of nationals, both in Paris and elsewhere in the kingdom, despite the established rules and customs, on the occasion of the issue of a circular order, expelling from Paris thirty bad characters, which was also sent to the leaders of the German and Avignon Jews. The writer, Sr. Pereira, was successful in agreeing with his brethren of Bordeaux upon the terms of a regulation which was to apply to 1 Evidently Privileges dont les Juifs Portugals jouissaient en France depuis 1550. 12, 32, 11 pp. 8vo. Paris. 1777. Imprimerie de Stoupe. 2 This Monsieur Zalmer (sic) would appear to be Liefmann Calmer, an army contractor who, coming to France from Hanover, became enriched and was naturalized. In 1769 he obtained the barony of Picquigny and became an influential public figure. He lost a great part of his wealth, however, in an unsuccessful lawsuit with the Church, and died in 1784. Leon Kahn, Les Juifs de Paris aux dixhuitieme Siecle, Paris, 1894 also Les Juifs de Paris pendant la Revolution, Paris, 1898. Chap. VII, "La famille de Liefmann Calmer." I owe these references to the kindness of Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg (New York). 3 Hyamson, Sephardim of England, p. 19.</page><page sequence="19">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 19 Portuguese Jews coming to France, who are henceforward to be supplied with letters patent and a copy of the regulation. When these letters are received in Paris, the persons referred to will be recorded in a register kept by the writer. The Mahamad agreed to this. There followed during February and April, certificates describing some members of the congregation: Sr. David Abenatar Pimentel, of middle height, 50 years old; Abraham Diaz Coutinho, of middle height, aged 47; Raphael Franco, a short man about 45 years old, and his son Jacob Franco, aged 17; Joseph de Almeida, a fat man of middle height, about 50; while three certificates are referred to without details for Joseph Montefiore and his wife and Moses Lombroso de Mattos. After this, the innovation of this kind of Sephardic passport appears to have been abandoned. Other contacts with France are mostly confined to appeals for help from the little Sephardi communities in the South. Such were received from Avignon by way of Bayonne in 1721, to whom 350 pesos were sent, followed by ?40, with ?10 10s. Od. from a private donor in 1725.1 The tiny community of Peyrehorade was, in 1761, refused, with politeness. A petition from the congregation of "Bedaxe" (Bidache) dated 4th January, 1777, for help to complete the restoration of their cemetery wall received only ?3 3s. Od. sent through Sr. Elias Furtado, in a reply addressed to Sr. M. Pessoa and others. In 1782, on 12th April, the Mahamad in reply to a letter from the "Syndics of the German Jews in Paris," decline to help the community of Bordeaux in connection with their cemetery.2 The letter is addressed to Mr. Cerf Berr, Place Victor, Paris? a well-known figure in French Jewry at the time. Italy Perhaps we may detect in these and similar cases a fairly consistent policy of refusal for help to foreign communities other than British. Similar requests for help were put forward from Italian communities, often in deep distress.3 Thus, in 1742 the Senate of Genoa informed the Jews that they must quit their territory, but the Elders of Bevis Marks were unmoved. Perhaps they were right, for in 1752 and 1770 the community of Genoa was still in existence, again vainly seeking financial aid. In 1763 the com? munities of Ancona, Pesaro, and Sinigaglia jointly begged for help, but in vain. Urbino, in Tammuz, 5523 (1763), asked for help in paying off old debts, again without success. London's experience with the Venetian community was not encouraging. Here, consistent with their policy, the congregation refused to make a loan, but allowed it to be raised by private individuals, beginning in the year 1737.4 An enormous corres? pondence on this subject steadily accumulated, couched in the most elegant language and addressed from London to "the Most Worthy Regents of the University of the Hebrews in Venice," or sometimes to "the University General of the Jews of Kahal Kadosh, Venice." Picciotto5 has written the appropriate epitaph upon this episode: "At first the interest on the loan was forwarded regularly, but the punctuality was short-lived. Letters from Venice were received, pleading total inability to pay. 1 The appeal was made by a saliah, Ribi Eliezer Uziel, through Amsterdam. 2 Bordeaux had been in 1712/3 an important congregation which in Hesvan of that year sent ?113 6s. lOd. through London to Jerusalem. 3 In Hesvan 5474 (1714) London "with much difficulty" answered an appeal from the island of Zante off Greece, with the sum of 75 patacas. 4 The rapacity of the Venetians had forced the Jewish community into an official declaration of bankruptcy in 1735. 5 Op. dt., Ch. XIX.</page><page sequence="20">20 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD That congregation was in embarrassed circumstances, and in fact was going from bad to worse. A correspondence between the two congregations was long kept up; and the Jewish community of Venice not only did not cover the advances already made, but even applied for further advances, which we need not say were courteously but firmly refused. An arrangement was eventually entered into between debtor and creditor, and for many years certain instalments were paid more or less regularly by Venice. Gradually the matter was forgotten, the original lenders died and the borrowers too." The circumstances of a correspondence with Rome in 1784 have been investigated by Dr. Cecil Roth.1 The Jews of the Roman ghetto were suffering from a particularly violent attack conducted with the approval of Pope Pius VI by their enemies who had carried off two orphan children from their home and had them forcibly baptized, while many others?no less than sixty persons?were imprisoned and only redeemed on payment of large sums of money. A circular letter was sent out all over Europe asking for help, but in a letter of reply dated 28th December, 1784, the Mahamad informed the Parnassim of Rome of their inability to help them on account of the great distress and poverty here, especially with the refugees from Gibraltar. In 1787 the Jews of Rome presented a petition to the Pope begging him to relieve them of the weight of the financial burden to which they had been subjected. It would appear that they were unsuccessful and seem to have, in consequence, thought of migrating elsewhere en masse. Accordingly, they wrote to London asking what privileges were enjoyed by their co-religionists. As Dr. Roth has said: "The ultimate idea seems to have been to apply to the King, whom they considered in the light of some petty Italian ruler, asking for definite concessions, in guarantee of their settlement, no doubt in return for a monetary payment. As may be imagined, the reply was this time cold in the extreme. The Romans were told that they should not judge England by the criterion of other places, since its government was a limited monarchy in which the benevolence of Parliament as well as of the King would be necessary, and that the Jews enjoyed in the country no privileges beyond those possessed by other foreigners?the right of property and the free exercise of their religion." Poland The traditional view, however, that the Sephardim of London were automatically deaf to appeals from any but Sephardim is refuted by two episodes, one unknown, the other quite familiar. The almost unknown episode is disclosed in a copy of a letter incorporated in the Minutes of 1710. This letter is sent by the Parnas, Moses de Medina, to his relatives, Joseph de Medina and sons of Amsterdam, with a contribution of 2275.11 florins for "our poor brethren in Poland in view of their calamities" (amounting to ?276 9s. Od.). The amount to be allotted to each of twenty-six congregations in Upper and Lower Poland is specified, and amongst them may be recognized such towns as Kalisch, Krotochin, Krakow, and many others.2 A footnote adds that "Senor 1 "The Forced Baptisms of 1783 at Rome and the Community of London," Jewish Quarterly Review, New Series, XVI, 2, 1925. 2 "In Upper Poland" Congregations of Paiser, Strim, Hoernigh and Genisern . rs. 250 Kales rs. 120; Crotsin rs. 120 . rs. 240 ?? Kempernem Waest, Basquevy, Dobry, Casmets rs. 25 ea... .. rs. 90 Blosqui, Jaltsin, Koblin @ 30 ea. rs. 90</page><page sequence="21">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 21 Lazarus Zacharias will deal with this, and at Vienna, Lipman Beers, who are interested in these numerous tudescos who are trying to escape." I regret that I have not yet been able to discover for certain to what tragedy this points, but it was probably expulsions and oppressions following a ritual murder charge in that year.1 In connection with the earlier events in Poland to which I referred, an approach from Italy from an individual is of more than passing interest, to conclude a sketch of relations with that country. On 5th Heshvan, 5521 (autumn, 1760), the Elders recorded in their Minutes that an emissary from Polish congregations named Ruby Eliakim de Aser Salig had written a letter from Holland requesting help, and on the 24th the Mahamad reported that this person had been making representations in Rome to the Pope and his Ministers to obtain the revocation of a certain decree against the Jews based on ancient calumny, accusing them of slaughtering Christian children on the eve of Pesach; for this purpose he had spent much time and money in Rome for which his congregations had had to pay the expenses. He had succeeded in his mission, and obtained the Pope's revocation of the decree, and was well considered. The Amsterdam community had voted 150 florins to him, with 10 for his servant, so the London community followed suit with ?6. This was Jacob Selek, or Selig, as he otherwise appears to have been called, whom Dr. Cecil Roth in his book "The Ritual Murder Libel" describes as having carried out on behalf of the suffering Poles in 1758 an epoch-making mission, by obtaining from Cardinal Ganganelli at Rome a sweeping refutation of the charge. Bohemia The other better known instance of help given to the Ashkenazim is the celebrated intervention in 1744 which the congregation jointly with the Ashkenazi community obtained by appealing to George II and the Duke of Cumberland when Maria Theresa, Queen of Austro-Hungary, threatened to expel the Jews of Bohemia and Moravia. The Jews of London were not alone in protesting to their Government, being joined by the Jews of Amsterdam who did likewise, and afterwards struck a medal to com? memorate the success of the appeal.2 It may be, however, less well-known that the fund of about ?900, which Hyamson3 describes as being raised (actually it amounted to ?843 8s. Od.), was distributed to the refugees from Prague and Bohemia under the 1 Mr. A. Schischa points out to me that by 1703 the misery of the Jews of Greater Poland owing to crippling taxation and the Swedish-Polish War forced them to appeal for help to the out? side world. Heppner &amp; J. Herzberg, Aus Vergangenheit und Gegenwart der Juden und der j?dischen Gemeinden in den Posener Landen, Koshmin &amp; Bromberg, 1919. R. Moses Yekutiel Katz of Krotochin, later of Kaiisch, relates in his Lehern happanim, Hanau, 1716, that in 1708 he was captured while returning from conducting a wedding and was held ransom for the debts of Krotochin?my own ancestral home. (R.B.) 2 See Plate 5. 3 Sephardim of England, pp. 165-6. "Lower Poland" "Kraka" . 215 Apta, Prinsab, and Sedlof @ 55 ea. 165 Lanzemer .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 50 Neustadt, Stauemis, Daschkof, Salsiem, Waysen, Astrof, Arbonis, Selof and Schensin. 215 Zwerim . 280 These appear to include some garbled versions of the names of communities in Western Poland, e.g. (1. 1) Peiserstrim, Honigern, Gnesen, (1. 2) Kalisch, Krotochin, (1. 3) Dobrzyce, (1. 4) Blashki, Jarotschin, (1. 5) Krakau, (1. 6) Schindloff.</page><page sequence="22">22 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD supervision of the powerful Baron Diego de Aguilar himself, formerly the Treasurer of the Queen, who clearly played an important part in the negotiations with Her Majesty, To him several letters are addressed. The episode is described correctly as the earliest intervention of a Great Power on behalf of the Jews on humanitarian grounds,1 and represents a great diplomatic achievement on the part of the London community as a whole. Sweden We would not tarry over the well-known correspondence between the London community and the representatives of the King of Sweden who, in a printed circular letter written in French, invited "rich Jews of the Portuguese nation" to settle in Sweden in the year 1745, if it had been not until now largely misunderstood. The correspondence has been made known at least in extracts by Picciotto2 and Hyamson.3 But there was somewhat more behind it than these accounts, as we may see from the detailed study given by Hugo Valentin in his history of Swedish Jewry.4 A proposal for developing Sweden's colonial interests was first raised in 1727 by Baron Tiesenhausen who acted for a friend, Simon Abraham, a wealthy Prussian Schutzjude who had worked for the Dutch in Guiana; he advocated exploiting the region of River Barima between the Spanish and Dutch colonies, said to be then for sale in Amsterdam. Simon Abraham was given the title of Commercial Commissar by the Swedish Senate, but the purchase fell through. But in 1729 Simon settled in G?teborg with his attendants and family. The leading men in the Swedish East India Company which was then being formed, and the Board of Trade were friendly to him, but failed to get him Swedish citizenship. Yet, on his initiative, a Swedish West Indian Company was founded and a ship was sent out to establish trade connections with the Barima area, with instructions secretly to prepare ground for a Swedish colony. Simon approached the King, Frederick I, with the report on this, who received it very favourably. But then Simon dropped the whole scheme and disappears from the picture. In 1731 one Henry K?nig obtained the right to launch an East India Company. In 1745 these ideas were for the first time linked with stiff negotiations for some degree of tolerance. The scheme for a West Indian Company was revived by two brothers, Abraham and Jacob Arfwedson who, with a Hamburg merchant Josias von Aspern, claimed that some wealthy Portuguese Jews would move to G?teborg in support of the scheme which involved the herring fishery and whale fishery, and a company trading with the Levant and America, if allowed a synagogue hazanim and rabbis. They would also take over the East India Company's charter which was due to expire in 1746 on terms more profitable to the King. In all of this of course, they would act in partnership with any Swedes who cared to invest money in the undertakings. The plea for tolerance was easy to grant; on 27th June, the Senate secretly approved rich Jews being granted the rights requested by Arfwedson; the Arfwedsons were given a charter for fishing herring and cod in the North Sea and the Baltic, and whale and seal in Davis Sound. 1 L. Wolf, Notes on the Diplomatic History of the Jewish Question, 1919, pp. 6-11, who publishes some of the official documents of this event. [See also Krengel, "Die Englische Intervenzion zugunsten der Juden im Jahre 1744," Monatsschr. f?r gesch. u. Wiss. den Judentums, 1900, p. 177; S. H. Lieben, "Briefe von 1744 ?ber die Austreibung der Juden aus Prag," Jahrb. der Gesellsch. f?r die Gesch. der Juden in der Tscheko slovakei, Prague, 1932, pp. 353-479 (information from Mr. A. Schischa)]. 2 Sketches (ed. Finestein), pp. 159-60. 3 Sephardim of England, pp. 166-7. 4 Judarnas Historia i Sverige, 1924, pp. 114, 136, Ch. 8. I am obliged to Professor Bernard Lewis for drawing my attention to this. See also Plate 3.</page><page sequence="23">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 23 The Arfwedsons informed rich Portuguese Jews of the opportunity of sharing this venture and the terms for doing so. On January 3rd, 1746, the King was induced to confirm the offer in a French letter patent, inviting rich Portuguese Jews to settle in G?teborg or elsewhere in order to engage in Swedish trade or industry with citizen rights, and inviting them to send representatives to discuss the matter. The question of charter of the East India Company was meanwhile referred to a Commission. Jacob Mendes da Costa of Hamburg-Altona, acted as the Jews' spokesman but he turned out to be a bankrupt. But though twenty-two more or less important Jewish signa? tories signed a letter giving da Costa and one Rocamora power to negotiate for the readmission of the Jews, it became evident that none seemed themselves wishful to settle, and the project was dropped. For the London Congregation, Joseph Salvador wrote as "president" in French to the Arfwedson brothers, thanking the King, the Swedish Estates and the Senate, but pointing out that "in view of the great goodness which the King of England and Parliament have always shown towards the Jews estabhshment here, already of long duration, they could not think of leaving such a country." Very few therefore are likely to come from here, or Holland, and he advises them to try rather the Jews of Italy and France, but then only if His Majesty's decree is couched more widely, dropping the distinction of rich and poor and the clause forbidding colporteurs, and only if all is ratified in the most solemn manner. The Fund of "Cautivos" With this survey, therefore, we have reviewed the various countries of Europe and the New World with which the Mahamad of Bevis Marks was in correspondence. With a few exceptions, it will be seen that it was mainly over money matters. There remain two fields which we have not yet discussed and which bulk very largely in the correspondence. These are equally concerned with money, but represent the organized policy of the Mahamad in the disbursement of their contributions overseas, in contrast to the other items described above, which were very much a matter of ad hoc arrange? ment. I refer now to the two funds collected from offerings made in the Synagogue? the fund of Cautivos (in Hebrew, Hebrath Pidyon Shebuyim),1 raised for ransoming prisoners, and the fund for Terra Santa, for upkeep of the congregations in the Holy Land. To neither has much attention been paid hitherto, yet each was considered sufficiently important to be placed from the earliest times under the supervision of a special Parnas. In 1689 ?110 was sent from Cautivos money to the emissaries of Belgrade, who appealed for help after its sack by the Turks, followed by ?23 the following year, to aid those suffering in the sack of that city by the Imperial troops. In 1694, ?464 15s. Od. was sent to Constantinople from the fund of Cautivos, at the request of a Saliah from Constantinople, Haham Abraham Brudo, to rescue 3,000 persons who were said to be in the hands of the "Tartars."2 The next entry is in Iyar, 5465 (1705), when three persons, Aron Affia, Abraham Perez and Joseph Haim Esquenazy were rescued from the Knights of Malta at a cost of 60 ducats.3 In 1709 1 L. D. Barnett, El Libro de los Acuerdos, 13, 101; Bevis Marks Records, I, 26. 2 Professor B. Lewis points out to me that this probably refers to Tartars of the Crimea. 3 See Appendix 3. On Aaron Affia's sufferings see Roth, "The Jews of Malta," Trans. J.H. S.E. xii, p. 229. These three captives are the subject of the letters mentioned by Roth, ibid. p. 227 n. 60. The Order of Knights Hospitalier of St. John of Jerusalem had settled in Malta in 1530 and c</page><page sequence="24">24 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD the Mahamad gave 100 patacas to Haham Zebulun a-Cohen and his son-in-law, Treves, to rescue six captives, then in Izmir, taken prisoner by the Algerian pirates. In 1728 one hundred pesos were voted to rescue one Isaac Tunis, and ?115 to rescue four other individuals. In 1734, ?25 was paid to rescue the family of seven of Eleazar Mamulhan, a poor Jew of Smyrna, who had been captured in a Genoese ship by a Greek pirate named Janachy, and were held on an island off Crete. In 1735 (5495) nine Jews were captured by the Spaniards under the English flag, probably from Gibraltar, and imprisoned in Ceuta. Diplomatic action through the British Ambassador in Madrid was undertaken on their behalf. Simultaneously, two Jews who were prisoners of the Knights of Malta (the greatest danger to Jews of the Mediterranean) were ransomed at 50 pesos each, and two others in Tripoli were ransomed at the price of 40 pesos each. In 1726, eighteen Jews from Salonika when en route for Constantinople were kidnapped by the Maltese Knights. In 1741, a contribution of about ?110 was sent to Livorno to rescue eleven or twelve persons; but as two of them changed their faith their share had to be returned. The "Maltese tyrants" are again the captors of one Jew in 1743, of three Jews in 1745, of three more in 1750, six in 1754, eight or ten in 1768 and four in 1769. The contribution to the ransom in each case varied from ?5 to ?10 each, and was usually sent through Livorno or Venice. In 1728 the Island of Zante, West of Greece, appealed for help on account of a plague, and was granted rather oddly 80 ducats from Cautivos. In 1742, ?20 was sent to rescue the family of Benjamin ben Aron who were imprisoned in Smyrna. In Ab 5504 (1744) ?112 12s. Od. was sent to rescue David Haim Medina and three persons from "the Tartars." More unusual claims occurred in 1750 when letters were received from Persia asking for contributions to rescue thirty-eight souls,1 and in the following year a petition for help was received through one Eliau Misrahi Molho from twelve Jews taken captive by the Persians during their war against the Turks. Sums were voted in each case. Molho had been himself a prisoner with his brother, but had been freed by the congregation of Constantinople. In 1771 Isaac Fano from Pedroso (Patras?) in the Morea (Greece) arrived to seek ransom for his wretched family of five, captured by the Turks, and received ?25 from the compassionate congregation. In October, 1770, Daniel Martins sends a letter through Cadiz telling how he, a Portuguese Jew born in Jamaica, has been captured by the Spanish while carrying contra? band and detained at Cadiz, then transported to Havana. As he appears to have been born a Jew, it was hoped to secure his liberty, as the Inquisition would not permit born Jews to remain in Spanish territory. Accordingly, ?40 was granted to secure his liberty. In 1773 ?100 was voted for prisoners captured in the Holy Land, and in 1774, ?28 7s. Od. for rescuing two families from Constantinople, captured by the Russians. 1 The letters were borne by Salmon Benhar and Isaac of lineage of "Neusia" (Nevshehir?) coming from Kishilan (Kashan?), who sought ransom of 15 souls: Selomon Benhar, Jacob Alevy of "Sirat Vem" (Siraf?), Persia, for ransom of 20 souls; Jacob Behar, David Sabatey Behar, Joseph &amp; Hananya Behar, to ransom three. considered themselves permanently at war with the Turks. Captains of galleys had to equip their ships at their own expense, refunding themselves from the profits of captured enemy ships. The Order's active life ended in 1798 when Napoleon captured the Island. On the Order and its cap? tives, usually sold into slavery, and the Sephardic organization of Deputies of Pidyon Shebulyim based on Venice, for their redemption, see Roth, ibid. pp. 212-242, and M. Benayahu, 'Igroth R. Shemuel Aboab le-hachme Eres Yisrael in Scritti in Memoria di Sally Mayer, (Jerusalem 1956) pp. 17-47. See also Plate 1.</page><page sequence="25">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 25 In 1774 (January), ?5 5s. Od. was granted to rescue the family of David Israel (the servant of Haham Abraham Saphetti) who had been captured in Albania, and the Haham was granted ?2 3s. Od. to carry him on his journey. In Elul (August) a surgeon, Moseh Peixotto, his brother-in-law, Abraham Sason of Constantinople, Eliezer Cohen born in Larso in the Morea (Greece) and Abraham Gatinho of Salonika received 27 guineas to rescue their families captured by the Russians, and a travel grant. In Heshvan (October), 1774, Abraham Emanuel Filos was granted ?10 to rescue his son aged 17 captured in Albania, with ?3 13s. 6d. for his travelling. In 1778 Leao and Reuben Saltiel arrived from Sofia on a mission to raise money to ransom their family, amounting to ten souls, captured by the Turks in Pristino, and received ?21 from the Cautivos Fund, with ?5 for their expenses. In 1779, ?84 was voted from the same fund to rescue twelve captives in Malta. In January, 1776, ?31 10s. Od. was sent to rescue Joseph and Mercado Mizrachi and their families, and Menahim Polics through the Salonika community. But alas! it was later discovered that the Mizrachis were fraudulent. In November, 1781, ?50 was voted to rescue seven people, unnamed. In January, 1782, eleven persons were freed. In 1789 five persons were released at a ransom of 3,000 Maltese scudos, to which Bevis Marks contributed ?25. The names of the captives who came from Salonika are given as Jos. Bircas, Jos. Elias, Samuel Raboth, Suleme Bene, Moseh Barente. The Fund of Terra Santa and the East We may pass over the Synagogue's connections with North Africa (notably Tetuan, which was assisted by private subscription in 1750 and 1763) for the East, which then lay within the realm of the Grand Turk. There were isolated approaches, from Salonika in 1759 which received ?20, and from Smyrna, to which ?31 was sent in 1744 after the destruction of the city by fire (the Saliah being Haham Jacob Saul), and again in February, 1775, when an appeal was forwarded through Amsterdam from Izmir,1 whose saliah, Haham Abraham L'Beth Leon reported that nine synagogues and a great part of its houses had been destroyed by a great fire; in this catastrophe they received the assistance of ?30 from London. Apart from these, all the relations with the East concern the Holy Land. This, the Terra Santa, was the second of the two regular objects of benevolence of the congregation to which we have referred. The fund consisted of sums of money sent to support the small communities, mostly of scholars and others, established at the three Jewish centres of Jerusalem, Safed and Hebron. The traditional custom was for these communities to send an emissary or saliah on a tour of the communities of the West to collect alms, and the first laws of the congregation of 1663 make reference to offerings collected on behalf of such people. The First Minute Book records the sum of ?18 10s. 4d. sent in the year 1671 to "our brethren of Hebron," and other amounts were collected from time to time.2 A special Gabay, or treasurer, was appointed for this fund and for the fund of Cautivos, jointly in 1678 in the person of Abraham do Porto, who had been parnas of the Kahal four years before, and from this date the Terra Santa Fund may be spoken of as being in real existence. Its true life, however, begins in 1689 (5449), when Rabbi Solomon 1 Galante, Histoire des juifs d'Anatolie, 1, Istanbul, 1937, p. 205 dates these fires to 1740 and 1772 (information from Professor B. Lewis). 2 L. D. Barnett, El Libro de los Acuerdos, p. 57.</page><page sequence="26">26 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD Ayllon arrived as the emissary of the community of Safed.1 The London congregation formed such a good opinion of him that they persuaded him to remain as their Haham. In a letter from London to Barbados and Jamaica dated 28 Kislev, 5451, he is described as "eminent and virtuous." Under his auspices, a regular arrangement was negotiated, by which the sum annually collected was distributed to the Holy Cities in the following proportions, according to their importance and the size of their population: Jerusalem, three-sixths, Safed two-sixths and Hebron one-sixth ?(this was a resumption of a much older arrangement with other Kehiloth)?in the seventeenth century the propor? tion was Jerusalem seven, Safed ten, Hebron three, Tiberias four parts out of twenty four2 and the money, usually reckoned in pesos, was sent from 16943 onwards, through the firm of Franco Bros, at Livorno, in the form of a letter of credit, for onward trans? mission to the Deputies of the Holy Land at Constantinople.4 Right from the start the object of this arrangement was to substitute for the casual visits of travelling emissaries a regular system of voluntary self-taxation. It was regularly stipulated in the dispatch of a particularly large sum that in return no emissary from the community in question was to visit London for a period of ten years, unless there were some extraordinary calamity to occasion it. Nevertheless, they continued to arrive.5 The visits of these learned supplicants were deprecated openly, on the grounds of both the unnecessary expense and the danger to which they were exposed. More truthfully, it is clear that they constituted a great inconvenience when they arrived, usually unannounced, knowing nothing of the language or customs of the country, and requiring special courtesies and facilities. It was normal, that on presenting their letters of credence, they should be asked to preach; they would then be placed under the guidance of one or two distinguished members of the community as padrinhos "sponsors," one being probably the Parnas of the Terra Santa Fund, whose duty was to conduct them to the houses of the various Yehidim or members to obtain their contributions. Sometimes the visitors required a contribution for themselves, and a grant for their servant.6 At first there was some dissatisfaction on both sides. In their letter to Haham Galante, quoted above, the Mahamad regret that the community of Safed have expressed disappointment with their share of 100 "pieces" negotiated with Haham Saltiel, but he is reminded that it is a very distant objective for this country, at which many Yehidim of this Kahal were "scandalized" and made complaints, "though this must not be wondered at since the great part of our congregations (alas) know little of the law. Further, owing (unfortunately) to the lack of good government in Eretz Israel since some time, it has gained a repute which has caused many to give up the wish of going to live there. But we hope these clouds will disperse." At the same date (Sebat 1 His letter of recommendation dated Safed 5438, is published by S. Simonson, Sefunoth, 6, pp. 340-2 (Jerusalem 1962). 2 A. Yaari, Shiluhe Eretz Israel, pp. 23-4 and 311-312. I owe these references and the following references to this classic work to the kindness of Mr. A. Schischa. 3 In 1693 it was sent through Jacob de Paz of Livorno. 4 In 1749, Safed being perhaps in trouble it was sent through the Kahal of Saida in the Lebanon?a rare allusion to the existence of a Sephardi Kahal there?addressed to Moseh de Raphael Angelo Malquy and David Gabay Isidro. Malaki or Malquy was in fact Haham of Safed. The Minute Book of these Deputies (Pekidim) of Constantinople is now in the Jewish Theological Seminary, New York. 5 The object of normal Terra Santa contributions was to defray regularly the costs of these settlements. But constantly recurring crises repeatedly necessitated special appeals (A. Schischa). 6 The visits of these Oriental rabbis were sometimes noticed in the contemporary English press such as the London Chronicle. See Roth, "Zionist Emissaries in England before Zionism," Liverpool Jewish Gazette, Oct. 25, 1954.</page><page sequence="27">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 27 5453: 1693) they conclude a letter to the Kahal of Jerusalem, praying "that God may restore peace to the Holy Land, whereby those here may have more will to go and live there." The following year,1 Hebron was likewise expressing discontent with the division of the proceeds, but it nevertheless held good for many years until 1733, when it was revised to the following proportions: twelve parts to Jerusalem, seven parts of Safed and six parts to Hebron.2 In 1714 it was emphasized that the grants were to be paid to each congregation collectively, and no individual was to have a hand in its disbursement. In 1761 a bitter attack was made on the probity of the five Deputies at Constantinople, but the Mahamad in a sensible and well-considered letter refused to believe the accusations, though they admitted that an enquiry might be held, though only if the Palestinian Kehilot wished it, and that reforms in the administration, such as the limitation of service of deputies to three or four years instead of life, and their submitting accounts on leaving office, might be valuable. The list of visiting Siluhim continues with Haham Simon bar Jahacob Vahben danon, representing Jerusalem, in January, 1705/6,3 and H. Abraham Rovigo, represent? ing the same, for whom 800 pesos were raised from offerings, "although the Kahal Kadosh is overburdened with poor refugees from Portugal and other places." Another 1,000 pesos followed in October. The occasions for the visits of the various Siluhim often shed valuable but fitful gleams of light on the obscure history of these ancient Palestinian congregations. In 1693 the Mahamad reported to Haham Galante and the Hahamim of Safed that they had induced Jamaica and Barbados to institute a fund similar to their own (called then the Cupa de Eretz Israel) and visiting emissaries were frequently given letters of recommendation to those West Indian congregations and to others. In Nisan 5452 the Mahamad reported receiving ?15 from Jamaica for Jerusalem, Hebron and Safed, while a saliah from Hebron, Haham Joseph Levy4 was at Amsterdam. He received ?50 from the London Kahal and ?10 for himself, but was desired not to come in person. It was emphasized by the Mahamad in first writing to Jamaica and Barbados, that the Palestinian congregations have no other means of support and they are subject to continuous oppression by the Turks. In 1712 the Mahamad of London recommend to them the Saliah of Jerusalem, Rab 'Acole H. H. R. Abraham Ishaqy, describing him as "one of the most distinguished men who have ever come to this city."5 They mention that heavy debts have been laid on the Jerusalem community, and the office of Ab Beth Din had been suppressed and the people are like prisoners, but that following the example of Constantinople, Livorno, Venice and Amsterdam, ?1,200 was raised in London, partly from a generous grant of ?225 from the congregation's own funds and partly from individuals. H. Ishaqy raised a further 1,364 patacas in Jamaica and Bordeaux. 1 Letter of 10 Elul, 5454. 2 In a letter of 18th May, 1749, to Franco Bros, it is stated that agreement was reached with the Shiluhim of Hebron on 26 Tammuz 5493 for an arrangement in the following proportions: eleven parts Jerusalem, six parts Hebron, seven parts Safed, while it is stated that previously the proportion has been 12:8:4. 3 In 1695 he represented Safed at Amsterdam. Yaari, pp. 418-420. On H. Rovigo, see Yaari, pp. 347-352. 4 Yaari, pp. 480-481, who reproduces this letter of recommendation. 5 H. Abraham Ishaqy was Chief Rabbi of Jerusalem, and grandson of H. Abraham Azulay of Hebron, the author of Hesed le-Abraham. H. Ishaqy was greatly instrumental in unmasking Nehemya Hayon, a follower of Sabbetai Zevi. His visit to London is not otherwise known. See Yaari, pp. 353-358.</page><page sequence="28">28 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD In 1720, a special meeting was held to assist the city of Hebron and raised 3,044 pesos. But in 1726, Haham Abraham Gedalla got nothing. In 1725 Haham Abraham Benasher1 appeared asking help to rebuild synagogues and Yeshiboth in Jerusalem and to re-establish possession and control of the Bate ahaim which were threatened with expropriation and exhumation. The appeal, supported by Venice, Livorno, Amsterdam and elsewhere was granted ?6 plus ?12 for his expenses. In 1728 Haham Moseh Israel2 arrived on behalf of Jerusalem, receiving ?90 from the Sedaca. In 5490 (1730), Hebron sent two more emissaries?the Hahamim Yomtob Crespo and Abraham Gedalla.3 Safed reappears in 1723, 1127.10 pesos being sent from the mission of Haham Daniel Capsutto. In 1733, Hebron was again reported by two emissaries Hahamim Joseph Eliezer and Eliau Benarah4 to be in great affliction, and received ?1,222 6s. Od. In Elul 5495 (1735) a Saliah of Safed arrived, Haham Moseh Samuel, but was found not properly accredited for London.5 In a letter of 20 Adar, 5498, to Jamaica, the Mahamad enclosed that of "two Siluhim (unnamed) who have arrived from Safed which has been sacked and destroyed by Arabs, who despoiled them of everything they had, taking many captive until they are paid a large sum of money."6 From the Jewish Encyclopaedia we learn that the unlucky city was visited by a plague in 1743 and an earthquake in 1761 which caused the death of 140 Jews7 and compelled the rest to emigrate to Damascus, leaving only seven Jewish families. In 1776 it was re-peopled with Russian Jews. In 5500 (1739) for the first time mention is made of the city of Tiberias which, after its complete destruction in 1644, had only recently been recolonized by Dahir-el 'Umar, an Arab sheikh,8 with settlers led by H. Haim Abulafia. In 1742 Haham Hayyim Ventura9 appeared as an emissary of that city, endeavouring to combine several smaller congregations into one Kahal. He collected ?175 from the funds of the congregation and from private persons. In 1751, the Saliah of Tiberias, Haham Masaod Bonan10 was turned away; so was that of 1760, R. Selomon Salem, though both were assisted. 1 On him, see Yaari, pp. 289-322. 2 Yaari, pp. 376-380. 8 Yaari, pp. 492-4. Nothing is there known of the lasts' London visit. 4 H. (Haim) Joseph Elyashar and H. Eliahu ibn Arha: See Yaari, pp. 491-2. Nothing is known there of their visit to London. 5 He was an Ashkenazi. Yaari pp. 435-436. * Apparently H. Hayim Jacob and H. Meir de Seguze; Yaari, pp. 430-433. 7 On differing estimates of the dead, see Yaari, Sinai, vol. 14 (Jerusalem, 5711), nos. 5-6, and idem, Tarbiz, vol. 26 (Jerusalem, 5717), pp. 109-110. A printed appeal of 1761 gives the deaths in the first quake of 9th Heshvan as 120, those of the second on 6th Kislev as "about 20." This statement was penned within months of the events, and deserves credence. (A. Schischa). 8 On him and his rule see U. Heyd, Dahir al-Umar (in Hebrew), Jerusalem, 1942; H. Lammens, La Syrie ii, Beyrout 1921, pp. 103 ff. (Information from Professor B. Lewis.) cf. R. Jacob be Rab Zimrat Haaretz, (Mantua, 1745) ed. by M. Benayahu, Jerusalem. 9 H. Haim Ventura was the son-in-law of H. Abulafia, the founder of Tiberias, and its first saliah. Yaari, p. 504, M. Benayahu, op. cit. (introduction). The Minutes of the Mahamad, 3rd Tebet, 5503, add that he (Ventura) was seeking aid for building a synagogue and buying a cemetery. As the congregations of Venice, Livorno and Amsterdam are helping him with money from their Cautivos Fund, it was resolved to give him ?140, with ?12 for his expenses and ?1 11s. 6d. for his servant. From the Yehidim he raised ?156 11s. 6d. 10 In 1750-51 Tiberias was again represented by Haham Masaod Bonan who travelled on to the West Indies. In Nisan, 5536 (1776), he was again in London this time on behalf of Safed, receiving 5 gns. as expenses, but being allowed to make a private collection with Phineas Gomes Serra and Raphael de Joseph Franco as sponsors, cf. Yaari, pp. 507-8.</page><page sequence="29">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 29 In January, 1743/4, came two Shiluhim from Safed, Hahamim Yomtob Sabah and Joseph Abenjoza.1 On 9th January, 1744/5, the Mahamad report to Jamaica that the Hahamim of Jerusalem are sending an emissary2 to appeal for help because the Turks have passed a decree compelling them to leave the Holy Land, abandoning their cemetery and disinterring their dead, to obtain the revocation of which decree a vast sum has to be raised at interest, apart from which they have had to provide for a synagogue. In 1752 ?166 was sent (?49 from individuals as a result of the mission of Hahamim Mordehai Rubio and Abraham Israel,3 but on condition that no further Saliah be sent for thirteen years. In 5515 (1755) appeared the eminent Haham, Joseph David Azulay on behalf of the city of Hebron.4 He was given letters of recommendation to Jamaica by the Mahamad, "considering the urgency and great need of our brethren in the place where are the tombs of our distinguished forefathers, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and as the Jews of Hebron are amongst heathens and have no other means of subsistence but the charity of their brethren." On 3rd February, 1763, the Franco Bros, of Livorno report that an emissary is already at Livorno collecting money for the damage caused at Safed by a recent earth? quake.5 This was probably Haham Mudahi, who reached London by Rosh Hodesh 5525 (autumn 1764). On 17th Heshvan (October, 1762), ?90 was voted to Jerusalem and ?25 to Safed to cover the next ten years. In 5523 the Saliah of Jerusalem, Haham Jacob Corona,6 received only ?7 7s. Od. as despacho and one guinea for his servant. In 1770 the Hahamim of Hebron sent an emissary named H.H.R. Hayyim Rahamim Bazajo7 with a fresh tale of woe; which the Mahamad communicated to the congrega? tions of Jamaica and Barbados: "Recently the Christians of Jerusalem offered the Basha of Hebron to take on themselves to pay the debts of the Jews of Hebron on condition they were banished from that city, and their synagogues and colleges be given to them? selves to convert into churches and convents. This envious proposal cost the Jews a great sum which they raised at exorbitant interest, and gave to the said Basha, or Governor, that he should not allow such cruelty, who suspended the execution on condition that they should pay a great part of the old debt. This account is confirmed and authenticated by the Hahamim and Parnassim of the Kehilot of Constantinople, Livorno, Venice and all the rest of Italy, France and Holland, which have all made efforts and given almost double the sum obtained at other times. Our Mahamad granted ?100 from the Sedaca on condition that nothing extraordinary be raised before 1 Yaari, p. 437. 2H. Abraham ben Asher, on whom see above p. 28. On this mission, see Rivkind, 'Alim Bodedim (Jerusalem, 1928), pp. 120-1; Yaari, p. 390; Ben-Zvi Eretz Israel (Jerusalem, 1955), pp. 274-5. 8 See Yaari, pp. 398-400, who knows only one emissary, H. Abraham Israel. 4 On him see Meir Benayahu, R. Hida; Toledoth Hayyav, Jerusalem, 1959, in Hebrew. R. D. Barnett and others, "Isaac Leonini Azulay," Trans. J.H.S.E., XIX, p. 82. On his visit, see passages from his Mazal Tob tr. Elkan Adler, Jewish Travellers (London, 1930.) For his letter of recommendation see A. Schischa, Hadarom, vol. 8-9 (New York, 5719), pp. 15-22. 6 This took place in 1759, killing about 2,000, 114 of them being Jews. See H. Mudahi's letter, Yaari, p. 450. From a letter which he wrote to Shearit Yisrael Congregation, New York and dated Kislev 1765, he was then still in London. Yaari, p. 454, quoting Pub. American Jewish Hist. Soc, 27, 1920, pp. 18-20. 6 Yaari, p. 397. 7 On H. Haim Rahamim Bazajo: Yaari, pp. 586-9, where there is no record of his visit to London. See also Plate 2.</page><page sequence="30">30 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD Tishri, 5540.1 Help is urged for Hebron, "the relic of our first inheritance, which contains the sepulchres of our patriarchs and other righteous persons; a place where the study and meditation of our sacred law is ever practised." Yet this was not all that was to be done, for it was now the turn of Tiberias. Tn 1769 the Elders' Minutes report on 20th Kislev, 5529 (December, 1770), that Haham Abulaphia, Saliah of Tiberias, is reported to have arrived in Amsterdam and to wish to come to London. He was assigned ?20 and ?5 for his expenses in the following Nisan.2 In 1770 disaster befell Jerusalem. A letter from the Deputies of Jerusalem at Constantinople, together with letters of credence of two Shiluhim, the Hahamim Yomtob Algazy and Jacob Lebet Hazan3 who arrived in 1773 (October), tell how Jerusalem "the most sacred city of Our Land," whose kaal exceeds 5,000 souls with five synagogues, and thirteen Yeshibot in which the Sacred Law is continuously studied, has become the prey of the warring armies of their enemies, and is now saddled with a crippling debt of 70,000 leons on which they have to borrow at 20 per cent, interest. The Deputies of Jerusalem themselves write, describing, from prison, how Jerusalem, besieged by Ali Bey4 (the rebellious Pasha) is compelled to furnish provision and maintenance, and the Jews are forced to sell their houses and other property for bread, the Hahamim and Deputies being seized for nonpayment of the debts. By Sivan (May), 1773, more than 350 persons are already dead from hunger, their bodies being left lying in the streets for lack of anyone to bury them. The principal Hahamim are in chains and there is no knowing when they will be released, and the Rab of Jerusalem himself, Haham Hashalem Moseh Burla5 and his wife are dead of hunger. By June it is reported from Constantinople that many of the wretched Jews have fled from Jerusalem to offer themselves as slaves to the enemy armies merely to get bread to eat. Two thousand florins have been drawn on the Siluhim despatched to Amsterdam as a measure of relief. By Elul (September) the grimmer news is learnt in London that although Ali Bey was already defeated and dead, his confederate Dahir Bey6 has begun a new revolt and seized the city and port of Jaffa, commandeering the provisions which were being then sent to Jerusalem, so that an ounce of bread is now worth more than a penny (penique), and is scarcely obtainable even so. "Deaths from starvation total more than 750, including over eighty Hahamim, the survivors being held in prison in chains, so that one cannot describe a fourth part of their misfortunes, as it has been proclaimed that whoever has a white shirt left should give it up to shroud the dead. Thus, the living remained naked, and those, the most noted for devotion to the study of the Law, went about the streets crying for bread without finding relief; and the dead lay about 1 He also received seven guineas for himself and one guinea for his servant, on condition that nothing more be given till 5540 (1780). 2 While in London he wrote a foreword to H. Shalom Buzaglo's Kisse Melekh in 1769 (Amsterdam) 1770, Yaari, p. 516. While he was in Amsterdam the Parnassim treated him with special honours. LS. Emmanuel, on 'the Assistance of the Sephardic Communities of Amsterdam and Curacao to the Holy Land' in Sefunot (Jerusalem) 1963 (in Hebrew) and Kol Sefarad (London), No. 38, April, 1963, p. 60. The Parnassim of Cautivos were first appointed at Amsterdam in 1639. 3 Yaari, op. cit., pp. 535-46, which see also for an account of the then state of affairs in Palestine. 4 On AH Bey of Egypt, see P. M. Holt in History Today, January, 1959, pp. 48-58; and Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd edition), vol. 1, cols. 391-2. (Information from Professor B. Lewis.) 5 Perhaps a misspelling of H. [Rephael] Moshe Bula. 6 i.e. Dahir-al-Umar on whom see above, p. 28.</page><page sequence="31">c*</page><page sequence="32"></page><page sequence="33"></page><page sequence="34">--?f. H i*HW 1 u4w Plate 4 Hebrew Letter of Recommendation from the Mahamad of the Spanish &amp; Portuguese Synagogue, London, introducing the Rev. Benjamin Kennicott &amp; Mr. Paul Bruns to Foreign Congregations. (By permission of BodUy's Librarian)</page><page sequence="35">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 31 the public squares; in fact, since the destruction of Jerusalem by the Emperor Titus there has never been a similar calamity.5, Although this heart-rending application was supported by the Haham, Moses Cohen de Azevedo, the congregation found it could give nothing from its own funds as ?90 had just been sent the previous year to cover the next ten years. Nevertheless, ?100 was sent from the fund of Cautivos. But the other cities of the Holy Land were meanwhile not wholly neglected. A letter was received at the meeting of 28th Sivan, 5535, by the Mahamad, sent from the emissary of Hebron, Samuel Cohen, then in Jamaica, written in Rashi script, dated 20th Nisan, 5535, claiming to have sent ?195 for onward despatch to Hebron through various channels.1 Writing in March, 1776, to Amsterdam, the Mahamad add the information that the emissaries, in addition, obtained about as much from private persons. The subject of their letter, however, being the approach of a new emissary from Jerusalem, Haham Jacob Burla,2 now in Amsterdam, the Mahamad complain that "they have little left to give, as remittances are sent regularly every two years from the Terra Santa Fund, while that of Cautivos is much reduced. The zeal of the Yehidim is constantly cooling and they will not contribute except for a direct object in captivity (the Galuth?) And individuals are weary of these collections, being already obliged to contribute for the poor, who have suffered from the last winter. Thus it is impossible to give a favourable reply to Haham Burla, especially as they feel that all these donations to the needs of the Holy Land, so far from relieving them seem to encourage them to be more demanding, and by experience it is found that the more is voted the more is necessary." True enough, it was not long before the representatives of the Holy Land returned to the attack. In Ellul (September, 1777), Ruby Haim Israel Zeiby,3 Saliah of the Tudescos of Hebron, arrived with news of fresh disasters in the Holy Land. He reported that ten principal persons in that community had been seized and put in chains three years before, and would be killed unless a tax of 4,000 grossos (about ?500) were paid, because the son of the Governor, or Bashaw, had been found choked in a cesspool. The Haham received ?30 which was noted in compassion from the fund of Cautivos. In October 1779, Ruby Haim Rahamim Bazayjo was granted ?100 for Hebron as an urgent case.4 The following June the eminent Haham, Hayim Josef David Azulay arrived in Amsterdam, likewise from Hebron, but the Mahamad were unable to contribute more. Nevertheless, ?50 was voted in the following November to Hebron for the next ten years, on the usual condition that no more Shiluhim should visit London during that decade. On 8th May, 1780, it was the turn of Tiberias which had suffered some great 1 H. Samuel Cohen appears to have been in London in 1772 or 1773, and from here to have gone on to America. See Yaari, op. cit., p. 592 and G. A. Kohut, Ezra Stiles and the Jews, New York, 1902, pp. 97-8. It is new that H. Cohen visited the West Indies. 2 Yaari, p. 542. Emmanuel, p. 420. 3 On H. Haim Israel Ze'ebi, Yaari, op. cit., pp. 594, 603. On the causes of his mission, see Haskamot by H. H. Shelomo Salem &amp; Chief Rabbi Saul, both of Amsterdam, to H. Ze'ebi's edition of Israel Najara's poem, Shohete Hayyeladim (Hague, 5538). Also Yaari, pp. 593-4; and A. R. Malachi, Horeb (in Hebrew), vol. 7, pp. 132-137 (New York, 5703). 4 See above, p. 29, n. 7; Yaari is unaware of this mission. It is confirmed from the Amsterdam minutes of 25 lyar 5537, Emmanuel, p. 420, n. 21. It was the first mission ever sent by the Ashkenazim of Palestine on their own.</page><page sequence="36">32 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD calamity, represented at Amsterdam by Haham Haim Salom Hamar,1 who received ?20 to cover the next ten years, with ?5 for himself as expenses. The Elders, however, decided that if he should come to London he should not be assigned the usual padrinhos or "sponsors" for escort to assist in the collection of money of any sort. Nevertheless, in writing to him, they prayed "for the recovery of God's people so beaten down in the world and for the sending of the Messiah and their restoration." It was the least that they could do. In November, 1782, Safed received ?15 as a normal contribution. In Heshvan, 5543 (October, 1783), ?90 was sent to Jerusalem and ?15 to Safed, on condition that they send no further emissaries. In 17th Sivan, 5545 (26th May, 1785), a letter from Jerusalem dated Shebat 5542 was read, in translation, which has been brought by Haham Joseph ben Ruby, Saliah on behalf of Jerusalem. But the nature of his claim is not given.2 He was awarded ?50 from the fund of Cautivos, four guineas for himself and one guinea for his servant. In November 1787, Haham Rephael Nabon submitted his credentials from Jerusalem but was refused.3 On 27th Shebat, 5547 (14th February, 1787), the papers were received of Haham Abraham Israel Zeebi,4 a representative of Hebron. On 3rd April, 1788, Haham Selomoh Hassan, Saliah of Safed5 submitted his letters of credence, but the Elders declined to furnish assistance. He was, however, per? mitted to have "sponsors" in the persons of Moses de Castro &amp; Moses Lindo, who made a private collection for him. The last appearance of Tiberias in these records is on an unhappy note. On 25th Tammuz, 5550 (7th July, 1790) its Saliah, Haham Abraham Arye,6 presented his letters of credence and was allowed to preach in the synagogue. However, in the meanwhile, the Elders had found it impossible to make a grant in reply to his appeal, and in the synagogue he imprudently complained of this. Thereupon, at their next meeting, "the majority of Elders . . . having the same opinion of his conduct, and fearing that in his daras (discourse) he would not have the prudence to restrain his passion, it was found proper that he do not have the trouble of preaching." All these responses to special missions were additional to the regular despatch more or less annually through Livorno of contributions from the fund of offerings of Terra Santa. It is not possible here to give a total figure of the amounts sent to the Holy Land during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Suffice to say that they were regular and considerable, varying in amounts from 27J pesos in 1690 to over 3,000 voted at 1 Yaari, pp. 518-519. Emmanuel, p. 421. 2 H. Joseph (Rephael) ibn Ruby of Jerusalem?Yaari, pp. 549-53, but his visit to London is new. The reason of his journey was to raise money to bribe the Moslems not to rob the community of its cemetery. His letter of recommendation is reproduced in Ben-Zvi, Eretz Yisrael. . . (Jerusalem, 1958), p. 278. 3 Not in Yaari. 4 H. (Haim) Abraham Israel Ze'ebi: see Yaari, pp. 594-7, who again does not mention his visit to London. He may, however, have sent his papers from Amsterdam, where he was in 5546 (Emmanuel, p. 422). 6 On him see Yaari, p. 662. 8 H. Abraham (Leb) Arye: see Yaari, op. cit.&gt; pp. 631-2. Sonne in Yerushalayim, vol. 3&gt; p. 38 claims to possess an MS. letter from this saliah, dated end of Elul 5550 from London. Abraham ben Jacob, ibid p. 130, publishes further biographical data deiived from a MS. of H. Abraham Leb Aryeh. In Tishri 5550, he was in Amsterdam (Emmanuel, p. 422).</page><page sequence="37">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 33 the special meeting for Hebron in 1720, five pesos being the equivalent of about an English pound. Nor did the fund for the Holy Land expire, as the Cautivos fund was bound to do, when the British Navy in the nineteenth century cleared the Mediterranean of pirates.1 It remained a regular link with the Holy Land before the days of Zionism had dawned. It continued in the nineteenth century,2 and only ceased to have its personal appeal to the Sephardi congregation when it was replaced by a Holy Land Fund, established by the generosity of Sir Moses Montefiore in his Will in 1884. Conclusion From this survey there appears to emerge a sense of firm direction and enlightened policy in the charities of the London synagogue which gradually takes clearer shape during the eighteenth century. Faced by the problem of increasing suffering and poverty in a changing world both at home and abroad, they felt their way first to the succouring of the sick and those in childbirth, with the opening of the Beth Holim hospital in 1748, not to speak of their schools for teaching the young of both sexes; then passing to establishing sound measures for the employment of the healthy, through the creation of the Mahasim Tobim, a remarkable apprenticing and employment scheme founded in 1749. Turning to the problems of the communities abroad, they used the twin pillars of organized benevolence, the Funds of Cautivos and Terra Santa which we have described, considering (though not without occasional grave misgivings) that the misfortunes of individuals, and of congregations in the Holy Land who could not help themselves, deserved first priority. Such institutions as the Cautivos and Terra Santa were certainly not unique to London, but were reproduced in other Sephardi communities elsewhere. Nevertheless, the consistency and devotion with which they were here supported through the whole of the eighteenth century, entitles us to con? sider that period in the congregation's life as in many ways its most illustrious. Mocked and burlesqued by Israel Zangwill, passed over too lightly by historians, the eighteenth century in the life of the Congregation of Sahar Asamaim of Bevis Marks may justly in my view be saluted as the Golden Age of Anglo-Sepharad. For in that period for the first time in modern times we may see from the quiet security of England and Holland, in the web of travel and correspondence, a feeling being woven ever closer of the unity and interdependence of the Jewish communities of the world, in short, of the concept of the brotherhood of Israel. APPENDIX I Letter received from Paris dated 7th Deer. 1777 and signed by Jacob Rodrigues Pereira, Agent of the Portuguese and Spanish Jews of France, of which the translation from the French is the following: "Gentlemen of the Mahamad of the Portuguese Jewish Nation of London, whom God prosper, Sirs, The Portuguese Jews or those of Spanish or Portuguese origin of whatever country who come to France, have acquired in this kingdom the rights of French nationals and 1 The Fund of Cautivos was finally abolished in London in 1882 when its funds were absorbed into the general accounts of the Congregation. Roth, Trans. J.H.S.E., xii, p. 220, n. 33. The title of Parn?s of Cautivos, however, is still preserved. 2 By 1824 the traditional method of collecting monies for Palestine by means of emissaries was coming under increasing criticism in America. See D. &amp; T. de Sola Pool, An Old Faith in a New World, pp. 396-404. Cf. Yaari, pp. 181-186.</page><page sequence="38">34 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD native-born since the year 1550 by Letters Patent of Henry II renewed from reign to reign, as appear by those of last year, of which I send a printed copy enclosed herewith. Nevertheless, they from time immemorial have found themselves confused by the police of Paris with the Jews of other nations who made no distinction at all between the one and the other. All were equally subjected to certain formalities, which though necessary for foreigners unknown and unnaturalized, were unbecoming to those of our nation. Our privileges were probably well-known, but for the difficulty of distinguishing Portuguese from other Jews; and above all, because until the year 1750 our nation had no representative here who might make from the beginning the necessary demands on the subject. And presumably because since that date approximately when I had the honour of being their Agent (and shortly afterwards pensioner of our Kehiloth of Bordeaux and Bayonne), it was already established and so to speak, rooted in, as well as the fact that my position as Agent was not authorized by the government, which had the goodness to recognize it only in the most recent confirmation of our privileges, here enclosed. The strictness of the authorities sometimes went so far as to put into prison some Portuguese, well known and much respected men, merely for having come to Paris without a passport; and also some Portuguese women who had come here de passage, only because at the time of their arrival they had not had their names recorded before the inspector charged with the Jews by the police. One of this number was Sr. David Pereira, my own brother, in 1749, and a little time after the late wife of Sr. Menendes, Hazan of the Hebra of Bordeaux. It is true that this strictness was not always and equally the same. But still they have never ceased their practice of expelling from Paris without distinction, after a certain delay, any Jew who had not complied by taking out limited passports or who had neglected to renew them at the time of their expiry. Zealous, my dear Sirs, as I am for the welfare and honour of my nation, I suffered with impatience these humiliations so contrary to our rights, not only because in the public mind we shared in the shame of all the offences committed by the Jews foreign to our group, the number of whom in Paris is incomparably greater than that of the Portuguese; but because the neglect of our privileges has many times given an opportunity to those Jews to try to raise themselves above us and not to cease from various activities, which even if they were not always favourable (in their outcome) to themselves, equally obstructed us to the detriment of our privileges. Of these activities (of which we will do no more now than take some), I might mention that of M. Zalmer, who tried, though unsuccessfully, to have himself made master of all the Jews of Paris, with power of admission, expulsion, and imprisonment in a special prison of anyone he might think fit; or those of the Jews of Avignon who, despite my protests, dared to betroth the two daughters of Sr. Isa. Ximenes, who had brought secretly from London to Paris two young men, and many other cases I could cite if it were necessary. This is why, Sirs, I sought with all the ardour of which I am capable, to profit from the opportunity which was offered last June, of claiming from a high source our rights as nationals, both in France and in all the kingdom of France, in despite of the rules established in respect of the Jews in general. This opportunity was offered me by the circular order, directing the expulsion from Paris of certain bad characters; it was sent to me on the eve of Sebuoth and also to Sres. Calmer, Salmon and Petit, notables of the German and Avignon Jews; of which order I send you herewith an exact copy. By the Divine Goodness, my dear Sirs, my just demands and the constant perseverance of my solicitations on so important an object, finally reached their desired aim, as you will see by the attached regulation, the clauses of which tally with the proposal I had put forward after the most serious thought, with the approval of our brothers of Bordeaux, to whom belongs the principal credit. Being, Sirs, obliged to send you this regulation, I do so both with great pleasure and due satisfaction at seeing an opportunity of corresponding with you on a success redounding to the honour of the whole of Portuguese Jewry.</page><page sequence="39">the correspondence of the mahamad 35 I also send you enclosed a form of certificate prescribed by the regulation, Article 2, which has to be given to any Portuguese who may come to France. It seems to me that this form is suitable to be followed, especially if you should think fit to have it printed with the Letters Patent and the regulation, making of course such alterations as may seem necessary, provided they be consonant with the spirit of the said two documents. You, Sirs, doubtless know the great trouble which is necessary for the honour of the nation, and especially to prevent the loss of those distinctions which have been achieved with so much labour. We must show ourselves worthy of them by paying constant attention in future to permit residence in Paris in accordance with the form prescribed by the regulation only to persons who both are Portuguese or Spanish, and have a good reputa? tion, or at least have not a bad one. These are the only persons who can claim a certificate in the form and in virtue of which they can be inscribed in my register in Paris. As to the others, they must be left to go and come as before, without being recognized formally as members of our body, even though they be Portuguese or Spanish. In this way the bad conduct in which they may indulge cannot serve to blemish us, but will sometimes serve our credit. You will certainly be sensible of the correctness of this policy since it involves not just sustaining our good reputation already gained in Paris, but reviving it, inducing the public to forget in regard to us the impression that they have had up till now of the Jews in general. I beg you, my dear Sirs, to communicate all the content of this letter to the other Portuguese Kehiloth of England, recommending them to send me (as I hope you observe) the signatures of seven persons who must sign the certificates, and two others who can be substituted in the event of absence, change of residence, or death of one of the seven. With the highest consideration, I am, Your most humble and obedient servant, Jacob Rodrigues Pereira, living in rue Platiere, Paris." APPENDIX 2 The Appeal from Port Mahon, Minorca The following is the text of the memorial submitted by the Deputies: "To His Grace the Duke of Richmond, one of His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, etc., etc. The Honourable Petition of Joseph Salvador Mose da Costa and others in behalf of the Jews residing at Mahon in His Majesty's Island of Minorca Sheweth That on the happy Restoration of the Island to the country of Great Britain several Jews returned thereto with the Fleet which took possession of the same. That in the same manner as is permitted in all other British Colonies they did procure a Room for their Devotions agreeable to their former customs when before established in that country. That this Room being in too public a Street and they being cautious and apprehensive of giving offence, a room was built in a more private Situation for the same purpose. That on its being finished an Order was received ditto from the Lieut. Governor Johnson to shut the same, for that he did not consent to their using it saying the Jurats had represented it as contrary to Treaty. That this Order being given the Pulpits were fill'd with invectives against the Jews dissuading the natives from trading or having an connection with them which may prove of infinite detriment to trade and commerce.</page><page sequence="40">36 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD That your Memorialists humbly beg leave to suggest that no provision was made in the late Treaty contrary hereto, and that their neighbours at Gibraltar have a proper place of Worship. Therefore, your Memorialists most humbly pray that your Grace would be pleased to direct that they be not obstructed to having a place of Worship as at Gibraltar, and as they had before the French invasion, and that it be recommended to the Governor or Com? manding Officer for the time being that they be protected on the footing of other His Majesty's subjects. . . . And Your Memoralists will ever pray, etc. etc." The reply conveyed to Port Mahon (in Portuguese) was as follows: "Sirs, The gentlemen of the Mahamad were good enough to convey to us your very esteemed letter, dated 10th April last, and as is our obligation we dedicate ourselves to your service, it being our duty by orders of the Elder of the Nations, to attend to everything which is of service to the Nation, and to our brethren residing in the Dominions of His Majesty as also to national matters. We much regret the interruption you have suffered in the manner in which you desire to practise Divine Worship of our Sacred Law: and without entering into the cause, we took the course of making the needful application to His Grace the Duke of Richmond, Secretary of State, remonstrating to His Grace that, notwithstanding the Treatise, the practice has differed, and the evil consequences which have resulted from the obstacles imposed (sic), begging that by His Majesty's benignity the same usage be per? mitted to be followed in future as is followed here and in Gibraltar. We flatter ourselves that the benignity of our exalted Monarch and the intervention of the Duke of Richmond have obtained the desired end, of which you should preserve a lasting memory and gratitude to the King who granted it and to the Duke who obtained it. Supposing that we obtain for you this signal favour, you must recognize it as such and not as a matter of Right and, as such, you should have applied to the Lieutenant-Governor in order to procure his permission before proceeding so far, this being a courtesy owed to the Government and to the gentlemen whom it sends; and not to construct a public building without communicating it to him and having his approval. This was that much more your duty, who could not be ignorant of the Articles in the Treaty which concern the relations of you between your island and those of our Nation and the Moors, resulting from our banishment from Spain. For all these reasons and for many others very essential which occur to us, we beg and exhort you to apply to the Lieutenant-Governor and obtain his licence before pro? ceeding further, which we flatter ourselves will not be refused you. You recognize that the wise Omnipotence which has scattered us over the face of all the earth and reduced us to the position of depending on the benevolence of all the nations to reassemble ourselves, has given us the duty in gratitude for the benefits that we receive to be of utility to the nations that protect us, as a point of our Sacred Religion (which) we must follow. And as in many parts we can show our good disposition for commerce, we must show it in your Island, not permitting gain to follow from doing business, or giving advice detrimental to the public, although it may procure us some advantage; particularly the export of wealth in times of shortage, must be positively avoided. Likewise, more? over, practising the slightest fraud to diminish the value of the coinage is a crime, not only against the State but also against Religion, being manifest deceit, and in clear conflict with the Sacred Text (Abne Tzedek, etc.), amongst the best will be found one who transgresses and we exhort you to take steps to free all from such a charge and to show your abhorrence of it. You know the inborn hate that the Catholic Religion has for ours, and in particular that which the Spanish Nation has for us; you know that the natives of your Island are of them, and that good policy requires that you should not offend them nor cause scandal</page><page sequence="41">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 37 to their Religion. Let it therefore be your policy to behave with prudence both in the exercise of our Religion and in your Speech, avoiding giving them reason for complaint. Make yourselves remarkable in your obedience to the Government and in your readi? ness to serve them wherever you can. In this way you will be able to be certain of the protection that His Majesty so graciously accords to all His subjects. If you have other occasion to make application through ourselves as some expense can be involved thereby, on such occasions you will be good enough to arrange how we should be paid. We shall await your reply and hope you remain satisfied and that you will honour us with your commands. We pray God to maintain, prosper and increase you for many years to come." APPENDIX 3 Cautivos Dr. Cecil Roth has kindly placed at my disposal from manuscripts, formerly in his collection, transcripts of copies of three circular letters addressed by the Hebrath Pidyon Shebuim of Venice to the Mahamad and Parnassim of Cautivos of the Spanish and Portuguese Community of London and other cities, imploring their aid in the cause of captives. In view of the virtually total disappearance from the London records of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, of incoming correspondence of all kinds, we quote these letters in full. In reply to the first of these, the appeal for the captives of Coron,1 the Treasurer's accounts for 5446 (1685-6) disclose that the sum of ?8 16s. Od. was sent to Venice. (f. 129a) LONDRES-Muy Illus. res Sen.res a tisri 5446 Ha tempos que escuzamos en comodar a VMS co Cartas gerais Erecomendasoins em ocazionins que se offresera? de Resgate de Cautiuos per Sabermos qy em todas as partes de nesesidades apertos particu? lars em que se empregarem os uirtuosos e zelosos Animos das K.t K.t E effeitos de sua Caridade mas a urgenca e Circunstancias do caso susedido novam.te na Conquista que a Armada naual desta SS.ma Seg.ria fez na Cidade de Coron Na Grecia obrigua a repre zentalo a essa e otras Mais, prencipais K.t. K.t Como fazemos con estas regras para atraer de Entre todos o posiuel suffragio E remedio hauendose chegado Na Entrada do prezente Anno (que El Dio Denoue sobre todo seu Pouo de Bendicao E paz) hua Carta da Ilha do Zante E outra de Corfu quasi ambas de hun Mesmo tenor de que mandamos a nebeza copia que sumariam.te Contem haueremese achiado entonses no dito Lugar de Coron Emcirca duzentas Almas dos nosos de que uinti morer?o naquella primero Comflito eos restantes, despojados de tudo o que tinha?, tomara? per Escrauos apartando delles os homeins mas abis para seruir nas Gales a o demo E os empotentes Uelhos Mulheres E meninos departira? emtre os gouernadores da Milicia pera poderem como Cautiuos e fazenda propra Uendelos E dispor delles. E souposto que todos Deuemos render muitas gracas a o Deuino Prouidencia que les comute a pena de Morte ta? ariscada em semelhante Aranse na de Cautiuidade, he muito Lagrimoso ho Espetacolo que relat?o da disperca? E dezarangio de tantos ynosentes espostos n?o t?o tomentes os uelhos E minin?s alguno ynda de tetas a perecer no estremo da Mizeria mas yuntamte as dezemparadas Mulheres Donzelas Mocos E Mocas aperigares as Uidas E mais as Almas que e o que sobre tudo se deue temer a preuenir que hauendo ya barido diuersos delles a Uender nas sobre d.as *On this event in the Turco-Venetian war, see Roth, Trans. JHSE xii, p. 241. On the volume of letters from 1671 to 1710, from which the present are extracted, see Roth ibid. p. 219, n.24.</page><page sequence="42">38 the correspondence of the mahamad Ilhas Mostra? seu Deuido Zelo E prudenza os nosos no exforsarse co presteza a resgatarem no Zante desaseis Almas de Mulheres E Menifios per Pezas seis Centos E uinti da 8 E em Corfu desanoue per Pecas noue centas da 8 Escreuendonos que na? podendo eles supir a Mais aiudamos de qua a ayudalos co Celeridade para que resgataremos que de nouo uinha antes que se uendesem a segunda e terseira Mao de Christauns que os procurauao comprar per negocio para Leuar a Malta E otros Lugares pretendendo despois per sua Libracao precos Emtoleraueos como costum?o E asi comouidos de tal Auizo na mesma semana que o recebemos em que partia? naos p.aditas Ilhas mandamos nelas ordern en nosso Nome para se resgatarem em ditos dois Lugares Ahe o numero de sesenta Escrauos de ditto Coron Como n?o pasase cada hun de pecas quarenta de 8 R.es: Sendo para isso ayudada essa nossa Caixeta da ditas K.t K.t de Leuantinos E tudescos Comfiados de que tamben o fac?o as de mais Longe Como esse G.e KK. E otras aquem recoremos con nosas Cartas recomendanda a Largueza de Animo E presteza pello que Emporta o preuenir na? se uend?o a (Christauns) a Estrafios a n?o cause adilacao o perigo das Almas como acenamos E Yuntamente seer preparada algua suma de releuo para tratar de resgatar ou premutar os Miseraueis Emadeados a trabalhar nas Gales que custarao mayores precos que o Limitado assima e como a obra e da Calidade que todos Conhesemos e escuzado alargar palabras em recomendar a VMS de Caxo Zelo E Eroicas accoens Caridosas desse KK temos bastante noticia e experiencia que Aguardando sua grata resposta e fructos produzidos de seu Deuoto yudesmo E piadade ficamos rogando a o sen?r do Mundo aVSe com seu Pouuo em toda parte Librandonos de trabalhos E aproyme o tempo que dezenyamos da Redencao Uniuersal de Nosso Cautiueiro Concedendo aVMS Em Comp, do de todo esse K.K. Pasquas de Alegrias Largua Uida prospeidade Epaz. Os SS.res Deputados, D. or Samuel Cabibi,; Samuel Aboaf: Samuel Cuzy. de ditta carta for?o Coppia a Amtredam, Amburgo, Londres e Liorne. [Translation.] London. Most illustrious gentlemen, There are times when we are forgiven for troubling you with general letters and recommendations, on occasions which arise of Rescuing Captives. To wit, there are everywhere necessities, particular dangers, in which virtuous and zealous members of the Holy Kehilot and effects of their charity might be employed. But the urgency and circumstances of the case which has occurred, recently in the conquest made by the fleet of this most Sacred Signory in the City of Coron in Greece, oblige us to represent it to you and other principal Holy Kehilot, which we do in these lines in order to draw from all the maximum assistance and remedy. At the beginning of the present year (which may God endow for all His people with blessing and peace) there reached us a letter from the island of Zante and another from Corfu, both almost in the same tenor, of which we send the (present) copy. This briefly recounts that there were then in the said place of Coron about two hundred of our people. Of these twenty died in that first conflict and the rest, despoiled of all they possessed, they took as slaves, separating from them the more able-bodied men to serve the devil in the galleys; the helpless aged women and children they divided among the governors of the militia, to use them as captives and private property, to sell and dispose of. And even though we should all render much thanks to the Divine Providence which commuted for them the penalty of Death, so narrowly risked, in such agony, into that of captivity, yet it is a truly tragic picture which they tell of the dispersion and scattering of so many helpless innocents; not only taking the old and children, some still at the breast, to perish in the extremes of misery, but also collec? tively taking the abandoned women, maidens, boys and girls to danger of their lives and,</page><page sequence="43">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 39 further, of their souls (which is above all what should be feared and prevented)?Sundry of them having already-n for sale in the said islands, our people show their proper zeal and prudence in endeavouring to ransom in Zante sixteen women and children, for six hundred and twenty pieces of eight, and in Corfu, nineteen for nine hundred pieces of eight, and write to us that as they cannot rise to more, we help as much as we can with all speed to ransom them from what yet comes, before they are sold at second and third hand by Christians, who manage to buy them by trade, to carry to Malta and other places, demanding afterwards intolerable prices for their liberation, as is their custom. And then being moved by this information, in the same week in which we received it, in which ships were leaving for the said islands, we sent an order by them in our name to ransom in the two said places up to sixty slaves from Coron, as each one does not cost more than forty pieces of eight. For this purpose our fund has been helped by the said Holy Kehilot of Levantines and Germans, and we are confident that those further away will also do the same such as your great and Holy Kehilot and others which we are approaching with our letters, recommending it to their charity of mind and promptitude, because it is important to forestall their sale to (Christians) and foreigners, and not to cause delay and danger to their souls as we indicate, and (it is important) that collectively a sum be prepared for relief, to deal with ransoming or exchanging the miserable and emaciated (?) from working in the galleys. This will cost greater sums than the limited amount above, and as the work is such as we all know, one may be excused expanding speech in urging to you both cash, zeal and heroic charitable works; of your congregations we have enough knowledge and experience that, while awaiting your reply and the fruits of your devoted Judaism and piety, we beg the Lord of the World to help his people everywhere, freeing them from troubles, and may He hasten the time we desire of universal redemption from our captivity. Wishing you with all your Holy Kahal happy Festivals, long life, prosperity and peace, The Deputies: Dr. Samuel Cabibi, Samuel Aboaf, Samuel Cuzy. A copy of this letter was sent to Amsterdam, Hamburg, London and Livorno. (f.l73b) Adi 2 Jen.o 1704 Ven.a Londres, Aos SS.res do Mahamad 5 Somos esforsados de partesipar aVMs como hauendo uindo a este Porto hua enbarcao de Malta que tinha dentro della tres escravos Iudeos da Leuante Mizeraveis a saber Aron Affie e Abram Perez e Iosef haim Asquenazj con Cadeas de Ferro maltratandos e fazendoes preuaricar ho nosso santo sabat per obligar aque se resgatesein per suma Consideravel que diria? hauerlhe custado e gastos feitos con elles, se procuro y alcansamos que ho Ecc.mo S.r. Auogador os mandase Tomar da Barca y os fees poor na Priza?, Passara? mutos asidentes sobre este negocio fazendo replicadas Istancias ho ecc.mo S.r Receuitor de Malta que aqui asiste con Carta do Gran Mastro de Malta paraque Ihes fosein restituidos de que estauamos con gran Areceo de que os Matasein. Vendose sem esperanca de teer seo dinhero, y sem enbargo se Procuro Minorasein a suma per Ultimo vira a seer Ducados dois Mil encim a Hachandose a nossa Caixeta Muy Estreita con os continuos Escrauos que cadadia acheg?o da ditta Malta, E Contrapezando ho risgo destas tres Almas somos a suplicar a Genorosidade de VMs agudein con elha a ta? soblima Misua E pois con suas Prudencias y Zelo reconheserao a enportancia delha q. Escuzaremos alargar Aguardando sua beninha resposta logo con a remessa do que El Dio B.to les esveluntar (fazendoa a o nosso s.r Mose Alfarin Deputado E Caixero da Pidion Sebuim) para solecitar a ho remedio D</page><page sequence="44">40 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD E pedindo a Nosso S.r de que sempre facao Misuot E os guarde a cada hun delles per mutos e felices Anos. Depu.os os ss.res Selomo Vega, Jacob de Semuel Baruh E Mose Alfarin. [Translation.] 2nd January, 1704/5, Venice. London. To the Gentlemen of the Mahamad. We take courage to notify you that a ship from Malta has come to this port, having on board three wretched Jewish slaves from the Levant, to wit, Aaron Affie, Abram Perez, and Josef Haim Asquinazi in chains of iron, whom they ill-treated and forced to transgress our Holy Sabbath, with a result that they must be ransomed for a considerable sum, which they would say they had cost them in expenses incurred on their account; but it was procured, and we succeeded in causing His Excellency, the Advocate, to send and take them from the ship and have them placed in prison. Many accidents occurred over this affair while we were making repeated requests to His Excellency, the Receiver of Malta, who is present here with a letter of the Grand Master of Malta; (this requests) that they may be restored (to him), which caused us great fear (?) that they would kill them, as he came with no hope of getting his money; notwithstanding he was induced to reduce the sum; ultimately it came to be two thousand ducats at most. Our fund is very limited, with the continuous supply of slaves who arrive daily from Malta; but weighing against this the peril of these three souls, we come to beseech your generosity to help in so sublime a Misva of which, with your prudence and zeal you will recognize the importance without our enlarging on it. Awaiting your favourable reply shortly with the remittance of that which the Blessed God will - them (making it out to our Sr. Mose Alfarin, deputy and treasurer of Pidion Sebuim) to follow it to the solution, and we pray Our Lord that you may ever perform Misvot, and may He preserve each one of you for many happy years. Deputies: Sefihores Selomo Vega, Jacob de Samuel Baruh and Moses Alfarin. (f.l74b.) da Ahi 2 Gen.o 1704 Ven.a Londres Aos SS.res do Mahamad acresentada de Caixo 5 Somos a 3 Abril adesuna a Cop.a da que a VMS escreuemos no dia que parese E na? Vendo rep.ta de VMS, duuidamos se aya perdido d.a Carta per Cuya cauza repetimos a Enportunar a VMS para que sey?o seruidos per quein sa? concorer na sobre ditta misua que d'El Dio Bendito ter?o bon pago E aguardando reposta con seus mandados E D (io os Guarde). Dep.os os SS.res Salam?o Vega, Jacob de Semuel Barah E Mose Alfarin. [Translation.] London: To the Gentlemen of the Mahamad, additional to ours of 2 January, 1704/5, Venice. We are on 3rd April addressing the copy of the letter which we wrote to you on the above date, as there having come from you no reply, we supposed it might be lost for whatever reason and repeat it hereby, importuning you that you may be good as to join in the said Misva which the Blessed God will well repay. Awaiting a reply with your commands, may God preserve you. Deputies: Senhores Salama? Vega, Jacob de Samuel Baruh and Mose Alfarin.</page><page sequence="45">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 41 APPENDIX 4 Payments Extracted from the Accounts of the Fund of Cautivos &amp; Terra Santa 5436 (1676)-5488 (1728) ? s. d. 5436 For balance of what was given for the Saliah of Constantina1 sub? tracting what the Sres Yehidim gave for this misva 7 0 0 5438 For what was given to H. Ysaque Israel Saliah of Belgrade, in? cluding letter of credit of ?40 10.2 57 10 0 5445 Given for the rescue of the wife of Ishac Roiz Nunes 5 0 0 5445 por 50 ducats remitted to Venice to aid the ransom of our brethren of Coron.3 8 16 0 5447 Remitted to Germany, for captives, by hand of Sr. Jacob Gomes Serra. 70 0 0 Given to a pauper who came from Salee, to aid the ransom of his wife. 6 15 0 5449 Remitted to Amsterdam for the envoys of Belgrade. 30 0 0 Remitted to Amsterdam for the envoys of Belgrade from a nedabah. 60 0 0 Remitted to Amsterdam for other captives of Belgrade, from another nedabah. 20 0 0 5452 Given to H.H. Mehir Jerusalmy. 8 0 0 5453 Given to Jahacob Torres of Sale. 5 10 0 5455 Hesvan 1. Given to help ransom his family to Hellia Coien Beberiske,4 a Pole of Lita, and sent to Amsterdam to Ab Frz. Mda.5 to be given to him. 5 0 0 For bill of exchange of 80 pesos remitted to Livorno in favour of Jacob de Paz to help in rescue of a family, and what was in the letter of credit of Sr. Ab. Vaz Mnes.6 Kislev 25. I entrusted to Moseh de Francia to remit to Constanti? nople for ransom, at the request of the Kaal of that city (for) which 20 5 0 they sent there H.H. Abramham Brudo,7 for whom a nedaba was made, which I include with what was given from this Misva, 1940 ds. 60 14 5 5456 Sivan 28. Sent to be given at Livorno to Jeuda Crespino to aid in sending to ransom the family of Naftali Levy 15 ps. @ 64 4 0 0 5457 Expended in rescue of diverse persons who were in France. 15 10 0 5458 By bill of exchange for 100 patacas @ 50d. of Sres. Mosseh Henriques de Mesquita and Ishack Henriques Ferra remitted to Cadiz in favour of Dr. Jaime Gabala for ransom of Gabriel Henriquez and Daniel da Costa, captives in Ceuta. 20 16 8 1 Constantinople. Promessas brought in this year for Terra Santa ?9 16s. (L. D. Barnett El Livro de los Acuerdos, pp. 100, 101). 2 The receipts show that a neddba for the captives of Belgrade raised ?27 6s. 6d. 3 See above Appendix 3. 4 Bobruisk. 5 Abraham Fernandez Miranda. 6 Abraham Vaz Menases. 7 See above, p. 23.</page><page sequence="46">42 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD ? S. d. By bill of exchange for 100 @ 52Jd. of my father,1 remitted to Livorno in favour of Sr. Mosseh de Abraham Franco so that he might convey it to the Parnassim of Tunis to help ransom H.R. Jahacob Hisquiny and his wife. 21 17 6 By bill of exchange for 50 patacas @ 53 of my father*, remitted to Livorno to Jacob de Paz that he may convey it to the Hahamim and Parnasim of Saphet to help serve in rescuing 11 captives in Tripoli. 11 10 0 In adjustment of this account I shall remit to Venice to Frances Carvalho Nunez to be used in helping to ransom the captives of Saray of Bosnia:2 163 4 0 5459 For 20 pesos which were sent to Livorno to help in the ransom of Ishac Cansino: 4 12 8 5460 Remitted to Amsterdam in favour of Yehuda Veiga for rescue of Yehuda Angel, captive in Malta: 6 15 0 Remitted to Moseh ben Adrit for ransom of Samuel Ben Adrit: 6 0 3 Remitted to Amsterdam by hand of Abraham Haim Mendes for ransom of the son of Sara Lopes Vezinha of Amsterdam. 14 3 8 Given to Abraham de Xeres for rescue of his wife and sons: 4 0 0 Given to Hazan Samuel Asquenazi for rescue of his son:3 2 14 6 5463 For 20 ducats remitted to Venice through David Penso for Semuel Buen senhor. 3 10 0 5464 For gift to the servant of the Siluhim of Posna4 whom they sent from Amsterdam. 10 0 For fl. 350 in cash given to the said Siluhim of Posna for the ransom of the Hahamim and Parnasim of that city. For fl. 100 in cash given to Sadock Abrahams for the rescue of his brothers, to give the two parties fl. 437 @ 33/5J. 43 10 6 5465 I remitted to the memonim of Venice 60 ps. of bank for ransom of Aron Affia, Abm. Penn and Joseph Haim Askenazi.5 13 4 0 Given to Semuel Saul to help rescue his wife &amp; son. 5 7 6 To send to Venice to Mosseh Yabez ps. 20 of bank to help rescue his family. 4 11 8 Given to David da Silva to help rescue his family. 6 9 0 5467 To pay to Sr. Jacob Haim Gabay to send to Amsterdam to Moseh Aben Esrah for ransom of his family. 14 5 0 5469 For 100 patacas paid in Amsterdam to Zebulun a Cohen.6 23 14 4 For ransom of Caspi and his family. 10 0 0 5470 For what was given to Joseph Budum4 for the said misva. 5 0 0 For what I sent to Amsterdam for the Keila of Poland.7 7 6 0 1 Signed by Pinhas Gomes Serra. 2 Sarayevo. 3 The general account of the Synagogue for 5462 also records "what are included in the promezas (promised offerings) opposite for the contribution for the captives of Miquenes [Meknes].?14 14s. 3d. "what reduced the ?101 paid to the Chamberlain of the city for the captives of Miquenes which was drawn for the individuals: ?23 10s. Od. 4 Posen? Cf. D. Kaufmann, "Die Schuldennot der gemeinde Posen ... 1668-1685" Monats? berichte. Vol. 3, pp. 38-46, 91-96. 6 See above, p. 40. 6 See above, p. 23. 7 See above, p. 20.</page><page sequence="47">the correspondence of the mahamad 43 ? s. d. 5471 What was ordered for Simha Cohen pats. 50 which I remitted to 4 0 0 Livorno. 11 15 5 5472 Tamus 15. By order of the Gentlemen of the Mahamad and adjuntos they resolved that this sum be dedicated for the Embassy of Sr. H. H. Rab Acolel Abraham Ishaquy for the ransom of our brethren captives of the Holy City of Yerusalaim.1 141 12 10 5475 To H. H. Menahem Acohen for the ransom of his son-in-law in Malta. 5 0 0 5476 H. Hm. Joseph Bar Jacob for rescue of his son-in-law. 10 0 0 To Jeosuah Sibony for his sons: 5 0 0 5477 For Pesos 221. 13. 11. @ 54| which were remitted to Moseh Franco of Livorno for him to remit them to Saphett for the embassy of H. M. Semuel Levy. 50 0 0 5478 For bill of exchange for 50 patacas which was given to Ishac Fano for ransom of his family and son in Travisona.2 11 5 0 5480 For what was given to the Siluhim of Hebron, David Melamed and Israel Cohen. 120 0 0 For what two orders cost touching the Sedaca. 8 15 5 5483 I pay to Abraham bar Abraham Guer. 16 0 0 Remitted to Livorno through Abm. &amp; Jacob Franco for ransom of Jacob Naon 60 pats, and 50 pats, for another poor man. 23 13 4 5484 Given to Jeuda Sornaga:3 8 8 0 To Sabatay Bendavid: 5 5 0 5486 A dar 9. For ransom of 18 persons who were taken by the Maltese, as appears by the order of 14 Sebat of this year: 33 15 0 5488 Tamus 16. For 100 pesos (given) to Ishac Tunis of Livorno, captive, remitted to the Deputies of Sebutm of Livorno. 21 9 2 To Nisim Abraham Susan, for ransom of 4 persons, whom Sres. Abrm. &amp; Jacob Franco ordered Selomoh Arditi of Amsterdam that he should deliver to them: 15 0 0 R. H. Ab. To the Kaal of Zante, 80 ducats.4 16 5 10 No further detailed special accounts of this Fund appear to have survived. APPENDIX 5 Payments Extracted from The Accounts of The Fund of Terra Santa 5431 (1671)-5491 (1731) (translated from Portuguese) ? s. d. 5431 The said misba of Terra Santa owes by what was despatched to our brethren of Hebron. 18 10 4 1 See above, p. 27. * Trebizond or Treviso (Italy)? 8 On his sufferings, see Roth, be. cit., p. 229. * See above, p. 24.</page><page sequence="48">44 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD ? s. d. 5440 For what was given to the Saliah of Hebron Samuel Baruh. 8 13 0 For what was given and sent to be given to the other Saliah of Safet (Ishack a Cohen). 1 0 0 5442 Sent to be given to the Holy Land Captives by the hand of Abraham de Soto. 9 2 0 15444 Remitted to Venice, to be sent by them to K. K. Jerusalem by hand of Sr. Jahacob Gomes Sierra for them to notify the Saliah Sr. Elacar Tahaci. The balance of this account I entrusted to Sr. Serra for him to send to the K.K. of Hebron. 8 14 0 5446 I remitted to Amsterdam at sight, for them there to convey it to Jerusalem, distributed over the three Keilot, Jerusalem, Hebron and Safet.2 24 7 6 5448 Remitted to Amsterdam to the Saliah to take him to the Holy Land. 20 0 0 5449 For 100 ps. remitted to Livorno for Saphet. 21 13 4 5450 Given to Mr. Ishack de Valensia Gabay of Safet, as Jd. of ?25 5. lid. to be remitted to Safet. 9 2 0 To the same Sr. as id. of ?31. 1. 6d. 10 7 2 As 1 /6 of ?58 7. 5d. remitted to Hebron. 9 14 6 As i of ?58 7. 5d. remitted to Jerusalem. 29 3 9 5451 What I entrusted to Srres. Valencia and Pacheco to remit to Saphet. 11 3 0 What I entrusted further to the same, for the same misva. 1 13 1 What I entrusted to Sr. Ja. Gomes Serra from the proceeds of what I received from S. Benjamin Franco3 to remit to Jerusalem. 16 14 6 What I gave further to the same for the same misva. 2 10 0 5452 For 196f patts.4 which were remitted through Sr. Jacob Gomes Serra for Jerusalem. 45 2 7 For 93J patts. by the same for Hebron. 21 10 7 For 131 patts. by the same for Safet. 30 1 0 5453 For 31? patts. which were remitted through Sr. Moseh Henriques da Mesquita for Hebron @ 58d. 7 2 6 For 95 patts. which were remitted through the Sr. Haham Selomoh Aylion for Jerusalem.5 22 17 2 For 63 patts., remitted through the Sr. Haham for Safet. 15 4 10 5454 Remitted to Jerusalem. 21 16 9 Remitted to Hebron. 7 5 6 Remitted to Saphet. 14 11 3 5455 Tamus 13. By bill of exchange of Sr. Abramham Lopez de Britto, in favour of Moseh de Abramham Franco for 19 li pesos at 65dmake. 51 16 0 1 The extracts to this point are taken from the General Account, after this from the special account of the Fund which is henceforth kept separately. 2 See above, p. 26. 3 The Parnas. 4 Patacas, or pieces of eight, also called pesos. 6 See above, p. 26.</page><page sequence="49">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD The said Moseh Franco was ordered that there be remitted in this form: In favour of the Parnasim &amp; Hahamim of Jerusalem ps. 95f In favour of the same of Safet: ps. 63J In favour of the same of Hebron: ps. 32 ps. 191i 5456 EM 19. For patacas totalling 250.2/20 @ 68 ps. which I sent to Sr. Grabiel de Medina for Sr. Moseh de Ab. Franco to remit by his own route thus: In favour of Hmim. &amp; Parnasim of Jerusalem: 107. 11. In favour of those of Safett: 83. 7. In favour of those of Hebron: 41. 4. What I entrusted to H.H. Selomoh Aylion for those who may receive more in the city of Jerusalem: 17. 10. ps. 250. 2. 5457 For patacas amounting to 238. 13. 8. @ 51 and 52d. sent to Livorno to Sr. Moseh de Abraham Franco in letter of credit of Sr. Jacob Gomes Serra and Sr. Gabay Ishac Roiz Mogadouro for its value to be remitted thus: In favour of the H. Hmim. and Parnassim of Jerusalem: ps. 119. 6. 10. In favour of those of Safet: 79.11. 2. c/f 198. 18. 0. b/f 198. 18. 0. In favour of those of Hebron: 39. 15. 8. ps. 238. 13. 8. In letter of Sr. Jahacob Gomes Serra @ 52d. In letter of Ishac Rodrigues Mogadouro @ 5Id. 5458 For pats, amounting to 192. 16 @ 53d. remitted to Livorno in bill of exchange of my father1 to Mosseh de Ab. Franco for its value to be remitted thus: In favour of the Hahamim &amp; Parnassim of the Holy City of Jerusalem 3/6 part: Ps. 96. 8. In favour of those of Saphet 2/6: Ps. 64. 5. In favour of those of Hebron 1/6: Ps. 32. 2. 8. @ 53d. Ps. 192. 16. 5459 For what was remitted to Jerusalem. For what was remitted to Saphet. For what was remitted to Hebron. 1 Signed by Ishac Rodrigues Portello.</page><page sequence="50">46 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 5460 For what I shall entrust to the next Sr. Gabay that he may remit half to Jerusalem and of the other half, two-thirds to Saphet and one-third to Hebron. 5461 For 275 pezos of 8: remitted to Livorno that it should there be done: 137 ps. to Yerusalaim 92 ps. to Saphet 46 ps. to Hebron 275 ps. @ 53d. p. peso makes 5462 What I entrusted to Sr. Jacob Haim Gabay to remit to Livorno that it should be passed there to Yerusalaim, Saphet, and Hebron, in the customary form. 5463 For 142.10 patacas which I remitted to Livorno to Moseh de Raphael Ergas for him to pass it for Yerusalaim, Saphet &amp; Hebron in the accustomed manner. 5464 For 132 patacs @ 58d. which I remit to Livorno to my brother,1 Moseh Portello, that he may pass it to Jerusalem, Saphet &amp; Hebron in the customary manner. To the Holy City of Jerusalem as half: ps. 66. To Saphet for 2/3 of the other half: p. 44. To Hebron for 1 /3 of the said half: ps. 22. ps. 132. 5465 For 125.5.4 ps. which I remitted to Livorno to Sr. Moseh Portello for him to pass to Yerusalaim, Saphet &amp; Hebron in the accustomed manner @ 56Jd. For the city of Yerusalaim for half: ps. 62. 14. 2. For Saphet, for 2/3 of the other half: ps. 41. 16. 1. For Hebron, for 1 /3 of the said half: ps. 20. 18. 1. ps. 125. 8. 4. 5466 I pay to Sr. Isaac Senior Henrriques who was elected to receive the nedabah which was made for this misva, for 800 pezos @ 57J, which I remitted to Livorno to Sr. Moseh de Abraham Franco to remit ps. 640 to the Holy City of Yerusalaim, &amp; ps. 160 to Saphet. 5467 For 130 patacas which I remitted to Moseh de Abraham Franco of Livorno in a bill of exchange of greater sum, that he might pass it to Yerusalaim, Saphet &amp; Hebron. 5467 For 212. 0. 8. patacas which I remitted to the said Franco and Moseh Portello of Livorno in a bill of exchange of greater sum, for them to pass as above. 1 Signed by Ishac Rodrigues Portello.</page><page sequence="51">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 5468 I pay to Sr. Ishac Rodrigues Portello for 137 patacas @ 58d. that he may remit them to Sr. Moseh Rodrigues Portello of Livorno that he may pass it to the Holy Land in the following form: To the Holy City of Yerusalaim ps. 68. 10. To Saphet ps. 45. 13. 4. To Hebron ps. 22. 16. 8. 137 @ 58d. 5469 For patacas 192.13 remitted to Livorno to Moseh de Abraham Franco that he might remit them to the Holy Land in the following form: To the Holy City of Yerusalaim ps. 96. 6. To Saphet ps. 64. 4. To Hebron ps. 32. 3. ps. 192. 13. 5470 For ?232. 13. 9 patacas remitted to Livorno to Mosseh de Abraham Franco for him to remit to the Holy Land in this form: To the Holy Land of Yerusalaim ps. 116. To Saphet ps. 78. To Hebron ps. 38. 13. 9. ps. 232. 13. 9. @ 57 pence in a bill of exchange of Abraham de M. Franco 5471 For pats. 226. 3. 10. remitted to Livorno to Moseh de Abraham Franco for him to remit to the Holy Land in this form: Pats. 113. 3. 10. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim 75. to Saphet 38. to Hebron 226. 3. 10. 5472 Tisry 11. For what were credited to the account of Sr. H.H. R. AColel Abm. Ishaquy, for 11 parts of 24 of ?43. 12. it being thus as the Sr. Rab informed us, between Yerusalaim, Saphet and Hebron as appears.1 Elul 26. I pay to Abm. de Moseh Franco by bill of exchange, which I gave on his father, of ps. 101. 16. 10. @ 55|. For Saphet 8/24: ps. 62. 14. 10. For Hebron 5/24: ps. 39. 2. ps. 101. 16. 10. 1 See above, p. 27.</page><page sequence="52">48 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD ? s. d. 5475 For pats. 215. 8. 8. which I remitted to Livorno to Moseh &amp; Abm. Franco in a bill of exchange to his son for him to remit them to the Holy Land in the following form: 107. 14. 4. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: 71. 16. 2. to Saphet: 35. 18. 2. to Hebron Pas. 215. 8. 8. @ 53Jd. per peso. 47 16 0 5477 For remittance to Livorno to order of Srs. Moseh &amp; Abm. Franco for him to pass it to the Holy Land in the following form: Pesos 398. 12. 8. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: 265. 15. 1. to Saphett: 132. 17. 7. to Hebron: Pesos 797. 4. 4. @ 54?. 181 9 3 5479 For bill of exchange of Abm. &amp; Jacob Franco remitted to Moseh and Abm. Franco that they should pass it to the Holy Land in the form below specified thus: Pesos 177. 13. 1. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: 118. 2. 3. to Saphett: 51. 1. -. to Hebron: Pesos 354. 6. 4. @ 52| per peso. 77 17 6 5480 For what was remitted to Livorno to Moseh and Abm. Franco for them to pass in the following form: Pesos 137. 5. 6. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: 91. 10. 3. to Saphett: 45. 15. 2. to Hebron: Pesos 274. 10. 11. @ 52J. 59 17 6 5481 For what was remitted to Livorno to Moseh &amp; Abm. Franco for them to pass in the following form: to wit: Pesos 151. 3. 6. to the Holy City: 100. 15. 8. to Saphett: 50. 7. 10. to Hebron: Pesos 302. 7. @ 5Id. p. peso. 64 5 0</page><page sequence="53">THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 49 ? s. d. 5483 For what was remitted to Livorno to Moseh and Abm. Franco in a bill of exchange of their sons Abm. and Jacob Franco for pesos 899.2. of which 30 p. 8d. belong to the Rab and were the yield of two years of this misva. Pesos 434. 7. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: 289. 11. 4. to Saphett: 144. 15. 8. to Hebron: Pesos 868. 14. @ 51J. 185 10 0 5484 Remitted to Livorno to Moseh and Abram Franco in bill of exchange of Abm. and Jacob Franco for pesos 407.6.4. to wit: Pesos: 203. 13. 4. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: 135. 15. 8. to Saphett: 67. 17. 4. to Hebron: Pesos 407. 6. 4. @ 52|. 89 2 0 5485 For what was remitted to Marseilles to Vandercruis &amp; Dourem ?95. 13. 6. with an order that they remit it in Mexican reals of 8 to Saida in favour of Moseh de Raphael Malquy and David Gabay Isidro for them to distribute thus, to wit: ?47. 16. 9. which is the half for the Holy City of Jerusalem: ?31. 17. 10. which is 2/6ths for Saphett: ?15. 18. 11. for Hebron: 95 13 6 5486 For insurance of ?100 which was passed from Marseilles to Say da for the money which was sent last year: 2 3 6 For what Sr. David Lopes Pereira remitted this year to Marseilles to Vandercruis Sons &amp; Douzen ?72. 18. with order that they remit it in patacas to Sayda in favour of Moseh de Raphael Malquy and David Gabay Yzidro,1 for them to distribute as follows, to wit: ?36. 9. 0. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: ?24. 6. to Saphett: ?12. 3. to Hebron: 72 18 0 5488 For what Sres. Abm. &amp; Jacob Franco remitted to Sr. their father in the following form, to wit: To the Holy City of Yerusalaim: ?43. 3. 6. To Saphett: 28. 15. 8. To Hebron: 14. 7. 10. 86 7 0 Ab. 16. For what the above gentlemen remitted in the same manner: To the Holy City of Yerusalaim: ?45. 6. To Saphett: ?30. 4. To Hebron: ?15. 2. 90 12 0 1 See above, p. 26.</page><page sequence="54">50 THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MAHAMAD 5489 Remitted to Marseilles through Sr. David Lopes Pereira to Vander cruis fils. &amp; Douzen ?61. 5. 6. with order that they remit it in Mexican reals of 8, to Sayda in favour of Moseh de Rephael Angelo Malquy &amp; David Gabay Isidro1 to distribute thus: ?30. 12. 9. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: ?20. 8. 6. to Saphett: ?10. 4. 3. to Hebron: 61 5 6 5490 Ylul 25: For what was entrusted to Sr. David Lopes Pereira who remitted it to Marseilles to Vandercruys &amp; Devensen to pay ?91. 6. 6. with reals of 8 to Sayda in favour of Moseh Rephael Angelo Malquy and David Gabay Isidro1 for them to distribute as follows, to wit: ?45. 13. 3. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: ?30. 8. 10. to Saphett: ?15. 4. 5. to Hebron: 1 6 6 5491 For what was remitted to Marseilles through Sr. David Lopes Pereira to Vandercrys Duenssen &amp; Deveer ?107. 10. 6. with order that they remit them in Mexican reals of 8 to Sayda in favour of Moseh de Rephael Angelo Malquy &amp; David Gabay Izidro1 for them to distribute it as follows, to wit: ?40. 15. 3. to the Holy City of Yerusalaim: ?27. 3. 6. to Saphett: ?13. 11. 9. to Hebron: ?81. 10. 6. 81 10 6 Through Sr. Aaron Israel Pereira which I entrusted (to him) for the Selihut of H.H. Yomtob Crespo:2 26 0 0 (Further detailed accounts of this fund do not appear to have survived in the archives of the synagogue.) 1 See above, p. 26. 2 See above, p. 28.</page><page sequence="55">1. Silver Version of Gold Medal (obverse and reverse) presented by Joseph de la Penia to Franz Wiltschut, captain of the frigate "Golden Rock," for his glorious exploits against two French men-of-war off Dunkirk, 19th February, 1696 (Royal Numis? matic collection, The Hague) (a) (6) 2. Silver Medal (obverse and reverse) issued on the withdrawal of the decree of expulsion of the Jews from Bohemia, 1745 (a) Quotation from Esther 9,28. (b) Scene of thank-offering in Temple of Jerusalem, Coats-of-Arms of England, Holland, Sweden, Poland and Hungary, Bohemia (Royal Numismatic Collection, The Hague) (Reproduced from A. Polak, Joodse Penningen in de Nederlanden, Amsterdam, 1958) Plate 5</page></plain_text>