The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community

<plain_text><page sequence="1">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community* G. D. GUTTENTAG The Newcastle upon Tyne Jewish community is the largest of a number situated close to each other in the area comprising the counties of Northumberland and Durham and a strip of north Yorkshire, which forms the southern bank of the River Tees. Within this group one also finds examples of erstwhile communities like Durham and North Shields, with only odd synagogue build? ings and, in the case of the latter, also a ceme? tery to indicate that Jews ever lived there. In Stockton, West Hartlepool, and South Shields there are now mere shells of what a century or so ago were flourishing communities. Middles? brough and Darlington reached a certain stage of development, at which they have remained static, while in Whitley Bay there is a com? munity formed in recent years. The mainstream of dynamic Jewish life in north-east England, however, is to be found in three centres, Newcastle, Gateshead, and Sunderland, each distinctive from the others. Newcastle, generally speaking, is formed of what used to be called the United Synagogue (London) type. Sunderland, with two congre? gations and a strong Beth Hamedrash influence, provides a synthesis of modern living and such institutions as a Chevra Shass, a Yeshiva, and a fine primary school. Gateshead, a small com? munity of some forty to fifty families, has within its framework a unique complex of religious educational institutions with a transient population of students, male and female, from all quarters of the globe, which, with instruc? tional and administrative personnel, effects a constant bulge numbering several hundreds. Newcastle is the largest city in the area, recognised as the 'metropolis' of the North East. Although Sunderland's Jewish commun? ity claims to have the longest record of continuous existence in the area,1 New castle's Jewish associations reach back much further. Newcastle is an ancient place. In the year 80 c.e. Agricola, the Roman conqueror of Britain, found a settlement there, with rough fortifications, which the Romans strengthened. Hadrian, in the year 120 c.e., further streng? thened it when he built the famous wall.2 He also threw a bridge across the river, linking the town with what was subsequently called Gates head, meaning 'Head of the Road,' that being the road from the south. The bridge he named 'Pons Aelii' in honour of his family name, Titus Hadrianus Aelius, and the town at its northern end became known by that name.3 With the disintegration of the Roman Em? pire and the withdrawal of its protective armies, the Saxons made the area their home, and in the seventh century Northumberland became a centre for the spread of Christianity, the town being then named 'Monkchester'. William the Conqueror's son Robert heavily defeated the marauding Scots and built a castle there in 1080, which William Rufus enlarged and strengthened. From this, people referred to the 'New Castle on the Tyne,' * Paper delivered before the Jewish Historical Society of England, 7 April 1965. 1 Arnold Levy, History of the Sunderland Jewish Community 1755-1955 (Macdonald, 1956), p. 34. 2 Some historians ascribe the stone wall known as Hadrian's Wall to Severus, 207 c.e., and describe Hadrian's Wall as an earthwork on the same site. 3 The Venerable Bede refers to it later as Ad Murum (At the Wall). Numerous Mithraitic temples have been excavated. There occur occa? sional tombstones of individual Christians. This led me to inquire whether there were traces of Jews, who might have come from any of the scattered communities in the Roman empire, either as soldiers or as traders to the trading posts which abounded along the wall. I am informed by Profes? sor Ian A. Richmond, All Souls College, Oxford, the eminent authority on Roman Britain, as follows: 'I have no knowledge whatever of any Jews serving in the Roman army of Britain, and as you, yourself, realise better than I, it would have to be a highly unorthodox Jew that did so. Like you again, I do not think this wholly impossible, human nature being what it is, but possibility is one thing and proof another, and I would emphasise that we have absolutely no proof.' 1</page><page sequence="2">2 G. D. Guttentag which eventually became modified to New? castle upon Tyne. The castle was further strengthened by Henry II, under whom we begin to find Jewish links with the place. Myer Davis,4 writ? ing in the Jewish Chronicle of 18 August 1882, states: 'Jews were regularly established in New? castle in 1176. Large payments were made to Henry II almost annually, therefore they must have been wealthy. Samuel, Jew of Newcastle, frequently occurs in documents in the latter part of Henry's reign.' Henry II died in 1189. In a pipe roll of 1190, the second year of Richard I, there appears the entry which is the classical contri? bution to any history of Jews in Newcastle: 'Samuel, Jew of Newcastle,5 owes 20 marks because he called a warrant which he could not have. 2 Richard I Nordhumb.' Joseph Jacobs, who compiled a list of Jews in England during the twelfth century, also includes Jacob of Newcastle. John Collingwood Bruce, an eminent local historian, places the entry of Jews into the town at a much earlier date. In the course of a series of lectures on local history delivered in 1876,6 he suggests that when William Rufus (1087-1100) was rebuilding the castle, not only would he have attracted skilled masons but also a small number of Jews, 'the only bankers of the day', who would have carried the gold needed for payments and purchases. But Bruce gives no sources for his suggestion. But as the castle was further enlarged and re? built during the reign of Henry II (1154 1189),7 Bruce might have inadvertently con fused the records later disclosed by Myer Davis of the sums paid by Newcastle Jews in 1176. In 1212 King John granted a charter to the 'honest men of Newcastle' whereby for the payment of ?100 annually, and certain other reservations, 'They were not answerable to the Sheriff of Northumberland nor to the Con? stable of the Castle.'8 This was confirmed by Henry III in 1234. In a further approach, the burgesses, on 2 July 1234, paid 100 marks to the King and received a 'Liberty granted to the good men of Newcastle and heirs that no Jew should reside among them'.9 The original charter is not known to be in existence, but a copy is included in the Liber Cartarum10?Book of Charters?a thirteenth-century parchment volume in the City archives, to which Tovey refers11 as Clause 18 Henry III. Whether the Newcastle burgesses ever exercised this right to exclude Jews is not known; it may be that they simply wanted to hold such a privilege in reserve?trading jealousies would have been responsible. Tovey says 'The Jews seem to have behaved ill in Northumberland', but here also no source or reference is given. Cadwallader J. Bates, in his History of Northumberland,12 writes that during King John's absence in Rome, the Northumbrian Barons defected to Alexander II, King of Scotland. John on his return early in 1215 marched against them, burned their castles, and took Berwick Castle, where many had taken refuge, and where, to quote, 'John 4 Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England, Vol. VII, Lucien Wolf on the origins of the Society. There was no study of Anglo-Jewry by a Jew before 1869, when Myer Davis began to pub? lish his work (p. 207). Davis in 1877 published in the Jewish World a series of articles on the Jewish communities of Birmingham, Liverpool, Man? chester, and Newcastle. 5 Joseph Jacobs, The Jews of Angevin England. 6 Old Newcastle. Lectures by the late Dr. J. Collingwood Bruce. (Andrew Reid &amp; Co. Ltd., Newcastle, 1904). 7 Joseph Jacobs, op. cit. 8 Richardson's Descriptive Companion. Newcastle and Gateshead on Tyne, 1838. 9 Newcastle was one of a number of towns which bought the right to exclude Jews. This was chiefly because Jews were the chattels of the King, who could exercise his rights towards them over the heads of the burgesses. Similarly the Jews could obtain protection directly from the King and assistance in the enforcement of contracts. 10 A leather-bound book, 15x11 inches, contain? ing sixty-seven parchment leaves consisting of miscellaneous documents enrolled at various times. It is one of the few muniments to escape destruction by the Scots in 1644. The documents appear to have been rebound in the eighteenth century. Page 1 is a copy of the anti-Jewish liberty. 11 De Blossiers Tovey, Anglia Judaica, (1738), p. 102. 12 1895, p. 133.</page><page sequence="3">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 3 handed over the inhabitants to his German mercenaries, who strung them up by their hands and feet, being assisted in this by the Jews.13 No notes are appended, but this alleged episode might be what Tovey had thought was evidence. The Surtees Society Publications include a Calendar of Deeds of the years 1250-1258 at University College, Oxford, of which two refer to transactions concerning land in Pilgrim Street and Market Street, Newcastle, which are demised to buyers, heirs, and assigns, 'except Jews and men of religion'. This might be a routine formula only. The Expulsion of 1290, whatever may have happened in the intervening years from 1234, of course meant the official end of Jewish residence in Newcastle, as elsewhere. There are no tangible links with the Jews of those days similar to those found in Lincoln, for example, except what appears in documents. One such link has been suggested in the name of one of the streets in the old part of the city, Silver Street. This old street has been known by various names, such as All Hallow Gate and Temple Gate, and at a later date is referred to as 'Jew-Gate'. Henry Bourne14 mentions Silver Street and its other names and adds the follow? ing: 6Note:?Mr. Nicholas Lamb, whose house is in this street, finds it called Jew-gate, in his writings; but when, or for what reason it bore that name, I know not.' Again, in 1789, John Brand,15 on Silver Street, adds: 'It occurs in old writings with the name Jew-Gate . . . (Note:?In a release dated 7th October 12 Will. III. a.d. 1700, mention occurs of two messuages situated in "New? castle upon Tyne, in a certain street or place there called Silver Street, alias Jew-Gate on the North side of the same street . . .") Extract from a title deed of a house in Silver Street belonging to Mr. John Stokoe. (These two names owe their origin, it is not improbable, to the same cause, i.e. the place having been principally inhabited by Jews, who dealt in silver plate.)' But in a document in the archives of the Corporation of Newcastle upon Tyne dated 16 November 1658 this street is named 'Silver Street alias All Hallows Gate', and Jew-Gate is not mentioned. Professor Samuel Tolansky, the eminent physicist and a local Jewish historian, has argued that the incidence of the name Jew Gate in the 'writings', that is, deeds of houses, which could extend back over long periods, must signify that there was a considerable Jewish community before the expulsion in 1290, since the resettlement took place in 1656, and the 'writings' in 1700, etc., which mention Jew-Gate could only refer to the pre-expulsion era, there being no Jews here in the interim period. This is not necessarily so. Against this association of Silver Street with Jewish dealings in silver one can raise a number of objections. 1. The name Silver Street is found also in Sunderland and Durham and no Jewish- silver association is suggested there. 2. If indeed the name was based on silver dealing, this was not necessarily done by Jews. Newcastle presumably had a considerable industry in silver, as is manifest from a petition presented in Parliament on 20 October 1423 respecting the touching and marking of silver in seven cities, including Newcastle, which was granted under Act 2, Henry VI. Cap 14. 3. Gray in 164916 does not mention Jew Gate as an alternative to Silver Street. In a History of Newcastle and Gateshead, by Richard Welford in 1884,17 there occurs this item: 'August 11th 1444. Mrs. Alice Bellasis gave this year to University College, Oxford, a tenement near the New Gate, Newcastle, in the occupation of Thomas Gray, Litster [dyer] . . . also three tenements and two tofts in the same 13 We learn from Newcastle Records, Vol. 1, by John Sykes, that 'King John plundered the town and Castle of Berwick, where he and his mercen? aries perpetrated the most barbarous cruelties.' But Sykes's reference no doubt was taken from A Directory of Berwick upon Tweed (W. Lockhead, 1806): Jews were brought by John to devise tortures', but no other authentication seems to be given. 14 History of Newcastle upon Tyne (1736). 15 The Rev. John Brand, History and Antiquities of Newcastle upon Tyne (1789). 16 Wm. Gray, Chorographia (1649), chapter on Pilgrim Street. 17 London, Vol. 1.</page><page sequence="4">4 G. D. Guttentag way . . .' I mention this because Cecil Roth18 tells how Jacob Bellasez, son of Master Moses of London, in 1267 sold Walter de Merton the house in which Merton College, Oxford, had its beginnings. The similarity of the names and the association with Oxford could raise the question whether the husband of Mrs. Alice Bellasis might perhaps have been a descendant of Jacob Bellasez. The real story of the Newcastle Jewish com? munity, like so many others, begins at some time in the eighteenth century. The first Newcastle Jew on record is generally held to be David Henriques, who died in 1775 (Will: Alexander 472).^ Two points about Henriques call for clarifica? tion. The first is whether, indeed, he was a Jew. The fact of his name may suggest a Jewish father or forebear, but not necessarily a Jewish mother. His own son and daughter were certainly not of Jewish status; his wife was Janet Carr, of Eyemouth, near Berwick on Tweed. In the whole of his will, a lengthy document, there is no reference to Jew or Jewish associations. Two sisters who are described as of either Amsterdam or The Hague would support Sephardi origin but not necessarily Jewish status. All the relatives on the wife's side are obviously not Jewish and, in addition, his last instructions are that he should be buried in the churchyard of the parish wherein he should die. The other point is the question of his domi? cile in Newcastle. The will was drawn up on 10 March 1775. Henriques died later that year and the will was proved on 11 November. It begins: T David Henriques of the City of Durham but now of Newcastle upon Tyne', and the word 'late' is interpolated before 'of the City of Durham.' One of his executors is a Durham man and the will was proved at Durham. This bears the obvious implication that he regarded himself as a citizen of Durham, but probably at the instigation of his lawyer, for the sake of ac? curacy in a legal document, he added the word 'late' because at that moment he was actually at Newcastle. If he was indeed living in the town, he had obviously not been there very long. In the local municipal archives there is a list of persons who took the Dissenters' oath at the General Quarter Sessions of the peace held on 22 November 1723.20 This, ostensibly a list of Quakers, includes the name Solomon Phillips. Neither of these names is by itself specifically Jewish, but the two together sup? port the idea of Jewishness. A search by the Librarian of the Society of Friends of their London and Newcastle records for the whole of the eighteenth century did not reveal a person of that name, and he comments in his reply to me, 'this of course, is not conclusive, but it does seem to suggest that you may be right in thinking he was a member of the Jewish com? munity'. If so, he antedates David Henriques as a Jewish Novocastrian by a good many years. That there were Jews, if not in Newcastle itself, certainly in the vicinity in the mid eighteenth century is borne out by the follow? ing from a local history:21 'The Rev. John Walton, who was vicar of Corbridge from 1742 to 1765, made a considerable collection of Roman coins by purchasing such as were turned up in the neighbouring station of Corstopitum. A party of Jews having estab? lished in the neighbourhood (at Prior Manor) a Prussian Blue manufactory, felt disposed to enter the market with the vicar. Mr. Walton, unwilling to compete with them by offering a larger price, had the fields where the coins were found strewn with imitations of genuine pieces. These were freely bought by the Jews, who soon finding the trade a losing one, abandoned it altogether.' Newcastle was considered a place well known for so famous an apocryphal figure as 'Yehudi Nitzchi' ('The Wandering Jew') to have visited it in the eighteenth century. J. D. Eisenstein, in his encyclopedia Ozer Tisrael, under that head 18 Essays and Portraits in Anglo-Jewry, J.P.S. of America (1962), ch. 6, 'Mediaeval Lincoln Jewry and its synagogue', pp. 52-53. 19 Cecil Roth, The Rise of Provincial Jewry (1950), 'Newcastle-on-Tyne', p. 84. 20 Under the Act of 1714, Quakers were allowed to affirm instead of taking the Oath of Abjuration. 21 Robert Forster, History of Corbridge (1881), pp. 17-18.</page><page sequence="5">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 5 ing, includes this English town as among the places visited by this legendary traveller in 1790. However, while the 'Wandering Jew' as a person may be dismissed, and both Henriques and Phillips, even if authentic, are only names to us, I wish to introduce a very real person, Isaac Hymen, who comes on to the scene before 1775. Thomas Bewick, the famous engraver, was born in 1753 in a village near Newcastle. In 1767, at the age of 14, he was apprenticed for seven years to Ralph Beilby, a leading engraver, of Newcastle, that is, till 1774 (note the dates). In his memoirs22 he writes about one Isaac Hymen: 'For many years, including part of my apprenticeship and as master, I was fully employed with work from silversmiths, watchmakers and hardwaremen. A new customer, Isaac Hymen, a Jew, appeared. His seal cutting orders equalled the business of all the others together. He carried a box of watches, and trinkets, also a large collection of impressions of well cut seals. He was of good address and a good singer. He got into coffee rooms patronized by gentlemen and respectable tradesmen and exhibited the impressions as his own work. He knew noth? ing of engraving, but got orders. It got about that his seals surpassed anything that Bewick and his master did, although it was their work. I remember once rising early and working late at night cutting 5 steel seals with cyphers and initials. 'Our common wholesale charge was 3/6d. private customers 5/-d. Isaac Hymen charged 12/6d. When confronted, he replied that it was foolish for us to do as we did, as for him? self "You know I must live". 'My wages after leaving my apprentice? ship were one guinea per week. Isaac offered me 2 guineas if I would travel with him. I should have liked the travel part?but not to travel with a Jew. We carried on, but gradually lost other work. Isaac carried on until John Harrison a local watchmaker exposed Isaac Hymen. Isaac Hymen left Newcastle. It was reported that he was found dead on the road between Sunderland and Durham.' On this evidence I would suggest that Isaac Hymen is entitled to priority of residence in Newcastle. In 1778 the first Directory was published in Newcastle. It is a very small volume and under the heading of 'Glass Grinder and Flowerer' appears 'Levi. I. near Closegate'. The next edition, in 1790, contains the name of Miss Strologer, Linen Draper, Sandhill. The directories progressively improved and by the end of the second decade of the 1800s began to take on the appearance of modern publications. By 1823 the local directory,' by no means commensurate with the size of the population, contained the names of D. Cohen, Optician, Collingwood Street, res. Forth; Geo. Lewis, Goldsmith, Mosley Street; and S. M. Peretz, Quill Pen Mfr. Pilgrim Street. The number of settlers at that stage could not have been great, for in 1827 Mackenzie23 states: 'There are in Newcastle a few Jews, Universalists and Freethinking Christians, but they do not assemble as distinct bodies.' There were several others whose names ap? pear a little later and we learn from the oral account of early memories given by J. de Hart at the foundation-stone ceremony of the new synagogue in Albion Street in 1879 that he had been informed by Joseph Joel that the com? munity of those days consisted of about a dozen families. As usually happens in Jewish circles in similar circumstances, a loosely formed congregation emerged and a shochet was engaged. Services were held in a room in Pilgrim Street, again the usual humble form in which Jewish houses of worship were established. Although the his? torian Mackenzie was correct in so far as there was no specific synagogue building in the town, there was a loose form of collective existence to whose maintenance the few members paid 22 A Memoir of Thomas Bewick written by himself Edited by himself. Ed. Montague Weekley (London, 1961), ch. x. 23 Mackenzie, History of Newcastle and Gateshead (1827), Vol. 2, p. 408, 'Note on Ecclesiastical Establishment in Newcastle'.</page><page sequence="6">6 G. D. Guttentag substantially for those days.24 The testimony of a correspondent in the Jewish Chronicle of 13 August 1880, reminiscing on the origins of the community at a time when personal recollec? tions were still available, shows that services were held in the room in Pilgrim Street in the 1820s, and the shochet was employed by a very small group who taxed themselves to support that functionary at a salary of 14s. a week and pay the rent of the room.25 In 1830 a fund was started for the purchase of a burial ground, and in the document drawn up reference is made to 'the Treasurer of the Congregation' and to the shochet, Mr. Frank? lin, who was receiving a salary of 13s. per week. On 9 October 1830 six persons met and signed an undertaking to pay regular weekly sub? scriptions for 'the burying ground, wall and other attendant expenses', the subscriptions to be paid every Friday to the Treasurer of the congregation. The contributors were Trytle Joel and David Cohen, Is. each, Isaac and Abraham Cohen 6d. each, Sevin Joel 3d., and 6d. from a contributor whose name is not men? tioned. The fact that Trytle Joel appears at the head of this list may perhaps have given rise to the view that he was the founder of the con? gregation. But while this little group of Jewish families was living in Newcastle there were other Jews in North Shields, a few miles down the river. There is no Jewish community there now, but at that time it had a larger and older community than Newcastle.26 In a directory of 1824 appears Try tie Joel, Jeweller, Tyne Street, North Shields.27 There is earlier intriguing evidence of Trytle Joel in North Shields. In Wheeler's Manchester Chronicle of 9 January 1819 an advertisement on page 1 offers eight guineas reward?five from Trytle Joel and three from the North Shields and Tynemouth Association for the Prosecution of Felons (an interesting reference in itself to a trade protection society) ?for the arrest of a person who called at Joel's house stating himself to be Trytle's brother Ralph, from Poland, whom he had not seen since childhood. Trytle took Ralph into his family, obtained a hawker's licence for him (No. 1198), and supplied him with a stock of jewellery, with which he went first to Penrith in Cumberland and subsequently to the neigh? bourhood of Birmingham, Liverpool, and Manchester. By this time he was found to be an impostor, and the notice in the press sought his apprehension. It was said that he 'appears to be a Jew', was about 23 years old, 5ft. 8in. in height, with a dark complexion and 'an im? perfect knowledge of English'.28 No arrest seems to have been recorded. True to the prevailing pattern, most of the earlier immigrants had settled at the seaport town of North Shields, but gradually individuals moved further inland to 24 In 1924, the Rev. Emmanuel Drukker, then minister and later Minister Emeritus of the Jesmond Hebrew Congregation in Newcastle, was ap? proached by the Town Clerk of the Borough of Tynemouth for guidance in a matter of Jewish interest. In the course of the preparation of a site for a new housing estate on the outskirts of North Shields, which forms part of the Borough of Tyne? mouth, the contractors came upon what appeared to be rubbish dump, lying across the path of a projected road leading across the estate. On begin? ning to clear some of the accumulation the work? men came upon what was obviously a burial ground. Several remains of gravestones, almost completely destroyed, were revealed. But two which were decipherable snowed that this was a Jewish cemetery. These stones, standing side by side, marked the names of husband and wife and were inscribed respectively: 'In memory of Hart Samuel who died in 1806 age 73 years' and 'Rachel Samuel who died in 1806 age 73 years'. In all, there were seventeen graves. A search failed to reveal any records either of the existence of the burial ground or of the people buried there, nor was there any indication of burial in the deeds of the farm of which the cemetery formed a part. On the advice of the London Beth Din, the remains were reinterred in the Jewish portion of the municipal cemetery at Preston, North Shields. 25 Ibid. 26 John Sykes, Local Records 1800/1832, Vol. 2 (publ. 1833), quotes 23 July 1808: 'This month a Jew found a noble of Henry IV date 1399, amongst the rubbish of an old house, then pulling down in North Shields Market Place, It was of pure gold, the impression perfect and weighed 90 grains.' 27 Trytle Joel died 27 February 1859, aged 80, predeceased by his wife, Jane Grace, 7 February, aged 67. Both buried at Elswick Cemetery. 28 Gratitude must be expressed to Mr. Bill Williams, Principal Lecturer at the Institute of Advanced Studies, Manchester Polytechnic, for kindly supplying this information about Trytle Joel's alleged brother, which he discovered while researching for his History of Manchester Jewry.</page><page sequence="7">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 7 the larger and more important centre. Among those who moved up river was Trytle Joel. David Cohen signed in Hebrew characters. He spelt his name phonetically jrO T'YISJ'T. His surname is spelt in the correct Hebrew form, which would be normal for a Yiddishist. This is interesting, in view of the comment made by Myer Davis in an article on the Newcastle community in the Jewish World of 21 December 1877, that those early inhabitants were un? lettered, as far as Jewish learning was con? cerned, yet with strong Jewish attachments and devoted to the task of building a communal life without any inhibitions regarding their faith in the face of an intolerant world. The first day of Rosh Hashanah 5592, 8 September 1831, was the day of the Coronation of King William IV. A service was held at the home of David Cohen in Westgate Street. It was conducted by Henry Harris and the con? gregation was addressed by Martain Valintine, whose sermon was printed. It is recorded by Cecil Roth in the Magna Bibliotheca Anglo Judaica: 'Valintine (Martain). Discourse delivered at a Jewish meeting held at Mr. D. Cohen's Westgate Street, on the 8th September, being the Coronation day of. . . King William the fourth, to whom the Supreme King of the Universe has imparted a portion of his glory, and commencing our New Year 5592 since the creation of the world by Martain Valin? tine from Poland. Newcastle on Tyne 1831 .'29 This has often been used to indicate the first service known to have been held in Newcastle, but, as we have already seen, the tiny con? gregation was already holding services in the 1820s in Pilgrim Street. The printing of the sermon, apart from the fact that it presupposes an established congregation big enough to promote (if not pay for) such a memorial of a very important occasion, would surely other? wise have noted its 'inaugural' function if that is what had really occurred. It was on 8 October 1832 that the congrega? tion was formally established. The Rev. Mr. Franklin, as previously mentioned, was the shochet and general factotum. A 'Congregation Book',30 as it was called, set out the various rules governing the affairs of the congregation. The first clause contains the following names and promised weekly subscriptions: T. Joel, 5s.; D. Cohen and S. M. Peretz, each 3s.; R. Harris 2s.; M. A. Hes and W. Harris each Is. They are regarded as founder members, D. Cohen to be President and T. Joel Treasurer for one year and the offices to be filled in rota? tion from the foregoing list. Like many congregations throughout the country at the time, it was constituted on a basis of graduated membership. First, there were the 'Baale Batim', 'Free' or 'Privileged' members. They were the full members, who were entitled to preference in communal honours, such as appointment as Chatanim on Simchat Torah, Chiyuvin for Aliyot, reading of weekday prayers, and eligibility for congregational office. Next there were the 'seatholders', who paid an annual seat rent but could claim no rights. Finally, there were 'strangers', who were not affiliated to the congregation, even though they might live in the town. Another clause contains the provision that 'strangers' shall pay Id. per lb. extra for meat purchased, except those at Sunderland, who shall pay ^d. per lb., these additional sums to go to the funds of the congregation. At a subse? quent stage there was added a further proviso binding the founders, under penalty of 2s. 6d. for the first offence and 5s. for a second, not to purchase meat at the privileged price on behalf of strangers. This, with the first clause, was to lead to trouble some thirty years later. The founders also agreed to a penalty of Is. for each non-attendance at services on Sab? baths and Holy-days or at meetings. This was 20 J.H.S.E., London, 1937, p. 327. 30 The first minute-book, dating from 9 October 1830 to 30 September 1855, was found at the printing works of Messrs. Dowlings, Pilgrim Street, a few years ago. One of the staff was about to dispose of it as waste, when another, out of curiosity, examined the contents. Finding that it referred to the Jewish community, he offered it to a Jewish client, who gave it to Rabbi S. P. Toperoff, B.A., minister of the Old Hebrew Congregation, Leazes Park Road.</page><page sequence="8">8 G. D. Guttentag later slightly amended. The founders reserved the right to admit members. Clause 12 extended all rights and privileges to the founders' 'offsprings' [sic]. By 1835 the following had become additional members: Moses Ezekiel, Jeweller, 140 Pilgrim Street (res. Grainger Street); Samuel Jacobson, Art Dealer, 34 Blackett Street; Isaac and Jacob Jaques, Patent Medicine Vendors, 11 Carliol Square; R. [Robinson] Harris, Furrier, Grey Street; W. [William] Harris, Furrier, 83 Pilgrim Street (res. 43 Carliol Street). Many of these early members appear to have been thoroughly Anglicised and, just as it is not possible definitely to identify Jews from foreign sounding names, others, like the two Harrises, could be missed because of their English names. On 7 September 1835 it was decided to pur? chase ground for a cemetery and members agreed to double their subscriptions. They acted quickly and a few weeks later, on 22 October, at a meeting held at the 'Black Boy', it was reported that a parcel of land measuring 250 square yards, at 5s. per yard, had been purchased from Mr. Anderson, in Thornton Street, in Westgate Street, in the county of Northumberland?that is, outside the town walls. Since those days the city's boundaries have been widely extended and the little cemetery is now the courtyard of Messrs. Higginbottom's Brewery, in the heart of the city. As access to another part of the premises is across the cemetery, a raised pathway about six feet wide constructed along one side constitutes a right of way. The burial ground is treated with due respect. Various attempts have been made to beautify it with shrubs and plants, but because of the enclosing high walls nothing will grow. There is an ash tree which buds at its upper reaches where the sun can penetrate. The northern boundary of the burial ground was originally part of the Old Tyne Theatre, later the Stoll Cinema. A few years ago, Messrs. Goldwater, the owners of Waterloo House, an adjoining building, bought the part of the cinema abutting on the cemetery for an extension to their premises, involving work on this wall. The Brewery management insisted that a platform should be erected to cover the consecrated ground, so that no ladders should be placed on it nor builders' refuse be allowed to fall and make the ground untidy or, perhaps, damage the gravestones. The graves, whose number is unknown, are in rows from east to west, with access from the south side. Against the north wall there are two worn stumps of former gravestones and one fairly complete, with part of the inscription still legible. In front of this is another stone, also partly legible, while a further stone, after having fallen down some thirty years ago, was set up against the west wall. The fall occurred during the night of a very heavy storm. On the following morning, Colonel Higginbottom, the managing director of the brewery, dictated a letter to be sent to the Leazes Park Road Congregation, stating that the stone had col? lapsed as a result of the strong winds. Through a typist's error, the 'd' in 'winds' was substi? tuted by an 'e' and the resultant letter?no doubt to the Hon. Officers' intense surprise? read that the stone had collapsed through the night because of the 'strong wines'! The cemetery, including the raised right of way, measures about eight yards by seven and thus falls far short of the 250 square yards men? tioned in the proceedings at the time of pur? chase. The other part must have long been built over. In June of the following year, 1836, the shochet tendered his resignation. As this official's name is given as Mr. Simons, ob? viously he succeeded Mr. Franklin, who was the incumbent in 1832 at the time of the drafting of the rules of the congregation. There is, however, no indication in the minutes that a change had taken place. Following the shochet's notice, it was decided to write to the 'Rav' to procure a successor. This was before the establishment of the official Chief Rabbinate in London and the Rav presumably was Rabbi Solomon Hirschell, who was the recognised authority for the licensing of shochetim. Hirschell, in London, was considered the Chief Rabbi (a title offi? cially conferred on his successor, Dr. Nathan Marcus Adler), and this status was recognised to a certain extent by the habit of the general</page><page sequence="9">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 9 press of those days of referring to him as the 'High Priest' of the Jews. At the Newcastle congregation's meeting on 8 June 1836, it was also decided to take steps for the erection of a synagogue, 'to be com? fortably furnished, even at some extra expense', and negotiations were opened with Mr. Spoor, a contractor. A new shochet, the Rev. S. Hoffnung, was engaged at a salary of 16s. per week. His duties included attendance at the butcher shop and also acting as Reader in the synagogue. He is named Oppenheim in the minutes, but signed Hoffnung. The error, easily made phonetically, would no doubt arise through unclear dicta? tion. Towards the end of 1837 it was announced that the cost of the cemetery, ?62 10s., had been cleared. An account was thereupon opened with a building society in order to provide the funds for the new synagogue. On 4 July 1838, after a series of meetings, the agreement for the building of a new synagogue in Temple Street, at a cost of ?360, was signed by W. Harris, President, I. Jacques, Treasurer, D. Cohen, Trytle Joel, Samuel Jacobson, W. Myers, and S. A. Levy, and the foundation-stone was laid on the 11th by the President, William Harris. The attendant service was conducted by the Rev. S. Hoffnung. The Temple Street synagogue was very near to the burial ground in Thornton Street, and at a later stage an enclosed path led from the one to the other.31 A bricked-up former archway would indicate it to be the entrance at the end of the passageway.32 Strangely, no word of the foundation-stone laying appears in the congregation's minute book, either before or after it took place. Indeed, we find a minute of a meeting which took place a week before, and not a word about so important a matter as the laying of the foundation-stone. At the next recorded meet ing, on 1 August, three weeks later, there is again complete silence regarding this event, which was unprecedented in Newcastle and of sufficient interest generally to receive wide publicity. The vagaries of secretarial practice in those happy-go-lucky days are beyond com? putation ! There was at that time no Jewish press to report this event, but all the local press did. The Newcastle Journal and the Chronicle of Saturday, 14 July, reported that the bells of St. Nicholas Cathedral rang for the occasion. Christian friendly feeling towards Jewish events often found expression in this way in various places in those times. The Newcastle Courant, on 13 July 1838, did not mention the bells?maybe it took them for granted?but it produced something probably unheard of before then in an English news? paper: a heading in Hebrew characters in? tended to read 'Binyan Beis Haknesses New? castle.' But typographical errors in the Hebrew took place: the first letter of the first two words was a 'kaff' instead of a 'beis' and a final 'mem' appeared in 'Haknesses' instead of a 'samekh'. So the heading reads oddly, .]VD ?]n3D VttOXpM ?nDlDn '?finyan ?eis Haknemmes'. The item ended 'and is expected to be complete in September, pD1? *pD [tak zadek tess lepak = 5599]', again in Hebrew characters. This could mean either that the opening date would be in the September following, during which would occur the New Tear 5599, or in September of the year 5599, which would be in 1839, a year later. In the various local histories the date of the opening of the synagogue is given as 19 Sep? tember 1838, the Jewish New Year. This raises some doubt. The building was a sizeable one of some 60 feet square, with a basement and a mikvah. In addition, there was a dwelling for the Minister attached to the synagogue. The agree? ment to build was signed on 4July; the founda? tion-stone was laid on the 11th. That a building of this nature could be built in the two months between 11 July and 19 September seems incredible. On a search of the local newspapers about the time of Rosh Hashanah, 1838, for some news of the opening, I found in the Newcastle 31 Murray Rosenberg (born Newcastle, 1872), in a typescript of his memoirs. A Yiddishe Geordie, in the Newcastle Reference Library. 32 Samuel Tolansky mentions a subterranean passage from the synagogue to the cemetery. This would be a costly item to no seeming purpose. The bricked-up archway is on ground level and is more in keeping with entrance to a pathway.</page><page sequence="10">10 G. D. Guttentag Courant of 21 September 1838 a report of the consecration in London of the New Synagogue, Great St. Helens, which had taken place on the previous Thursday, but not one word of the opening of the new synagogue in Newcastle, whose foundation-stone ceremony had been of such public interest a couple of months earlier. A year later, in 1839, the Newcastle Chronicle reported: 'Monday and Tuesday last (Septem? ber 9th and 10th) being the first days of the Jew's New Year, the ancient religious cere? monies were observed by the sect of this town in their New Temple near Blenheim Street, and Wednesday next being called " The White Fast" or Day of Atonement, a solemn fast will be kept.' This, however, does not necessarily mean that the synagogue had just been completed, but the date could with reasonable certainty be fixed as towards the end of 1838. This would appear from the minutes on 26 December 1838, when for the first time a meeting is reported as held at Synagogue Chambers, Temple Street. In the recorded proceedings, Mr. Hope, Reader (note the anglicisation of Hoffnung), is granted the use of the house, free of rent, as from 11 November 1838 to 11 November 1839; there? after at a rental to be agreed. (This subse? quently took the form of an acknowledgment of Is. a week.) This, I think, should establish that the Minister's house was completed in November and the main building by the end of 1838. This would also suggest the opening as during Chanukah, an appropriate date. It would also exactly accord with the terms agreed with the contractors?i.e., to complete the building in five months. In the miscellany entitled Local Records, or Historical Register of Remarkable Events, published by John Latimer in 1857, the laying of the foundation-stone on 11 July 1838 in Temple Street is mentioned, and includes, 'The build? ing which was a very mean one was opened on the 19th September following, being New Years Day 5599 according to the Jewish Calendar.' Meanwhile the congregation was growing, and at intervals a new name appears on the privileged list. In 1839 it was decided to adapt and print for Newcastle use the rules governing the Edinburgh congregation. There seems also to have been in existence a Benevolent Fund to which members con? tributed Id. a week, since we learn that in June 1840 the meeting instructed Mr. Pyke, the treasurer of the Philanthropic Society, to lend the congregation ?'3 14s. 2d., to be repaid when required. On 17 June 1840 the Rev. S. Hoffnung33 tendered his resignation, giving three months' notice. No reason is stated, but it is not beyond possibility that some attempt had been made to usurp the office of Reader?a not unknown occurrence in small communities- since a few days later a meeting was held at which it was resolved that 'no person shall be allowed to read prayers in the Synagogue without the per? mission of the president'. Mr. Hoffnung left in August 1840 and was 33 Mr. Hoffnung was born in Poland. He came to Newcastle in 1836 and stayed for four years. He went on to Exeter, where he officiated till 1853. His ministry there was not a very happy one. His salary was ?5 per month and after ten years, as the congregation got smaller, it was reduced to ?4 3s. 4d. When he left, the Chief Rabbi was disgusted at the treatment that had been meted out to him and would not recommend a successor, although they did get one eventually. On his departure he was presented with a silver salver, inscribed with the names of friends and well-wishers. At the presenta? tion the speaker said, 'I believe your opponents regret the steps they have taken and would willing? ly recall, if they could, what they have done.' The salver is now in the possession of the Jewish com? munity of Little Rock, Arkansas, U.S.A. In the records of the Exeter Congregation there is an entry under date 13 January 1840 of an urgent request to Rabbi Solomon Herschell to obtain a Shochet to take the place of Mr. Green. In their accounts there are items 22 July 5600 (1840) postage to Newcastle Id., 23 August to paying for coach etc. at meeting the Chazan from his jorney [sic] 2s. 9d., 26 August to Mr. Hoffnung as agreed by the Kahal ?5. At Exeter there is a Machzor Kol Bo inscribed tnansn Vktp rmrr n":&gt; p '??am naa rmi V'ir\ rwn ja ^naj^n rrann pyb (Presented by Nehemiah the son of Judah Jechiel de Hart to the New Congregation Newcastle on Tyne in the year 5630 [1870]). Hoffnung's son Sigmund emigrated to Australia in 1851 and in 1852 founded the well-known firm of S. Hoffnung and Sons Ltd. I am indebted to the Rev. B. S?sser, minister of the Plymouth Hebrew Congregation, for the information above (Rabbi Bernard S?sser is now Rabbi of the Yeoville Synagogue, Johannesburg).</page><page sequence="11">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 11 succeeded by the Rev. I. Caro, at a salary of 16s. a week. In addition he would receive 9d. per week per member whose children he taught. It was decided that when conducting services he should wear a cloak, white band, and hat. It was also decided to purchase for Mr. Cohen, 'Our Worthy Beatle', for Pesach, a suit of 'Black Clothes' and a hat. Together with these innovations for the officiants, it was agreed to make a seat, or, as we should describe it, a wardens' box, for the President and Treasurer. The salary of'Our Worthy Beatle' is not stated, but we learn from a later minute, 11 April 1841, that it was decided to give him an honorarium of ?3 annually in August, presumably either to defray the expenses of a holiday or to help in the extra household costs soon to be incurred for the Holy-day season. The meeting of 4 January 1841 was held at the Eldon Arms, Blackett Street. The names of those present are not given but in the list of members to that date appear such further anglicised names as Beck, Pyke, and Walker. There must have been a steady increase in the size of the community, for at this meeting it was enacted that for the services of the Mohel strangers must pay one guinea to the synagogue in addition to the Mohel's fee. In April the President, R. Harris, resigned because of his impending departure from the town. He did not sever his connection with the congregation but promised to pay 2s. a week instead of 4s. as hitherto. This was a very sub? stantial payment, for a few weeks later Mr. Jacobson, father of Samuel Jacobson and pre? sumably a recent arrival, had been elected a member and was thanked for having 'hand? somely come forward and agreed to pay 3/- per week towards the funds of the Congregation'. Samuel Jacobson was elected on 29 August 1841 as representative at the Board of Deputies in London and agreed to pay all the relevant expenses. This was no impetuous decision. This meeting was a resumption of one a week earlier, which was adjourned 'until such time as we receive such rules and regulations respecting the Board of the British Jews, London'. The Board of Deputies, which had been in existence since 1760, had only adopted its first constitu? tion in 1836 and was only now spreading its representation further into the provinces. No doubt, in the interim, these cautious Newcastle people received adequate assurance that they were not going to be led along strange paths. In fact, Newcastle refused to take part in the Deputies' elections in 1853. But A. Coronel, of London, offered himself as their Deputy. At a synagogue meeting held on 24 July 1853 William Harris proposed and L. Emanuel seconded the election of Mr. Jacques, who was now living in London, but it was resolved that the whole question of representation should be deferred till the next half-yearly meeting. The October meeting also decided against partici? pation, and it was not till 1854 that a change of heart took place, as we shall see. Rabbi Solomon Hirschell, who died in 1842, had been the Rav, as noted above, but it was actually Rav of the Great Synagogue, London. But he had by common consent powers extend? ing beyond his individual congregation. Hirschell was a good Rabbinical acholar but quite unversed in secular affairs. On his death, it was decided to appoint a person of great Rabbinical learning and, in addition, of such academic attainment as to make him qualified to speak for the community to the outside world, as the acknowledged spiritual head of Anglo-Jewry. To this end, letters were sent out to all Anglo-Jewish communities, inviting con? tributions to a joint Chief Rabbinate Fund, with voting power based on the size of the con? tribution. Thus a contribution of ?5 to ?10 entitled a congregation to one vote, ?10 to ?15 to two votes, and so on, with a scaling down over ?50. Newcastle was among those invited to take part. Accordingly, on 13 March 1843, a meet? ing was held to consider the letter from the 'London Committee' asking what the congrega? tion was prepared to contribute to the Chief Rabbi's Fund. It was agreed to pay ?5 per annum, 'being the smallest sum named in the letter'. In effect, thus, the Newcastle con? gregation helped to confirm the Chief Rabbi's ecclesiastical authority throughout the country. The congregation, whose upkeep came from the privileged few, was now getting into financial difficulty and the payments to the</page><page sequence="12">12 G. D. Guttentag building society were falling into arrear. It rejected on 12 July 1844 a suggestion of a levy of Is. per week per member, to be offset against prospective offerings, but agreed to a special effort to clear the mortgage. Several of the members present at the meeting offered to advance from ?1 to ?5, the latter sum by Trytle Joel. There may have been a public appeal for funds?many provincial synagogues advertised such appeals in the London Jewish press?for, under date 18 July 1844, there appears an item stating that Sir Moses and Lady Montefiore presented ?10 to the con? gregation and later the acknowledgment of a donation of ?2 from Mr. Henry Jordon, per Mr. I. Jacques, in London. Further consideration was soon given to the suggestion of a ls.-a-week levy on members, but it was finally turned down. In its place |d. per lb. on the price of meat for strangers was again imposed. Efforts to maintain regularly the building society subscriptions seem to have failed, and it was therefore eventually decided the same year, on the advice of the solicitor, to transfer the deeds to the Union Bank against an overdraft, and the Treasurer, B.Joseph, under? took the bridging transaction between building society and bank. It is appropriate to pursue the saga of the synagogue deeds at this point. By 1859 the indebtedness of the shool building fund had been cleared, but Mr. Jacques, for some un? known reason, had taken possession of the deeds and refused to relinquish them. Having been a leading member before leaving New? castle, he may have been a trustee?on which basis the bank may have handed them over to him?but the fact was that he had obtained them and, according to the records, he held on to them in spite of demands for their return. To add to the mystery, we read that at one and the same meeting on 16 October 1853 it was decided to request the attendance of Lewis Simons, of South Shields, at the next quarterly meeting regarding the deeds, and to write to I. Jacques in London requesting the deeds. Simons may have known the facts, as some years previously he had acted as Hon. Secretary of the congregation. This matter of the deeds kept on recurring, and ultimately the services of the Chief Rabbi were sought in getting them back from Jacques. Newcastle had in the intervening years pur? sued a chequered career with respect to the Chief Rabbinate. In 1844 the new Chief Rabbi, Dr. Nathan Marcus Adler, from Hanover, was elected. Three provincial communities, how? ever, did not join in the election: Birmingham, Bristol, and Newcastle. The first two expressed their incompetence to adjudicate in this matter, but Newcastle?which, as we saw, agreed the year before to subscribe ?5 annually to the Chief Rabbi's Fund?gave no reason. It was taken to task by the Jewish Chronicle in a short leader in its issue of 20 December 1844. The promise of 1843 fell temporarily by the way. The congregation became so wrapped up in the stresses of its internal affairs that it overlooked its obligations, and this brought forth a re? minder from the 'Secretary of the Great Lon? don Synagogue'. At a meeting on 15 April 1849 the Newcastle members agreed that letters should be answered and that ?5 should be sent annually 'towards the salary of the Chief Rabbi, within twelve months from this date'. During the summer of 1845, the Chief Rabbi sent a letter to Newcastle requesting the Shochet, Mr. Caro, to come to London to be examined. A not-very-well-attended meeting considered this and decided to answer the letter and call a meeting 'with the attendance of non seat holders and strangers residing in New? castle'. One can only guess at the reason for the perturbation; it may have been the very con? siderable expense that would be involved in sending Caro to London, but another request, for particulars of the structure of the com? munity, was acceded to, and Caro was in? structed to prepare them. Dr. Adler was statistically minded and was greatly concerned about education, believing that such informa? tion was valuable as the basis for further action. Questionnaires were sent to all congregations in the land, and the following replies came from Newcastle: '9 Baale Batim?33 men and women?33 children. 1 Synagogue. Shochet Rev. Caro. Shammas I. Cohen. Mitzvos are sold. Public Bath (Depth 4?ft. Spring water) Mikvah.</page><page sequence="13">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 13 Burial ground. No charities. 12 boys and 8 girls of school age.' No replies about schools, pupils, subjects of instruction, books used; and then: 'Mr. Joseph 3 boys 3 girls; Mr. Jacques 4 boys; Mr. Harris 4 boys 2 girls; Mr. Levy 1 boy 1 girl; Mr. Lippman 2 boys 1 girl; Mr. Abra? ham 1 boy. Three families are taught by Mr. Caro Hebrew and Reading. There are only nine payers to the Kehilla. They are much indebted. The teacher is from MCKLEBURG During this time the Newcastle Shochet was slaughtering meat for the community of Shields and was being paid for his services by the local butcher. As has already appeared, the com? munity's finances were somewhat strained and in the search for fresh income the Shields com? munity was asked to contribute 4s. a week to the Newcastle congregation. It would seem that this request was not being met and the Shields community were threatened that in default the services of Mr. Caro would be withdrawn and the members debarred from obtaining meat in Newcastle. Although no indication of its nature is given, discontent in the growing congregation, lead? ing to serious friction, was attaining such dimensions as to warrant a letter from the Chief Rabbi. The relevant minute of the meet? ing on 10 October 1847 says the letter referred to 'a division in the nV'p [sic]1, and the Presi? dent was instructed to answer it. As no further mention is made, we must assume the matter was resolved, if only by the expedient of quiescence! A big issue, however, was now before the Anglo-Jewish community as a whole, the ques? tion of the civil disabilities of the Jews. As frequently happens today, the Board of Deputies gave a lead to the community and in January 1848, in consequence of a communica? tion from that body, the President, B. Joseph, was authorised to sign a petition, on behalf of the congregation, to both Houses of Parliament, to remove the civil disabilities of the Jews. On 7 April 1850 we find the first mention of the provision of kosher food for an individual when a Mr. Bensher, a name not mentioned in the members' list and presumably one of the 'strangers' residing in the town, had to enter the infirmary for treatment. In a departure from the fair standard of English shown in the minutes as a rule, this entry reads: 'it was greed has Mr. Bensher was going to the Infirmary Cuiny assistance should be given to him that was necessary.' While there are no precise records on the point, we have seen indications that matters were not going smoothly in the congregation. Even among the 'Free' members, who from the original six had by 1852 grown to about thirty, there were some who were not keeping up their promised contributions, and a warning was therefore issued on 4 July 1852 that any mem? ber who had not paid all or a substantial part of his arrears by Rosh Hashanah would lose his privileges and would be surcharged Id. per lb. for meat and poultry slaughtering. But in addi? tion there were still members who were causing friction in the congregation. As a result of more correspondence with the Chief Rabbi, this time more explicit, it was decided that A. Levy and others who had disturbed the peace of the VmtP should be fined sums ranging from 20s. to 5s. and asked to pay up arrears, otherwise to pay the Id. per lb. surcharge on meat. As is the way of life, the vicissitudes of time naturally wrought changes in the fortunes of various people, some for better, some for worse. As an instance, it is sad to read a minute of 18 August 1853 recording that Wolf Myers, who had been admitted a 'Free' member as early as 1836 and must therefore have been a man of some means, should be allowed '4/- per week for 12 months, providing he requires the same from the congregation'. Then in the next month, September, the synagogue authorities considered a request from S. Morris for re? instatement as a member, after he had failed to comply with a previous resolution regarding arrears. Reinstatement was agreed to, on con? dition that he paid ?3 forthwith, and the re? mainder of his debt was cancelled, but he was to pay a subscription of Is. a week. As the question of a new burial ground was becoming urgent, F. Cohen and William Harris were co-opted to assist the President, B.Joseph, in the search for a suitable plot. Warning signals had in any case been received from the</page><page sequence="14">14 G. D. Guttentag Board of Health, at whose request, in Septem? ber 1853, a questionnaire on the Thornton Street cemetery had been handed for attention to Mr. Caro after a special meeting on the 25th. The Board of Health finally ordered the closing of the cemetery on 20 November 1853. A sub? scription list was thereupon opened for the purchase of another. The President, B.Joseph, headed the list with ?10, Gottschalk, a recently admitted member, gave ?4, Deutschmann and Emmanuel each ?3, and Trytle Joel, S. Joel, F. Cohen, and S. Morris each ?2 10s. Matters were coming to a head in 1854 regarding the closure, and in an effort at postponement a letter was sent to Lord Palmerston, at that time briefly Home Secretary, asking for an extension of time, since the cemetery's capacity had not been fully utilised. This might explain the discrepancy in size between the original 250 square yards and the present small area. In the meantime, the President, now William Harris, was empowered to negotiate with the Sunderland congregation for facilities in their cemetery, pending the acquisition of new ground. This had now assumed the proportions of a major undertaking, and the Hon. Secretary, Jacob Caro, son of the Shochet, was sent to London, armed with credentials, to seek the support of the Chief Rabbi to buy the neces? sary land. Caro, through the good offices of the Chief Rabbi, received some donations, and then a public appeal was launched. The Jewish Chronicle carried the appeal ad? vertisement, which pointed out that the com? munity had been deprived of its cemetery by an Order in Council, even though it was large enough for years to come. Donations noted included 10 guineas from N. M. Rothschild &amp; Sons, ?10 from D. Jonassohn34 of Sunderland, ?8 5s. 6d. from Dr. Adler and others in London, per Mr. Emanuel, and ?5 4s. from Sheffield, through Mr. Jacobs. In due course land for the cemetery in Elswick Road was bought. It was not, nevertheless, till October 1874 that it was announced that a mortuary building had been erected and the cemetery was tidied up. Fresh trouble, of an undisclosed nature, occurred in 1854 between the President and the members, and at the half-yearly meeting on 16 April 1854 the Treasurer, T. Joel, was voted to the chair in the President's absence. The meeting resolved that, in view of the President not having thought it proper to attend, and its being apparent that he intended to treat the congregation with contempt, he be requested to tender his resignation and hand over all papers belonging to the congregation. The President proved obdurate, and at the re? sumed meeting a week later, without him, T. Joel, Treasurer, was made President pro tern., and Dr. Adler (Chief Rabbi) was asked to address all correspondence to the 'Vice President'. There had, however, been a bright moment for the Shochet when, after some pres? sure, towards the end of 1853, his wages were raised by 2s. a week for twelve months. This probably was a reflection of his increased work, as the second generation of the congregation was now beginning to appear in its working records. There was also increasing awareness of social responsibility, for now, in 1854, a change of heart took place regarding representation at the Board of Deputies and it was decided to write to Sir Moses Montefiore requesting his recommendation of a Deputy. The first minute-book ends with a meeting on 30 September 1855, recording that members occupying East seats should pay ?2 2s. and others ?1 Is. per annum. Persons paying Is. a week were to become Free members. One is left to ponder on the social differences, if any, between the 'guineas per annum' member, with his implied higher status, and the 'Is. a week' member, for if one reckons it out, Is. a week for 52 weeks is ?2 12s., as against the lesser ?2 2s.?but perhaps the differences lay in the size of the offerings made during the course of the year in the synagogue. The Rev. I. Caro had left Newcastle, and the Rev. Fibush Levinson, from Hanover, Ger? many, succeeded him in 1855 as Chazan, Shochet, Mohel, and Secretary of the con? gregation, a position he was to occupy for sixteen years. 34 D. Jonassohn, of Sunderland, was a wealthy man who, in the Industrial Revolution of the era, owned coalmines in the district, besides taking a big part in public life.</page><page sequence="15">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 15 On Tuesday, 6 May 1862, the Chief Rabbi, Dr. N. M. Adler, accompanied by his son, the Rev. Dr. Hermann Adler, was at Sunderland to consecrate the Moor Street Synagogue. On the Thursday he left for South Shields in a carriage drawn by four horses and postillions, and on Friday, the 9th, the visitors arrived in Newcastle by train, being met at the Central Station by S. Morris and Freeman Cohen, President and Treasurer respectively. 'Pastoral tours' had now come into their own and the most distant provincial community was at last within comfortable reach of London, through the building of railways. The Chief Rabbi preached on the Sabbath morning to a crowded congregation at the Temple Street Synagogue on Sabbath Ob? servance and Education. On Sunday morning he examined the classes and left in the evening, escorted by nearly the whole of the congrega? tion. During his visit he conferred with the leaders on congregational and educational matters, especially the latter, which had been neglected in Newcastle, and was able to present them with a sum of money raised from various individual sources for the encouragement of education. The gift was acknowledged in the Jewish Chronicle of 13 May 1862 and disclosed that the list of benefactors included such varied personalities as Baron Lionel de Rothschild, M.P. (?20), Jacob Nathan, of Plymouth (?10), Alderman Benjamin Phillips, London?later Sir Benjamin Phillips, Lord Mayor of London ?(?2), Henry Keeling (to become well known for his endowment fund to benefit ministers) (?1 Is.), and Saul Isaac, Brompton (the first Jewish Conservative M.P., for Nottingham) In his memos for 1859, the Chief Rabbi wished to know whether the Newcastle mikvah was kosher, but he also disclosed a preoccupa? tion which affected a good many Jews at that period: his worries about instruction for youths lest they become prey to temptation?by which he meant the activities of conversionists. With the steady influx of newcomers into the town in the 1860s, the synagogue was becoming too small to accommodate all the would-be worshippers. As the building had been erected just over twenty years before, to think already of a new building was hardly feasible and means were sought to increase the accommodation within the scheme of the existing edifice. By various improvisations the interior was re? arranged to seat a greater number of wor? shippers and at the same time the whole place was beautified internally and externally, at a cost of ?160. The building was reconsecrated before Rosh Hashanah, in September 1864.35 The relief thus obtained, however, did not last long. The further steady growth of the com? munity very soon made the synagogue inade? quate. There were also rumblings among the less privileged group. Dissatisfaction was being expressed that power in the community was concentrated in a few hands, the offices being held by the same people year after year. The so-called strangers had no chance of a mitzvah at Festivals and what weighed heavily was the surcharge on the price of meat.36 There was material for upheaval but no leadership to give it effect, but, as has happened on many occasions, a lady's synagogue seat forced the issue. In the course of arranging the seating for the High Festivals in 1866, the wife of a prominent member was left seatless. What might have been resolved if dealt with tactfully was met in an overbearing manner, with the result that umbrage was taken and a leader of the malcontents emerged. About a third of the community seceded and decided to establish their own congregation. On Sunday, 14 April 1867, the synagogue of the New Hebrew Congregation was opened. The local press gave a very detailed report of the proceedings and in fact the Jewish Chronicle quoted the local Daily Chronicle as the source of its own report. The Newcastle Weekly Chronicle of that week? end describes the opening of a Polish Hebrew Synagogue in Pilgrim Street. The membership consisted of persons who had seceded from the synagogue in Temple Street in order to obtain certain rights denied to them by other of their fellow-worshippers. These briefly were as set 35 Jewish Chronicle, 30 September 1864, p. 5. 36 Sothern's, in the Butcher Market, a non Jewish concern, were the purveyors of meat to the community under the supervision of Marks Alex? ander, an immigrant from Prussia.</page><page sequence="16">16 G. D. Guttentag out in an address by S. Ephraim: their terms of membership, the purchase of meat, and the title to have a voice in congregational govern? ment. While subscribing to the funds, they were debarred from office, and they had to pay a surcharge on meat, which was particularly hard on big families. The new congregation would give full privileges to all its members and they would be able to obtain meat at market price. Mr. Ephraim added gratefully that 'some good friends, including Mr. David Marks, have been liberal to us'. A description of the new synagogue follows in the report. The room had been adapted for services at obviously considerable expense. The beautiful richly embroidered curtain for the ark was presented by Mr. Goldinger. Above the ark was a Hebrew inscription meaning 'The place where our Almighty rests is here' [sic]. Mr. Simon Ephraim, the President, presented a line green cover for the desk inside the altar. The interior was pewed and supplied with gas. A portion of the space was set apart for ladies. (The 'altar' was the Bima.) The Rev. David Shapiro, of Edinburgh, con? ducted the service. The Treasurer was L. Goldinger and the Secretary A. Neuenberg. There appears to have been only one Sefer Torah, although three people took part in the ceremonial Hakafot. There was a sequel to the opening of the New Synagogue. At the Newcastle Police Court twelve days later, on Friday, 26 April, David Marks, Simon Ephraim, and Simon Marks appeared to apply to the Mayor that their names might be taken off the record of the court, in which they were entered as having answered a charge of felony. The Newcastle Daily Chronicle of Monday, 29 April 1867 reports: 'About three weeks since Messrs. Marks and Ephraim were charged before the Bench, at the instance of Mr. I. Emanuel, Dean Street, with having feloniously taken possession of certain books of a Jewish Benevolent Society, but the case appeared of so frivolous a nature that the magistrates dismissed it. The defendants alleged that they had only taken possession of the books of the society by the decision of the majority of the members and that therefore, they were justified in their actions. Thinking, however, that though they were dismissed, some imputations might yet rest upon their characters Mr. David Marks made the present application through the Chief Constable. His worship the Mayor, having conferred with the clerk said the application would be attended to. All three would leave the court without the slightest imputations on their characters. Mr. Marks thanked the Bench for their courtesy.37 In the year following the establishment of the New Synagogue the Registrar General noti? fied the Board of Deputies that marriages were taking place in Newcastle between Jews and were not registered by the secretary certified by the Board. The Registrar General apparently knew the whole history of the schism, since in his communication he mentioned the split in the community and the foundation of the New? castle New Hebrew Congregation; they opened a synagogue on orthodox principles and were contemplating the acquisition of a cemetery; the Chief Rabbi had tried to heal the breach without result. Regarding this, there had been correspon? dence with the local Registrar and the Jewish Marriage Secretary, the Rev. F. Levinson. The New Synagogue Wardens thereupon came to the Board of Deputies to ask for their own marriage secretary. It was agreed to grant their request on receipt of the Chief Rabbi's certificate, but the Chief Rabbi told the Board that he regarded the breach as serious, par? ticularly in view of the decline in the school and its effect on education, and he would defer the certificate until after a meeting arranged with the Newcastle representatives. Heed was apparently taken of the Chief Rabbi's strictures. Accompanied by his son, Dr. Hermann Adler, he came later that year, 37 David Marks, a highly respected citizen, who had carried on a jewellery business in Westgate Road nearly all his life, died on 12 January 1900, aged 78. The Jewish World describes his funeral as one of the largest to take place at Elswick Cemetery. The officiants were the Rev. Morris Rosenbaum and the Rev. Isaac Yellin.</page><page sequence="17">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 17 1869, to Newcastle in the course of another pastoral tour. He examined the school pupils and found their progress satisfactory but re? commended the inclusion of secular studies in addition to religious subjects. The Chief Rabbi received deputations from the two congrega? tions and under his chairmanship they agreed to have one school and one cemetery. The Chief Rabbi was praised by the local Mayor that evening, when he attended a public dinner to celebrate the opening of the Central Exchange Hotel. The Mayor, presiding, pro? posed a toast to the Bishop and Clergy of the diocese and all denominations; the celebrities present included not only the Bishop but also the Roman Catholic Bishop and the Chief Rabbi, and the Mayor singled out the last named, in whose company he had travelled that morning, by saying that he had never met a more gentlemanly man. Matters meanwhile were not going too well for the Old Hebrew Congregation at Temple Street. Although the majority of the members had remained loyal, they were not happy. Dissatisfaction was being expressed at that old bugbear the hold maintained on office by a few people who were returned again and again. In addition, all the paid offices were concen? trated in one man and a poorly paid and inefficient teacher. In 1870 the Rev. Fibush Levinson resigned from all the offices he held? Minister, Reader, Shochet, and Mohel?and the teacher also resigned. This came as a jolt to the congregation, and it was decided to appoint two officials and divide the functions as between Minister, First Reader, and Schoolmaster, and Second Reader, Shochet, and Mohel. An advertisement secured as Shochet the Rev. E. Cohen, of Hull, and among the several candidates for the post of Minister/Preacher was the Rev. B. Spiers, who later became a Dayan of the London Beth Din. On the recommendation of the Chief Rabbi, the Rev. S. H. Harris,38 a son of the Henry Harris who conducted the service in 1831, was appointed. The two ministers were inducted into office in the summer of 1871. With their coming the congregation began a new lease of life. The services were conducted with decorum. The Rev. Mr. Harris was a pleasant speaker and his sermons, delivered in English, were well received, and his sincerity attracted more people to the synagogue. One of the objects of his attention was the cemetery in Elswick Road. This was used by both congregations but its condition left much to be desired. Although Mr. Harris recom? mended the raising of funds for the proper laying out of the grounds and the building of a Tahara house, the latter, when eventually erected, was not as well carried out as it ought to have been. With the Minister kept very busy at his various duties and the President, as a Cohen, prohibited from attending the cemetery, the arrangements were left to a volunteer who was more willing than able. The school, in rooms in Clayton Street, had not been doing well, but under the head mastership of Harris, a fine disciplinarian, it expanded through the entry of more children of both congregations, until the accommodation was strained and new and larger premises were taken in Westgate Road. Miss Madeleine Harris, the minister's daughter, voluntarily supervised the girls' school and, in addition to the normal subjects of Hebrew and English, taught the girls needlework. In the synagogue, Harris formed a choir of boys from the school to assist in the Sabbath and Festival services. This resulted in bringing more boys?and their parents?to the services. The Jewish Chronicle, on 10 May 1872, reported on the success of the choir during Pesach and suggested that other provincial congregations could follow their example. In fact, in the November following, the Glasgow congrega? tion started a choir. The Rev. E. Cohen was also giving satisfac? tion as Shochet and Mohel?he was a skilful practitioner in the latter?and as a scholar he, together with the minister, brought an element of erudition into the congregation that had not existed previously. By the end of the trial year, the congregants were so delighted with their new ministers that 38 He was known in the community as Roiter (Red) Harris, because of his ginger beard, a familiar Yiddish nickname for many red-heads in different places. (Murray Rosenberg, op. cit.)</page><page sequence="18">18 G. D. Guttentag not only did they vote to retain their services but readily agreed to increase their salaries. In the New Hebrew Congregation there was also a feeling of wellbeing. Following the de? parture of their first Chazan, the Rev. Mr. Greenberg was appointed, whose heimischer style in chanting the prayers delighted his Polish congregants. An atmosphere was en? couraged of camaraderie because all had equal privileges as members and they were ready to prove that they were as good as the members of the Old Hebrew Congregation. Although many were poor, the funds were judiciously handled and there were no real financial difficulties. A Chevra Kadisha was established, with A. W. Lewis as President, Turner as Treasurer, and S. Cohen, Secretary. A Sefer Torah they bought was deposited in the synagogue. About this time, 1871, a Ladies' Benevolent Society was also established, with Mrs. M. Cohen as President, Mrs. S. H. Harris Vice President, and Mrs. I. Jacobs Treasurer. The members, mainly the wives and daughters of the wealthier section of the community, gave devoted service and did not shun the most menial tasks when called on. The society lasted for several decades, until its dissolution during the Second World War. The ill feeling of the early 1870s between the partisans of the two congregations was begin? ning to wear off. Members of the New Syna? gogue often went to Temple Street to hear Harris preach. Particularly, as the children of both congregations were attending the one school and sharing its progress and pleasures? for example, on 17 July 1872, F. Cohen, the President, paid for an outing for all the children to Tynemouth39?their parents, irrespective of synagogue affiliation, were drawn towards Harris. It is not surprising, therefore, that, as the premises at Charlotte Street were becoming too small and the idea of acquiring a new synagogue was being canvassed, thoughts of reunion began to emerge. Both congregations were faced with the need for a new synagogue, as both buildings were now inadequate and Temple Street was deteriorating into a slum. At a meeting on 30 March 1872 the members of the New Hebrew Congregation decided to build a new synagogue. Although most of the members were poor and only a limited number paid, ?350 was subscribed immediately and a public appeal was launched. The appeal was supported by the Jewish Chronicle in a leader on 24 January 1873. Noting that there were about 160 Jewish families locally and that the com? munity was increasing, and that one synagogue had 120 seats and the other 80, which were totally inadequate, it asked Anglo-Jewry to help the appeal, especially as the New Hebrew Congregation had a site. It made a call for unity and for support for 'the United Congrega? tion of Newcastle and Gateshead [sic]\ There was a quick reaction, for within a fort? night, on 4 February 1873, a small group of members from each congregation accompanied their respective Presidents to a joint meeting to explore the paths to unity. Several more joint meetings followed, but in June it appeared that obstruction on the part of some members of the Old Congregation was nullifying the talks, and their President accordingly tendered his resig? nation. This was not accepted and it was there? upon decided to call a public meeting. On another matter about this time, however, there was complete unanimity, which in its turn had a beneficial effect in due course on the efforts for congregational unity. After a Mr. Levine had suggested the formation of a society to aid casual poor, the Rev. S. H. Harris presided at a meeting of members of both congregations, where the Friend In Need Society, the forerunner of the Jewish Board of Guardians, now the Newcastle Jewish Welfare Society, was formed. In August of that year, 1873, the Rev. Aaron Levy Green, the minister of the Central Synagogue, London, and one of the foremost Jewish ministers in the country, came North to consecrate the new synagogue at Middles? brough. (A. L. Green, it was widely?and correctly?surmised, was the famous, witty, learned, pungent, and controversial letter writer in the Jewish Chronicle over the pseudo? nym 'Nemo'.) The Jewish Chronicle of 29 August 1873, seizing the opportunity, said of Newcastle that it should be one of the leading communities. Unlike London, which was inundated by shoals 39 Jewish Chronicle, 2 August 1872.</page><page sequence="19">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 19 of immigrant poor following two or three ill paid vocations, here there was opportunity over a wide field, and the editor took occasion to refer to the advisability of a union of the congregations in Newcastle which?an early plea for peripatetic officiants for small com? munities?should give a lead to the lesser congregations of the area by providing speakers to conduct services where the congregation was too small to support a regular incumbent. The writer described the local community as consisting of about a thousand souls, mostly Poles, the poorer people, mainly glaziers, slipper-makers, travelling jewellers, and general dealers, with very few shopkeepers. There were a few pawnbrokers, jewellers, and clothiers, and several wealthy merchants of high standing. It might be remarked, also, in this connection, that in July 1874, Joseph Freeman Cohen, the Newcastle representative at the Board of Deputies, was appointed Vice-Consul in Sunderland for the Ottoman Empire, the first Jewish appointment of its kind by the Turkish Government.40 There were no paupers and relief was provided mainly for passers-through. The poorer element came mainly direct from Hamburg or Hull. Newcastle was industrially progressive and offered good chances. School accommodation, however, was poor, and pro? gress was held up by the foreign children. The school received a subsidy of ?20 from the Chief Rabbi's Fund. It was hoped by the newspaper that the breach caused by the unfortunate schism that had occurred would be healed. Mr. de Hart, the President of the New Hebrew Congregation, hearing of the proposed visit of the Rev. A. L. Green to Middlesbrough, had invited him to take the opportunity to come to Newcastle to lend his weight and influence in the interests of local reunion. Green agreed to this and, following the Middlesbrough consecration and a visit to West Hartlepool, on the following Sunday he arrived in Newcastle and attended a large meeting of nearly all the members of the New and a goodly proportion of those of the Old Congregation, which took place at Joel's Auction Rooms in Pilgrim Street. Mr. Green presided and led off* with a lengthy address which is reported in full in the Jewish Chronicle of 29 August 1873. He spoke on the virtues of peace. Here, in Newcastle, there had been no disagreement on fundamental principles, and the community, which was fortunate in not having an element of poverty such as obtained in London, should be forward-looking. They should also think of themselves vis-?-vis the general community and would find that the position was not a nice one (a reference to antisemitism, no doubt, which was taken up by a subsequent speaker). He had, said Mr. Green, been approached eighteenth months before by Mr. de Hart for assistance in gathering funds for a new syna? gogue, but had refused, unless there was a reunion. They must now strive for a united synagogue. His address evoked loud applause. Mr. de Hart proposed the reunion of the two congregations as the Newcastle Hebrew Con? gregation. Mr. Andrew M. Cohen was among those supporting the resolution. He said that Jews were in a vulnerable position and must be united. His reference was obviously to anti Jewish feeling then common. (The Daily Chronicle of 9 June 1873 published a Stuermer like article about Jewish pedlars. The Jewish Chronicle on 13 June published a strong reply and called for steps to be taken by the Board of Deputies against such manifestations.) Mr. Cohen regretted the absence of some of the opponents of reunion?'cowardly absentees'? but they had a duty to their children to provide schools with their reunited strength. Mr. Turner pointed out that absentees would be bound by the votes of the majority. The motion was carried unanimously. Six from each congregation, with the Hon. Officers ex officio, were to form a committee to discuss a new synagogue and school. For the Old Hebrew Congregation these were, besides President and Treasurer, A. M. Cohen, Jacques, Emanuel, Summerfield, B. Morris, and Jos. Jacobs, and for the New, besides President and Treasurer, A. Neuenberg, A. Lewis, W. Goldfinger, B. Turner, Rosenthal, and Mendel? sohn. It was agreed also that all the existing mem? bers of both congregations should be recognised "Ibid., 31 July 1874.</page><page sequence="20">20 G. D. Guttentag as members of the United Hebrew Congrega? tion, with all present privileges and offices, and, pending ratification, no new members to be enrolled by either congregation. An appeal by the Rev. Mr. Green brought promises of about ?600, and Mr. de Hart announced that the funds raised by the New Hebrew Congregation would be handed over. Mr. Green added that Baron Lionel de Rothschild would donate ?100. The Chairman and Asher D. Myers, of the Jewish Chronicle, were thanked for their services. (Asher Myers had joined the paper in an administrative job in 1869, becoming the pub? lisher and manager, but he also did a good deal of reporting?which no doubt took him to the North-East with his friend Green?and became Editor in 1878.) When, in the late afternoon, Mr. Green attended Mincha service at Charlotte Square, the synagogue was crowded with members of both congregations and many women. It was noted incidentally that conditions in the building were hygienically unsatisfactory. After Maariv later, a dinner was held, at which Mr. Green referred to Lionel Cohen, in Lon? don, who, he said, had no time for a Great or New Synagogue, only a Jewish Synagogue, and had united the London synagogues (the United Synagogue was founded in 1870)?an example he commended to Newcastle. The atmosphere in Newcastle was now very cordial. The High Festivals were drawing near, both premises were required, and, indeed, were inadequate to accommodate all the wor? shippers in the town. Meetings to ratify the union were due to be held after the Festival season. In this spirit, members of the Charlotte Square Synagogue were invited to the annual Hospital Sunday Service at Temple Street, many attending. As a result, ?18 was collected, as against ?8 the previous year. A resolution in favour of amalgamation was passed at the Old Hebrew Congregation on 19 October 1873 and at the New on 26 October. It was proposed that the joint committee should obtain either a commodious chapel, if adaptable, or a site for the erection of a new synagogue. At the end of September 1874 the Building Committee were empowered to buy the Nurses' Home in Charlotte Square for ?1,700, which was duly reported to the Deputies by J. F. Cohen at their October meeting. Joseph George Joel, 'the eminent solicitor', assisted in their negotiations and in addition promised a donation of ?150. A joint meeting of the congregations on 25 October agreed to proceed with the building of the synagogue, and ?1,600 was raised towards the subscription list. Though still worshipping in their separate synagogues, the community was now, generally speaking, one body. Freeman Cohen, who had taken an active part in these proceedings as President of the Old Congregation, left for London in 1875 and was succeeded in office by J. H. Bernstone. Yet the Building Committee was not a suc? cess at its job. No new synagogue was in sight for the next few years, and the committee, in 1877, in fact, offered for sale the premises they had bought three years earlier. This prompted a cynical letter to the Jewish Chronicle in October that year by a correspondent who described the position as a 'brilliant example of how not to do it'. Five years, he said, had elapsed since there had been a great agitation to unite the two congregations and build a sizeable place of worship, yet no progress had been made. ' The ground purchased was offered for sale last Monday. The depression, no doubt, prevented a sale taking place. Who is responsible?' (On 'the depression' we shall have a word to say shortly.) A reply from Andrew M. Cohen, Chairman of the Building Committee, stated that the site was unsuitable and had been sold at a hand? some profit. They were now looking for a new site. On purchasing the property in Charlotte Square (in 1874) the Building Committee had invited competitive plans from local architects, but the layout of the buildings and site on a corner made difficult the erection of a building suitable for their requirements and the only course was to dispose of the property and begin anew. Fortunately this had proved a profitable move. The year 1877, however, ended with a great step forward. The Rev. Mr. Harris was told by one of his members that a site which was available in Albion Street might serve the</page><page sequence="21">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 21 purpose of a synagogue. He immediately got in touch with his President, J. Bernstone, and, together with the Treasurer, M. Goldberg, they inspected it. They approved of it and com? municated with A. M. Cohen, Chairman of the Building Committee, and J. de Hart, President of the Charlotte Square Synagogue, and there and then the new site was bought. Through the handsome profit made on the sale of the first site, they were able to acquire at negligible cost a site in a fine and increasingly valuable neighbourhood, in Albion Street, later Leases Park Road. A bad period was being experienced from about 1875, with deteriorating industrial and economic conditions, and there was much general distress. The Ladies' Benevolent Society were finding that demands on their services were growing, and in order to raise funds they decided to hold a ball, the first of its kind in the community, but the project did not materialise. Instead, a dramatic performance was given, with many members of the con? gregation as the entertainers, at Joel's Auction Rooms. The Friend In Need Society held their third annual meeting, with Isidore Summer field in the chair. Reflecting on the prevalent conditions, the Hon. Secretary, Joseph Parker, in his report, stated that many people had been saved from pauperism by the society. The trade depression was weighing heavily on the community by 1878 and the Ladies' Benevolent Society appealed, 'in view of the great distress prevalent in the North of England, due to bad trade and a severe winter in pros? pect, supplies of flour, coal and groceries are urgently needed for the poor'. Earlier the same year, in January 1878, Newcastle entered into the wider sphere of communal affiliations, when a big meeting was addressed by the Rev. Albert Lowy, the well known Secretary and one of the founders of the Anglo-Jewish Association. Under the chair? manship of J. de Hart, sixty members joined a Newcastle Branch. Subsequently the Execu? tive and Committee were elected, the Hon. Officers being: President, A. M. Cohen; Vice Presidents, J. de Hart and J. H. Bernstone; Treasurer, M. Goldberg; and Hon. Secretary, the Rev. S. H. Harris. The continuing depression also made fund raising for the synagogue difficult. Neverthe? less, the site having been acquired and the plans prepared, building operations were begun in April 1879. On 14 August the corner-stone of the new synagogue was laid by J. de Hart41 and consecrated by the Rev. A. L. Green, again visiting from London. The Revs. E. Cohen and E. Pearlson, the Readers of the Old and New Hebrew Congregations, took part in the service. The Mayor and Sheriff were among the many visitors at the ceremony. That not everybody in the community had a high opinion of Newcastle Jewry emerges from the recital of a macabre incident to which pub? lic attention was drawn in a letter by 'An Occasional Visitor' in the Jewish World of 10 March 1876. It appears that a little girl of seven died on a Friday at 1.15 p.m. and was buried at 5.30 that day. The Rev. S. Harris tried to defer the burial by stating that a certificate was required, but the father himself obtained the certificate. The letter-writer said that the child was warm when put in the coffin, and the body had to be squeezed in because the coffin was made in a hurry and was too small. T believe', he concluded, 'in no town in England are Jews as a body, less respected, than in Newcastle on Tyne, where everybody does as he likes, regardless of the effect on the community.' 'A Member of the Newcastle Old Hebrew Congregation' took up the cudgels on behalf of the community and refuted every point made by 'Occasional Visitor.' Moses J. Cohen, the 41 Some six months later, on 4 March 1880, a shadow was cast on the community through the death in London of De Hart, at the age of 56. He was born in Amsterdam in 1823 and had been intended for the medical profession. He did not complete his studies and in 1849, at the age of 26, came to Newcastle, where he built up a successful business on the Quayside. The Northern Daily Express of 5 March carried an obituary in which it stated, 'by his great business talents, industry and perseverance, he succeeded in establishing a most successful merchants' firm'. He was an active member of the Chamber of Commerce. He was prominent in Freemasonry as a Past Master and past officer of the Provincial Grand Lodge. He held the insignia of a Commander of the Spanish Order of Isabella Catolica and shortly before his death he was created a Chevalier of the Order of Carlo V.</page><page sequence="22">22 G. D. Guttentag President of the Chevra Kadisha, also refuted all the allegations, but he must have written too furiously to the paper, as the editor simply published the fact of the refutations and added reprovingly, 'had Mr. Cohen been content to confine his remarks within moderate limits, we should have been pleased to insert his letter. Our space will not, however, allow us to give at full length subjects which although of public interest may be treated in a personal manner.' A correspondent 'Chaim' criticised the minister, Mr. Harris, who 'should have refused to officiate', but Mr. Harris stated that he had not taken part in the burial, but on the con? trary had tried to prevent it, and 'Chaim' apologised. On 7 April Moses J. Cohen de? livered his 'final word': it was the express wish, command, and desire of the father, and he had no other course than to comply. The community lost the services of the Rev. Mr. Harris in 1878. His ministry had been most successful and had contributed to improve? ments in the personal and communal fields. But in April 1878 he announced his acceptance of the headmastership of the Jews' Hospital, Lower Norwood, London, the Jewish Orphan? age. On the Sabbath, 28 April, he preached his farewell sermon to a packed congregation from both synagogues. On the Monday following, there was a large attendance at the Crown Hotel, where Mr. Harris was presented with an illuminated address and a purse of gold and his wife with a dress ring. Nearly the whole com? munity was reported as seeing them off to London at the railway station a few days later. His services were called upon not only in Newcastle. On 22 March 1876, for instance, the New Synagogue and schoolrooms for the North and South Shields United Hebrew Congregation were consecrated by him. Later he was invited to preach in that synagogue and was presented with an engraved silver salver in appreciation of his services. The position he vacated was not immediately filled, and the Rev. Isaac Aaron Levy, minister of the Moor Street Synagogue, Sunderland, was invited to preach the sermon at the Hospi? tal Sunday Service that year. These hospital services were a feature in virtually all com? munities for many years in this period. At the annual meeting of the New Hebrew Congregation in Charlotte Square on 10 November 1878, when J. de Hart was re elected President and A. Lewis Treasurer, De Hart said that that was the last election to be held separately; next year the joint body would elect their Hon. Officers. The last gathering at Temple Street, apart from services, was a meeting on 17 June 1880 of the young men of the community, at which it was agreed, on the proposal of Lesser Levinson, 'that ... it is desirable to form a Young Men's Jewish Association'. Those elected were David Jacobs, President; Bishop, Vice-President; Lesser Levinson, Treasurer; and B. Rittenberg, Secretary. By summer, 1879, the building was com? pleted. The new synagogue, in Byzantine style, with a frontage of over 80 feet, was described in the Newcastle Courant as a worthy addition to the architectural beauties of the town. The seating capacity was for 300/400 males and 200/300 ladies in the gallery. The ark and steps were of marble. The pulpit was the gift of John Bern stone and his brother-in-law Isidore Summer field. The many other gifts included a silver Ner Tamid (perpetual light) from Mrs. de Hart in memory of her husband. All the furnishings for the corridors, retiring rooms, etc., were provided from funds collected from ladies, which included, in the Rothschild family tradition, a special donation from the Baroness de Rothschild.42 The opening and consecration of the new synagogue, advertised in the Jewish Chronicle of August, was an impressive affair, and the congregation included the Sheriff and munici? pal representatives from Newcastle and neigh? bourhood and Jewish visitors from London, Sunderland, Shields, Hartlepool, and Middles? brough. The Rev. Dr. Hermann Adler, 42 Other gifts were: a complete chuppah, Mrs. A. M. Cohen; white and silver curtain for the Ark, J. Caro; purple and gold velvet curtain, Wm. Ellison; complete silver for a Sefer Torah, Mr. and Mrs. H. Falk; covers for Shulchan and pulpit, brocaded silk, gold-embroidered, Mr. and Mrs. Lotinga; embroidered white mantle, Mrs. W. Henry; white cover for Shulchan, and quantity of carpets, Mrs Levinson; white curtain, Miss Levin? son; pair of mantles, A. Lewis; quantity of carpet, Mrs. David.</page><page sequence="23">The Beginnings of the Newcastle Jewish Community 23 deputising for the Chief Rabbi, performed the consecration ceremony, assisted by the Rev. S. H. Harris, who also came from London to take part, the Rev. I. A. Levy, of Sunderland, and the Rev. S. Pearlson. The service was con? ducted by the Rev. H. Wasserzug, the Cantor of the North London Synagogue, and his choir. He was renowned for his liturgical compositions and he had specially composed the music for this service. Dr. Adler took as the theme of his sermon (which was printed in full in the Newcastle Courant of 27 August 1880) 'Ye stand this day all of you before the Lord', all of you, not divided but united. Dr. Adler had had previous experience of conditions in the Newcastle Jewish community; for instance, he had, also deputising for his ailing father on that occasion, addressed both congregations at a joint meeting at Joel's Auction Rooms in July 1877. Dr. Nathan Adler, Chief Rabbi, in fact, made it a deliberate practice to encourage in practical fashion the various provincial communities, and if he or his son could not pay visits, he per? suaded some of the most able ministers to go on his behalf. We have seen that the Rev. A. L. Green went more than once to Newcastle, and another was the eminent minister at Birming? ham, the Rev. Dr. George J. Emanuel. Dr. Emanuel paid a conciliatory visit in June 1876, primarily over the Jewish education of the children. The school had been functioning in 1874 with an expanded syllabus, and when the Chief Rabbi during the course of a provincial tour had visited Newcastle on 18 May that year he had put the pupils through a thorough examination in Hebrew reading, translation, etc., and English reading, dictation, grammar, arithmetic, history, and geography, or, as was remarked at the time, like a Government Inspector's examination. The Chief Rabbi later, at a meeting, offered suggestions for reorganisation and made a grant towards the school's expenses. But in May 1876 there had been a meeting of the School Committee, where there was acrimony between De Hart and the Executive of the Old Hebrew Congregation for accepting a grant from the Chief Rabbi, in view of the classes' unsatisfactory state. It was decided to give six months5 trial of new arrangements and, if these proved unsatisfactory, to close the school. Dr. Emanuel, during his educational visit the following month, took the opportunity to preach at both synagogues. By 1877 there were eighty children at the school, and the harmonious relations then obtaining were reflected in the election of an Executive which consisted of J. de Hart, New Hebrew Congregation, as President, J. Bern stone, Old Hebrew Congregation, Treasurer, and M. Lotinga, Secretary. One may here also draw attention to a by? path in educational history, noted in the Jewish Chronicle of 16 May 1879,43 that Jewish boys whom we should now call 'juvenile delinquents' were then gathered together by the authorities from various parts of the country?there were never more than thirty?at the Netherton Reformatory, near Newcastle. This plan to make it easier, among other things, to continue their Jewish training, with the help also of the Newcastle Jewish community, lasted about thirty years. Reverting to the day of the synagogue conse? cration in 1880 (at the service, incidentally, a collection realised 50 guineas), we note an interesting affirmation of current belief in the place of Anglo-Jewry in the Jewish world, at least of the West. To celebrate the day's event, a banquet and ball were held in the evening in the Queen's Head Hotel, Pilgrim Street (social note: tickets for dinner and ball 12s. 6d., double 21s.; ball only 7s. 6d.). Dr. Hermann Adler presided. The Rev. S. Harris, replying to the toast to the Chief Rabbi and clergy, re? ferred to the Chief Rabbi's influence in the development of the community in England. The present time, he said, was unequalled in the history of the community. The spread of education and other influences, perhaps, had been followed by increased materialism and scepticism, but the Jewish community in England had remained the most orthodox in the world. No matter where one looked, Germany, France, America, schisms crept in little by little, but England continued to be an orthodox community. There had been some schismatics in the early days of the Chief Rabbinate, but on ? Page 7.</page><page sequence="24">24 G. D. Guttentag looking back they would see that it was the orthodox body that had continued to progress. J. H. Bernstone, proposing the toast of the 'United Congregation of Newcastle', stated that, forty-two years before, they had about seven or eight members with an income of 16s. or 17s. a week, but now they could speak in pounds; and A. M. Cohen, in reply, mentioned that the profit on the sale of the original property had enabled the synagogue to be built at a cost of only ?5,600. There was an out? standing mortgage of ?3,500, carrying interest of ?175. In spite of continued trade depres? sion, they had raised ?2,000. Among donations was one of 200 guineas from the Rothschilds? an almost automatic expectation among Jewish institutions everywhere. On the first Sabbath, 28 August, 1880, the Rev. S. Harris preached the sermon by invita? tion, before a large attendance. Taking as his text Psalm xxvii, 4, Mr. Harris pleaded for the elimination of petty jealousies?a hint that after all unity did not necessarily connote harmony. As a devoted educationist, he said, he prayed for their attention to the needs of the children. 'Remember', he added, 'that the roof of the classroom is the flooring of the synagogue. Education is the foundation of the well-being of the congregation'. His metaphor was soundly based: the whole basement of the new building contained schoolrooms, rnikvah, and committee room. [See PLATES L IL III, IV, &amp; V (Fig. J)]</page><page sequence="25">PLATE I [See 'Newcastle Jewish Community*] r no; &lt; fc^fcUrt-fOfH fifehciu ^%M?JtwiG^ *%** 4^?7* iff3*" \u&gt;n*' ?i*u ? **^^?p**?%I tfjlt fW- 7ddm /vil? &lt;0?mi ?j? Fig. 1. Page (reduced facsimile) of the Newcastle upon Tyne Liber Cartarum of 1234 given by Henry III granting the burgesses 'that no Jew should reside among them' (Reproduced by kind permission of the Lord Mayor and Corporation of the City and County of Newcastle upon Tvne: the original is in the Citv Archives Office} R. B. Dobs on, in The Jews of Medieval York (Borthwick Papers No. 45, University of York, 1974, pp. 15-16), writes: '[Besides York] the only other urban centre in the north which ever showed clear signs of developing a regular Jewish community at all was Newcastle-upon-Tyne, perhaps the greatest of all twelfth-century English "boom towns". Even there a Jewish settlement was slow to emerge and quick to disappear. The first recorded Jew of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, a certain Samuel, is mentioned as late as 1190; and within little more than a generation?in 1234?Jews were expelled from the city for ever.' [Footnote:] 'For references to Samuel, "Judeus de Nouo Gastello,,, at the very beginning of Richard I's reign, see Pipe Roll 1 Richard I, p. 242; Pipe Roll 2 Richard I, p. 20; for the expulsion of the Jews from Newcastle, see Calendar of Close Rolls, 1231-34, p. 466 ..[Reference kindly supplied by Mr. A. Schischa] The Foundation Stone of a Jews' Synagogue, was laid on Wednesday last, in Tempi? Street, Westgaus in this town, by Mr W. Harris, on which occasion the ftev. S. Hoff? nung delivered a sermon in the Hebrew Language. The building is to be of stone, with a polished Ashler front, and is expected to be complete in September, psb*05f*pD Tt* Ia:.ftt!C?t2lu.lAA...^^jfij&amp;^Jl]?J^?tllA AVJinnfnhrtwa 4Vtv?wtA/3 Fig. 2. Facsimile of report of Newcastle synagogue foundation-stone laying in Newcastle Courant, 13 July 1838. Note Hebrew heading?and its errors</page><page sequence="26">PLATE II [See 'Newcastle Jewish Community'] *t&amp;* ****** &lt;4nt * * ? ***C ^******* ****&gt;?&lt;*?' ^t*V***V~&lt;*4 j&amp;yjh**^ ? i v_-.J.. ?Mi Newcastle Jewish congregation ledger entry, 9 October 1830, with agreement to buy a cemetery</page><page sequence="27">PLATE III [See 'Newcastle Jewish Community'] ! i ? vi?. \ 4.: Newcastle Jewish congregation ledger entry, 8 October 1832, appointing congregational officers and detailing founders' weekly subscriptions. An 1869 receipt for ?5 from 'Mr. Caro* has been scribbled in at the foot</page><page sequence="28">PLATE IV [See 'Newcastle Jewish Community'] Fig. 1. Entrance to 1835 Newcastle Jewish cemetery, through gateway to Messrs. Higgin bottom's Brewery, Thornton Street. What remains is now an internal courtyard of the building Fig. 2. Remains o/the 1835 Newcastle Jewish cemetery, in the brewery courtyard. A high wall surrounds it, and access to the further part of the building is by a concrete path right-of-way and up the stairs shown at the left</page><page sequence="29">PLATE V [See 'Newcastle Jewish Community9] Fig. 1. Leazes Park Road Synagogue, Newcastle, opened in 1880, photographed a few years ago. Typical of its period, it is sandwiched between more mundane buildings, with a slate works right up against its left side. The contemporary Newcastle Courant called it 'a worthy addition to the architectural beauties of the town' [See 'Jewish Glass-makers*]</page></plain_text>