Stanilaus Hoga - Apostate and Penitent

<plain_text><page sequence="1">Stanislaus Hoga?Apostate and Penitent By Beth-Zion Lask Abrahams Paper read before the Jewish Historical Society of England, n th April, 1943. Stanislaus Hoga, apostate and penitent, cannot claim to be among the better known characters that have passed across the stage of Anglo-Jewish history. Until only recently he was but a fleeting figure, emerging but now and then as some literary product, some dramatic change in his circumstances or vocation served to throw a brighter light on him. His is a story heavy with contrasts of light and shade, gathering within itself the tribulations, the anxieties, the conflicts of body and soul sustained by myriads of other Jews in that tense period when medievalism was dissolving in centres of Jewish population in Eastern Europe. Hitherto, whatever was known of Hoga comprised little more than a set of disjointed cameos that had not been brought together. The task of achieving this resolved itself into a kind of quest, a successive unearthing of incident and detail. It was indeed an adventure, and I feel I could follow no better course in presenting the story than in trying to convey by the same sequence, the gradual building-up of the man Hoga, until he stands before us a creature of flesh and blood, so that even his apostasy seems but a prelude to his return to the fold, an old man who had tasted the sweets of the outer world, and had come back to warm his cold bones at the ancestral altar. I am indebted for my first knowledge of Stanislaus Hoga to my father, Joseph Cohen-Lask. My father had long made it his interest to collect, among other books and documents, conversionist litera? ture, regarding it as a valuable source of Jewish history. The missionary periodicals, such as the Jewish Intelligence, published 121</page><page sequence="2">122 STANISLAUS HOG A-APOSTATE AND PENITENT reports from missionaries in various parts of Europe and outlying parts of Asia and Africa, and from the mass of tendentious narrative it is possible to glean facts and sidelights on Jewish life not otherwise obtainable. It was the journal, called the Voice of Israel, described as " Conducted by Jews who Believe in Jesus of Nazareth as Messiah ", and edited by the conversionist Ridley Herschell, the father of Lord Chancellor Herschell, that contained a lengthy review of a pamphlet entitled, The Controversy of Zion, A Meditation Between Judaism and Christianity, by Stanislaus Hoga. It should be borne in mind that the Voice of Israel was frankly the production of a group of Jewish converts to Christianity. It was one of the instruments for persuading the non-Jewish patrons of the Christian missions to the Jews that the work of converting Israel was going forward briskly, and that the funds and efforts poured into the task were bearing fruit. All the more surprising therefore that it should have printed an unusually long review that disclosed the fact that all was not well with the spiritual life of the so-called Hebrew Christians, that there were qualms and doubts, and that one of the most illus? trious among the converts, widely known as the official translator for the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, had published a dissertation that threatened to cut the ground from under the feet of the Society. Obviously, the apostates felt their own security assailed, and could not maintain silence. I cite but a brief extract from the Voice of Israel's review of the pamphlet, but it suffices to show the confusion into which it had thrown the camp of the apostates. Says the Voice of Israel, ist September, 1845 : A little work with the above title has recently been published by Mr. Stanislaus Hoga. Had it been possible for us to overlook such a work, we would gladly have done so. It is very painful to us to speak with disapprobation of the writings of our converted brethren. . . . But a publication by a man of Mr. Hoga's talents, by one, moreover, who is known to the public as a translator officially employed by the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, cannot be thus passed over. . . . Though it is but a small pamphlet, a large volume might be written on it. Our object at present ... is to repudiate on our own behalf and that of many of our converted brethren, any</page><page sequence="3">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT participation in the feelings under which it appears to have been written; and to record our dissent from certain extraordinary state? ments, made apparently with perfect sincerity and a firm conviction of their truth. There is something in the whole work calculated to induce both Jews and Gentiles to believe that the feelings it betrays, and the sentiments it expresses, are common, in a greater or less degree, to the majority of converted Jews; and that Mr. Hoga honesdy speaks out what rankles in the breast and lingers in the mind of a great many of his believing brethren. Who was this Stanislaus Hoga? Whence had he come? What were his activities, his influence, and what course did his life run after throwing this bombshell? It was obvious that this was no isolated instance, and curiosity was aroused. An examination of the Anglo-Jewish periodicals of the time, the Voice of Jacob and the Jewish Chronicle, revealed also that in the Jewish camp Hoga's pamphlet had not passed unnoticed. In its issue of 18th July, 1845, the Voice of Jacob contained a lengthy review of the second edition of the Controversy of Zion. In the very opening paragraph of this review was the surprising intimation that in two previous numbers, those of ist March, and 15th March, 1844, more than a year previously, notices of this very work had already appeared. It was plain that the group of apostates had maintained silence all that time about Hoga's pamphlet, refraining from refer? ring to it in their publication, hoping perhaps that their patrons would not appreciate the sharp weapon which one of their own number had forged against them. It was a most unusual step for a Jewish journal to give space to the production of an official of a missionary society. But the editor of the Voice of Jacob knew what he was about, as he explains in his review of this pamphlet, " because we think that it ought to have an extensive circulation among Christians, we willingly give it such notoriety as our columns afford." Hoga's bombshell came at a time when the apostate Margoliouth was in full cry, vilifying Jews and Judaism on everv oossible occasion. Hoga had in his pamphlet, drawn on a fund of deep Talmudic learning and Christian and Jewish literature, and had presented the view that conversion should</page><page sequence="4">124 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT on no account go hand in hand with the abandonment of Jewish practice. It looked as if the conversionist movement would be riven from top to bottom by a public disputation in which convert would contend with convert and in the result lay bare the falsity of the con? versionist position. Not without reason did the Jewish reviewer say of Hoga, " . . . His heart still yearns towards the communion of his kindred and the pure faith of his fathers. We may yet see him ere he die claim the readmission into the pale which we, his fellow sinners, dare not deny him. Would that he were indeed independent of his sordid tie! and yet it can only be by a sacrifice of worldly advantage that his penitence might be manifest to the world." The facts so far were intriguing. A search for Hoga's previous productions in England revealed that in 1834 the London Society had published a selection of English and German Christian hymns with a Hebrew translation by Stanislaus Hoga, entitled Songs of Zion. This book is of some interest in view of Hoga's later return to Judaism. The introduction points out that" the difficulty of pre? serving the metre has prevented, in some instances, a literal transla? tion ". But an examination of the Hebrew translation shows that, in a number of striking instances, Hoga takes more than the ordinary translator's liberty with the original text. I have not made a thor? ough comparison, but a few examples may serve to demonstrate that Hoga felt it particularly repugnant to render into Hebrew passages from the hymns that might be regarded as slighting to Jewish dignity, or which a doubting convert might hesitate to put seriously before his former co-religionists. I give but a few of these com? parisons : Original hymn in English: Why then are Israel still unblest? Original hymn in English: See where like withered bones and dry The chosen heirs of promise lie! Hogas Hebrew runs: Wilt thou for ever be angry with us? Hogas Hebrew runs: Open thine eye and behold the ruins Incline the ear, we have become a byeword!</page><page sequence="5">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 125 But more striking than all is the following stanza which shows a complete departure from the Christian phraseology of the original. Original hymn in English: Glory, honour, praise and power Be unto the Lamb for ever: Jesus Christ is our redeemer: Hallelujah ! hallelujah! praise ye the Lord, Hallelujah, praise the Lord! Hogas Hebrew runs: Exult, daughter of Zion, Be exceeding glad; Thy King cometh, not tarrying; He raises high thy horn in glory; He is thy hope, and none other Wait patiently for Him; Among the nations shalt thou live in His shadow. This striking departure from the original is not constant through? out the Hebrew hymn book, but it is sufficiently frequent to give it significance. In 1840, Hoga published a grammar for teaching English through the medium of Hebrew. It is an able piece of work, and apart from the fact that Hoga's own knowledge of English was obviously largely gained through the study of the English Bible, there are only two or three indications that the book was issued under the auspices of the London Society. For example, he consistently translated Beth Tefilah as Church, and Meshiach as Christ. In 1843, he published a pamphlet entitled Eldad and Me dad. I have not been able to find a copy of this work, although I have traced a reference to it in a review in the Voice of Jacob, 4th August 1843. This review describes it as " a factitious dialogue between a converted Jew, and a modern or new fashioned one; being a very ingenious attempt to prove a necessity for the Christian scriptures, in order to elucidate our Bible, provided only?that Rabbinical authority be repudiated ". The review goes on to say, " we have noted several passages which, however designed, are eminently cal? culated to reconcile a sincere Jew to his yoke ". It will be seen that already in 1843, a year before the publication of the Controversy of Zion, Hoga was undergoing a spiritual crisis. In 1844, Hoga published a Hebrew translation of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress. His name is not on the book, the brief Hebrew</page><page sequence="6">126 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT introduction appearing over the Hebrew signature Acheecho haivri (thy Hebrew brother). It is a scholarly translation, in an easy style, reproducing Bunyan's simplicity. Hoga was obviously proud of the translation, for in the introduction he expresses the conviction that it would be remembered long after he was forgotten. This brings us down to the year 1845. From the Jewish Chronicle of that period we learn that Hoga had influenced a significant move? ment in Christian thought. His attack in the Controversy on the tendency to draw Jews to Christianity by vilifying Judaism had gained support from such influential persons as the writer Charlotte Elisabeth, editor of the Protestant Ladies Magazine, and the Rev. John Oxlee, both of them prolific writers on Christian topics. Reviewing Oxlee's pamphlet entitled Three more Letters to his Grace the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury on the culpability and unauthorised Presumption of the Gentile Christian Church in requir? ing the Jews to forsake the law of Moses, the Jewish Chronicle reviewer, 16th May, 1845, writes: " . . . very recent times have witnessed the proposal of a plan ... for effecting an approximation between the Jew and the Christian. Within these few years, and in this country, the Rector of Molesworth (Oxlee), Charlotte Elisabeth, and Stanilaus Hoga have laboured for Jewish conversion, speaking in the same tone of kindness towards the Jewish people, of respect for the law of Moses, and of reproof against the measures heretofore resorted to for weaning the Israelites from the religion of their fathers. Whereas, formerly, the vilification of the Mosaic law and of Jewish observances was considered the most approved means where? with to instil an attachment to Christian principles." Referring to the cutting irony of Hoga, the review adds that it resulted " from an unfortunately correct knowledge of the world as it is ", and the admission that there " is not one insignificant line in his Controversy of Zion ". So characteristic of Hoga's line of thought is this last-mentioned work that it is no digression to deal with it more fully. The British Museum Library has the only copy known to me. It is the second edition, published in 1845, a year after the appearance of the first.</page><page sequence="7">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT I27 During that brief space Hoga had moved forward notably on his pilgrimage; for this second edition includes a lengthy introduction absent from the first, which so lays bare his soul that it must be regarded as autobiographical in the strictest sense of the word. The original pamphlet, priced at one penny, had clearly produced such tension in the circle in which he moved that he now felt that the break could not be long postponed. He writes in the introduction : I hate even a short-living lie and would for no price tell a lie which should survive myself . . . There are many authors who . . . aspire after fame, for the sake of their nation, country, language, friends and relations; but none of these can be a stimulation and spur to me, for I am so very isolated, solitary and alone in the world, that there is not one of these subjects of which I could properly say, it is my own. I run perhaps the risk, through this pamphlet, to lose in the eyes of some of my acquaintances the little regard which they have hitherto kindly borne towards me. I would, indeed, be much grieved to sustain the loss; but I can nevertheless truly say that I have by this small per? formance gained in my own estimation a little better opinion of myself than I had formerly ... I wish nothing more ardently than to finish my life in such an employment which shall preserve me from being remarkable on the defective side. ... I have written this pamphlet [Hoga continues] in the hurry of one who rather too late writes his last will . . . every expressed sentence is but an epitaph of a volume which still remains buried in my heart. " If these bones will live or not, O Lord God, thou knowest." Before dealing with the subject of his pamphlet, Hoga adds : I love England . . . and I bless the Providence of God for the liberty of telling publicly the truth contained in this pamphlet: it is the only advantage which I have from my sojourning in this country. Mentioning the insurmountable rampart dividing Jews from Christians, Hoga declares that if the truth of his pamphlet is accepted each would convert the other side. But who shall make the beginning? Certainly not the Jews, he decides, for they never trouble about the salvation of other people's souls. This work must be left to Christians, but first Hoga defends and vindicates the honour of his pious and holy ancestors. Though outside the pale of his people, he assumes their defence.</page><page sequence="8">128 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT This apostate, this so-called Christian and official of the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, then argues that, though it may be possible for a Jew to believe that Jesus was the Messiah, yet this does not imply abrogation of the Law of Moses. Among other subjects, he defends the Cabala, scoffing at those ignorant converts who, in order to curry favour with their patrons, ridicule it. He hits out vigorously at what he calls " the honourable gang of Jewish reverend hypocrites ", then flourishing as ministers of the Christian faith; he writes with vigour against the tendency of " new-fashioned Jews of our age, and especially of some so-called Rabbis in Germany who wish to be not Jews but Germans ", but, declares Hoga, the covenant of God and Israel is for all time and cannot be abrogated. Ironic in the light of events to-day are Hoga's fervent words: " Blessed be God. . . . We behold with our eyes a great change in the moral character of the world; in our age, not only are there many nations truly better disposed towards Jews, but even those who still remain in their former prejudices are forced to treat them with humanity. . . ." He rejoices that Jews are acquiring the knowledge and the literature of the nations, that scientific institutions are being established for the use of the London community, " science being," he declares, " the only object in which a Jew may excel to the satis? faction of the whole world ". In the text of the Controversy Hoga indulges in dramatic situa? tions, introducing the two churches?the Jewish and Christian? quarrelling like the women before Solomon; he imagines the return to earth of Jesus after i,8oo years in the same form, bearded, wearing fringes and phylacteries, the typical Rabbinic Jew, and his reception on earth. Most remarkable, however, are the passages of the meeting in Hell, where Satan resolves to send out his missionaries to prevent the reign of Christ on earth, for he saw clearly that the religion of Christ would comprise in itself, according to the design of the Divine Saviour, a firm belief in the Law of Moses. " It is vain," Hoga urges, " to think of the conversion of the Jews to Christianity before Christians themselves are converted to Judaism. . . ."</page><page sequence="9">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 129 This very remarkable Controversy, acceptable to Jews for its warm advocacy of Jewish law and practice, was a menace to those apostate Jews who thought, by conversion, to relieve themselves of their religious burden. The effect it had on its contemporaries may be gathered from the reviews quoted before. This is the decisive period in Hoga's life. He had burnt his boats. That introduction gave notice to his employers, the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, that their official trans? lator had thrown down the gauntlet. What actually happened, how the break finally came about, is not known. That same year the last publication from Hoga's hand for the London Society made its appearance, the Hebrew translation of The Old Paths, by Dr. Alexander McCaul, a slanderous and bitter misrepresentation of Judaism. It is cei. in, in view of what occurred later, that Hoga's translation was completed a long time before this date, for it is incon? ceivable that he would have translated McCaul's work in the frame of mind that he had reached in 1845. All we know is that henceforth wherever we meet Hoga we no longer find the Jewish Christian controversialist trying to balance himself between Judaism and Christianity, but an outright and passionate Jew, writing proudly and vigorously defending the faith that he had formerly left. The Jewish Chronicle of 1847 contains frequent letters and con? tributions from his pen on such subjects as " The Unity of the Jewish God", "Moses and Plato", "The Jewish Belief in God", " Exposition of the Angel in Scripture ", the " Nature of the Word Elohim ", etc. His return to Judaism must have been complete by now, for that periodical would certainly not have given space to a known apostate. There can be no doubt that Hoga was now a Jew and universally recognised as such. One of the most interesting of Hoga's contributions to the Jewish Chronicle is the first part of an article entitled " Jewish Emancipa? tion and the Conversion Society ", dated 8th September, 1847. In it we find Hoga on the offensive against his former associates, whom he describes as hypocritical converts. He bitterly attacks Dr. McCaul, 1</page><page sequence="10">I30 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT quoting from The Old Paths, only to refute it, tilting at the church? men who strain after the fruits of this world, and mercilessly attack? ing the perverters whom he does not hesitate to speak of as enemies of the Jews. He appeals to all good Christians to abandon the idea of Jewish conversion, but to live in peace and charity with Jews as they are. Hoga had, indeed, re-entered the fold. But these fugitive letters were not sufficient for Hoga. He could not rest. The burden of his sin lay heavily upon him. He seems to have lived under the consciousness of the brevity of life, and the need to do something quickly to compensate for what he regarded as his heinous contribution to the work of the conversionists. Having lived and worked inside their camp, he now regarded himself as a spiritual soldier of Israel. It was in this state of mind that he pro? duced the remarkable pamphlet entitled The Faithful Missionary, which appeared in December 1847. An advance notice was first published in the Jewish Chronicle on 20th August, 1847. There were to be Hebrew, French and German versions which were to be published in Jerusalem, Paris and Leipzig respectively. A com? mittee seems to have been established in London for promoting the circulation of the pamphlet, which appears to have enjoyed the material support of the Jewish Chronicle. The pamphlet comprises 48 octavo pages, priced at one shilling, bearing the full title of The Faithful Missionary, a monthly periodical illustrating the value of Judaism with the view to opening the eyes of some deluded Christians in England to the doings of the (so-called) London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews. It bears as its motto in Hebrew and English the words " Arise, O Lord, and let thine enemies be scattered and let them that hate Thee flee before Thee ". The work is notable both for its fearless and frank exposure of the wiles of the missionaries and the unhappy Jewish condition on which the conversionists battened, and for passages which must be regarded as reflections of Hoga's own personal life. That this is so will be seen later when this Paper comes to deal with his earlier years before his own apostasy. The Jewish conditions in which conversionism flourished during the first half</page><page sequence="11">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT of the nineteenth century well deserve study nowadays by those who are concerned with a similar outbreak of conversionist activities at the end of the present war. Hoga's words in The Faithful Missionary point a moral which cannot be overlooked. If you reflect on the miserable condition [he writes] of Jews in some countries; if you reflect on their bad education concerning all worldly matters; if you know how cruelly they are persecuted there; if you know how unhappy some of them are in their domestic life, through early marriage; how some are obliged to run from their native places to other countries, and are there treated by the police as vagabonds because they are not provided with passports; if you represent to your mind such a Jew running about in the world without any fixed purpose, without the knowledge of an art or trade by which to procure for himself some living; if you look at him and see how he is pulled and peeled, pulled by his beard by Christian persecution and stripped of his clothes by abject poverty; if you add to this the most ardent desire of such a Jew to learn some useful language and some trade, and above all his bitter conviction that his most miserable con? dition is the result of the apathy and neglect of the Jews in those countries to introduce a better education among themselves; if you picture to yourself a Jew thus abandoned and in such a condition, you will not at all be surprised at his weakness in not resisting the tempting bait held out to him by the missionaries of the London Society. He sees an English gendeman with the Bible in his hand, condescending to address and speak to him more friendly than ever did a Christian peasant in his own country, and lasdy he offers him his services to procure for him a passport and money for travelling expenses to go over to England. Can one be surprised, Hoga asked, at his not resisting the bait held out to him ? A graphic, pathetic picture is drawn of the poor Jew, friendless, penniless, arrived in London with no place to go, who, approached by the missionaries, is soon admitted to the London Society's Operative Institute. Hoga's very heart is laid bare : Ought I not to tell the world who and what I am? [he asks, answer? ing, however, with a quiet finality] Alas, the secrets of my heart must remain in it entombed for ever. I shall never be justified in the eyes of men! I have, it is true, very grievously sinned before God; still if</page><page sequence="12">132 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT men could know my whole heart they would rather pity my lot than condemn it. I have sinned to God alone, and not to men; it is not for them to pronounce a sentence upon me, but for the Righteous Judge who alone knows the heart of men. I am unable to sketch any biography of my life; I can only tell my Jewish brethren, in the words of Achan to Joshua, " Indeed, I have sinned against the Lord God of Israel, and thus and thus have I done And I expect no other answer of them but in the words of Joshua to Achan, " Why hast Thou troubled us? The Lord shall trouble thee this day". I have against mine own wish contributed most effectually by my writing to the foundation of falsehood, and to the widely outspreading in distant lands, of a treacherous net to seduce and ensnare many unwary among Israel, by hypocritical apostasy. I therefore most ardently wish, before I go from hence, to undo what I have done, and to contribute to the happiness of my nation. . . . This is the last act of my life. O, Lord God, remember me, I pray Thee, and strengthen me. I pray Thee only this once! . . . I am feeble and alone. In one part of The Faithful Missionary Hoga in sarcastic vein deals with McCaul's The Old Paths. It has been contended by Jewish scholars competent to judge that Dr. Alexander McCaul could have been only the nominal author, for this work displays extensive knowledge and the peculiar stamp of the Talmudist who has been brought up on the Talmud and is familiar with its intricacies from childhood. Hoga, too, with perhaps a more direct knowledge of the facts, suggests doubt of McCaul authorship. He declares : " How heartily must the author of The Old Paths laugh in his sleeves at the simplicity of his silly votaries. ..." It will be recalled in this con? nection that the Hebrew translation, published in 1845, was Dv -Hoga. In view of this known connection it is interesting, therefore, to find Hoga express himself as follows: " The Hebrew book adapted to and which he unjustly calls a translation of his English "?this is certainly more than an expression of doubt of McCauPs authorship. A pity, indeed, that Hoga failed to give the facts as he knew them. Especially as many Jewish critics, among them the late Nahum Sokolow, have described him as co-operating with McCaul in The Old Paths. Limit of space forced Hoga to break off in the midst of his spirited</page><page sequence="13">STANISLAUS HOG A-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 133 refutation. A note on the cover announced the continuation in the next number of The Faithful Missionary, timed for ist January, 1848. Search for the next number which, like the first, was adver? tised in the Jewish Chronicle, was fruitless. With this confession of error, his public penitence and declaration of faith in Judaism, Jewish law and the Jewish nation he passed from public notice. In vain the attempt to trace him in Jewish and Christian periodicals. Reference books such as the Jewish Encyclopedia provided no help. Even the date of his death was unknown. What had become of Hoga? Material or information regarding Hoga's life after 1847 being apparently unavailable, the only course that remained open was to try and piece together biographical material, particularly for the period before his arrival in England. The first clue was provided by the Reminiscences of Mrs. Finn, a daughter of Dr. McCaul, and wife of James Finn, British Consul in Jerusalem from 1846-63. Dr. McCaul had been an agent of the London Society in Warsaw from 1821 to 1832. In her book Mrs. Finn, dealing with the translation of the New Testament and the Liturgy into Hebrew by the converts Reichardt and Alexander, writes: " They were helped by Mr. Stanislaus Hoga, an accom? plished Hebraist, who was a Roman Catholic converted from Judaism in Poland and who came to London. He was an interest? ing man with considerable scientific attainments." Hoga, then, derived from Eastern Europe. The indications were that he had become associated with Dr. McCaul while in Warsaw, and that conversionist had been quick enough to see in the keen brained Polish-Jew a useful instrument for the mission field. In a Yiddish book entitled Meshumadin in Poland, by E. N. Frank, published in Warsaw in 1923, there is a lengthy and gratifyingly full account of Hoga's early life under the heading of " Chaskel Meshumad ". This study from his birth until about his fortieth year provides invaluable material for an understanding and apprecia? tion of Hoga's life and conduct as well as an explanation of his apostasy. Frank derives the material of his essay from oral sources still prevalent among the Chassidim of Lublin, where members of</page><page sequence="14">134 STANISLAUS HOG A-APOSTATE AND PENITENT the Hoga family were living up to the outbreak of war; and from MSS. of Jacob Tugenhold, who acted as Government censor of Hebrew books in Poland, and it would seem also, from State archives. Hoga was born in the year 1791, in the small Polish town of Casimir. His Hebrew name was Yecheskel Aryeh. His father, Abraham Hoga, Rabbi of Casimir, renowned for his learning, was a keen Chassid and devoted follower of the Rebbe of Lublin. Hoga received the intense Rabbinic training of the period, reading Hebrew at the age of three, learning Talmud at four. It is related that at the age of six no teacher in Casimir could teach him more. Many are the anecdotes told of his high-spiritedness, wit and fondness for practical joking. Hoga's fame as wonder-child soon spread, and, in the way usual at that time, he was betrothed at the age of ten to the daughter of the wealthiest merchant in Casimir, marrying at thirteen. His bride was then twelve. Both resided with his father-in-law, who as dowry had undertaken to give perpetual board. About this time he became acquainted with the philosophical works of Maimonides. But his circle remained narrow and Chassidic. It was a Danzig merchant who, noticing his aptitude for study, persuaded his father-in-law to let him learn modern languages and himself sent him books for the purpose. Soon the young Hoga was the talk of the whole dis? trict, a wonder to the local educated Poles who deplored the fact that such a gifted youth had no means of going beyond the Pale. On his estate at Pulawy, not far from Casimir, there lived at that time Prince Adam Czartoryski, a renowned liberal Polish statesman who was distinguished for the part he played in the movement for equal rights and emancipation of Polish Jewry. Hearing talk of the boy wonder, he went himself to see the lad. Hoga, who was fright? ened by the Prince's visit, on being asked what he knew best, answered, " That which I know best is understood only by Rabbis; and of that which the Prince has knowledge I know nothing." Pleased with this reply, the Prince suggested that Chaskel be allowed to go to Pulawy, where he would arrange for him to study; and, in</page><page sequence="15">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 135 deference to the lad's objection, he agreed that at Pulawy he would lodge with Jews and retain his Jewish garb. A month later he was in Pulawy, studying foreign languages in the world-renowned Czar toryski Library. On his return home, he began to show the results of his 44 enlightenment " by scoffing at the more superstitious Jewish customs, continuing, however, his visits to the Chassidic Rebbe of Lublin. Stories are told of the practical jokes he played on the Rebbe, to the horror of the loyal followers, until at length his visits were no longer allowed. His horizon broadened; his visits to the Czartoryski palace continued. There he met educated Poles, and he developed a fondness for walking. " To hear," he told his father, 44 the language of the trees; each grass, as the Midrash says, an angel hits on the head and says, 4 Come, grow out'." In the years 1807-9, wnen Napoleon's army was in Poland, Jews suffered great hardship owing to the language difficulties. At this juncture Hoga came to the rescue in his district, acting as mediator between Jews, French officers and Poles. On 9th May, 1808, Joseph Poniatowski issued an order for general conscription, the Jewish com? munity having to supply its quota. This caused alarm among observant Jews, but Hoga, through his connection with Prince Czartoryski, was able to free the community from service; the only award he claimed for this was his greater licence to make merry at the expense of Chassidim. It was about this period that he adopted European dress and cut off his earlocks. From this time persecution commenced; for the community was no longer in need of his services. He was dubbed Chaskel Meshumad, apostate, even before conversion had probably ever entered his mind. Conscious of his superiority to the rest of the Casimir community, Hoga went to Pulawy on a visit to Prince Czartoryski, who was a close friend of Tsar Alexander I, Emperor of Russia, and had accom? panied him to Vienna on 25th May, 1815, where the New Con? stitution of Poland was to be drawn up. It was expected that the Prince would be appointed the Tsar's Deputy in Poland, and there was the usual rush on the part of the Jewish community to secure</page><page sequence="16">I36 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT favourable mention in the Peace Treaties. The Emperor received deputations through Prince Czartoryski only, and, as Hoga was in the favour of the Prince, he was once again fawned on by the com? munity. But Alexander soon changed his policy, Prince Czartoryski lost the imperial favour and another was appointed Deputy in Poland. The Prince returned to his palace, and with him fell Hoga who once again became the butt of his town. Life at home became impossible; tears there were in plenty and there was talk of divorce because of his laxity in religious observance. At this time Hoga now 24, was the father of three children, his eldest son being eleven years old. He was agreeable to divorce, but his father, Rabbi Abraham, was set sternly against this, contending that it was wrong to part a father from his family, further declaring that things would right themselves, and that his wayward son would yet be a luminary of the Torah and do penance, as had been foretold by the Rebbe of Lublin when Hoga had ridiculed him to his face. In the midst of these tribulations Hoga vanished from Casimir. Enquiries at Pulawy resulting in no news; surrounding woods were searched, but un? successfully. At the same time it was noticed that Yitta, the beautiful orphan of a tailor with whom, to the horror of his neighbours, Hoga had often been seen to walk, was also missing. This point marks one of the stages in Hoga's life story. He is next met with Yitta in Warsaw, in 1817, where, armed with letters of introduction from Pulawy, he called on Adam Chalmelewski, Pro? fessor of Hebrew and Rabbinic Literature at the Warsaw University. Hoga was welcomed, Chalmelewski declaring he had come at the right time, when the Polish Government was in need of the services of a person of his attainments. Chalmelewski himself was specially in need of him as, in according freedom to the general Press, Alex? ander I's Constitution had not extended it to the Jewish Press. It therefore became necessary to appoint a censor for Jewish publica? tions. Chalmelewski, though official chief censor, needed an assis? tant. Hoga was appointed to this post and received permission to live in districts from which Jews were excluded. Hoga's post in a Government office became known to the Warsaw Jewish community</page><page sequence="17">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 137 through the incident of a French actress, the favourite of the Polish High Commissioner, being hissed by the audience of a Warsaw theatre. The High Commissioner issued an order forbidding public disapprobation in theatres. A Polish journal, The Daily Gazette, condemned this order. The journal was suppressed and a censor? ship imposed on all papers, inland as well as foreign. Hoga, as a recognised linguist, was publicly appointed a Jewish censor together with the well-known Hebraists and scientists, Abraham Jacob Stern and Jacob Tugenhold. It will be remembered that it was from Tugenhold's papers that Frank derived a great deal of the biographi? cal material for his essay on Hoga. The community thus became aware of Hoga's position and popu? larity in Government circles. At that time the Polish Diet was engaged in discussing the Jewish problem. There was consternation among the heads of the community, for fear of the possible new laws and the influence that might be wielded by this unknown Jew, who had been two years in Government employ in Warsaw without their knowledge. A plan to establish ghettoes, thus depriving Jews of the privileges granted to them by Napoleon was suspected by the com? munity. Berek, son of Samuel Zibidkower, reputed the wealthiest Jew in Poland and the founder of the well-known Bergson family, called on Hoga, and, on Hoga's replying in Yiddish to his Polish introduction, expressed his surprise that the Jewish official had not hitherto called on him and thereupon invited him home. Hoga called the very same evening, unburdened his heart about the projected decrees, and, in the old-style Jewish politics, became the Shtddlan (representative) of the community, indicating who was to be approached and influenced. He became a constant caller at Berek's house, amusing himself as formerly, at the expense of Chassidim. In 1819 an Italian priest Chiarini, on the recommendation of the Tsarevitch, later Nicholas I, was appointed president of the Com? mission for Jewish Writings and Publications and, though he had no knowledge of Polish, was also appointed Chancellor of the Warsaw University. Hoga became his deputy. In 1822, Hoga pub</page><page sequence="18">I38 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT lished two works in Polish : one a translation of the Hebrew prayers for children, and the other on Jewish laws and ceremonies. About this time the Cracow community denounced Chassidism to the Government as a subversive movement. As the Jewish expert, Hoga was asked to report. This was an opportunity after his own heart. Despite his habitual ridicule of Chassidism he prepared a spirited refutation of the charge. The Misnagdim, the term applied to the opponents of the Chassidim, opposed Hoga's intercession on behalf of the Chassidim, and pressed the Government to curtail their activities. Tamara, the wife of his friend Berek, herself a devotee of Chassidism, was informed by Hoga of the imminent danger, and, acting on his suggestion, she approached the President of the Com? mission with a plan for a disputation between Chassidim and their opponents. On 3rd August, 1824, the disputation took place, Hoga acting successfully as spokesman for the Chassidim. The result was that it was decreed that there being nothing subversive in Chassidic practice, there be no hindrance to their prayer and private meetings. There was jubilation in the Chassidic Bergson household where Hoga, garbed in Gentile clothes, was the hero of the kaftanned, girdled, bearded and fur-hatted Chassidim. Hoga's fame spread and reached the small town of Casimir. His father set out to see him, hoping to reconcile him with his wife. They met at the Warsaw tailgate, the son in a fine carriage, the father on foot carrying a small bag containing his phylacteries and a change of clothing for the Sabbath. I cannot forbear giving the picture of the scene as related in the Yiddish: Seeing his son, he cried " Chaskel, Chaskel ", and on the instant recognising his father's voice, Hoga jumped from his carriage and ran to him in greeting. " Chaskel", enquired the father, " where have you your this world?" "Why?" rejoined the son, "Can't you see how well off I am in this fine carriage ", but Rabbi Abraham shook his head and returned. " This is your world to come that your are now enjoying, but what of your this world}"?a saying that has become an idiom among Polish Jews. Hoga who lived outside the Jewish quarter with Yitta and his two</page><page sequence="19">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 139 children could not ask his father home. Instead, he took him to Tamara's, and there for the first time, Warsaw Chassidim became aware of Hoga's family in Casimir. The father was unsuccessful in his mission of reconciliation. Hoga pleaded for agreement to divorce his wife. But here Tamara sided with his father, declaring with passion that husband and wife should live together again for the sake of the children, brushing aside Yitta as a worthless creature. In despair Rabbi Abraham left Warsaw, refusing to allow divorce, although it seems that Hoga's wife was not averse to it. Tamara was, however, bent on the triumph of respectability. She employed men to spy on Hoga, and these followed him home and located Yitta and the children. Armed with this knowledge, Tamara threatened Hoga that unless he returned to his wife, she would inform his employers of Yitta. This was the turning point in Hoga's life. Fearful of the conse? quences of having falsely registered his illegitimate children, resulting in certain loss of employment and possible imprisonment, he called on the head of his Department and unbosomed himself. He was shown accusations that had already begun to stream in. In profound pity for the tortured man his superior officer advised him that there was but one way of evading the consequencies, immediate accept? ance of Christian baptism. At his wit's end, Hoga followed the proffered advice, and the name of Yecheskel Aryeh was replaced by the baptismal name of Stanislaus. Yitta and the two daughters were also baptised, the mother being given the name of Anna, and the daughters the names of Julia and Antonina. Hoga's baptism produced a sensation, not altogether pleasing to the Government who had looked on Hoga as an agent for Polon ising its Jews. It felt that as a convert his writings would be spurned by Jews. The authorities withdrew from circulation his two works, the Prayer Book in Polish for Jewish children, and the book on Jewish laws and ceremonies, issuing them later without his name. Hoga was also removed from the Censorship Commission. The Warsaw Jews feared the effect of Hoga's conversion, bearing in mind the cruelties Jews had, in the past, suffered at the hands of their</page><page sequence="20">I40 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT renegades. He, however, remained friendly with the Community, and it has nowhere been charged against him that he manifested any spite towards his former co-religionists. On 13th July, 1825, Tsar Alexander I, set up a Commission for the improvement of the conditions of the Jews in Poland. Hoga was appointed secretary to the Commission, which was composed of non Jews. There was also set up an advisory committee, composed of Jews. This committee was soon bombarded with letters from Jews in all parts of Poland, offering advice and making demands. Most of these were in Hebrew, which Hoga undertook to translate into Polish, for the secretary to the committee, Gliksberg, knew little Hebrew and less Polish. Hoga suggested that the non-Jewish com? mission should make contact with the Jews in the provincial districts, as the advisory committee was composed mainly of Warsaw Jews, a useful proposal although it was not adopted by the authorities. All this served to raise once again Hoga's prestige, and he was once more to be met with as a guest in Chassidic houses. In the meantime the central Government in St. Petersburg began to regard with ill favour the Commission's tendency to propose for Polish Jewry even greater privileges than were enjoyed by the St. Petersburg com? munity, and ordered its dissolution as soon as possible. Chiarini, the Italian priest, was sent to replace Hoga, pending the winding up of the Commission on the ground that " even converted Jews are not to be trusted ". About this time Chiarini published an article in Polish purporting to be an exposure of the Talmud, and proposing the establishment of a Jewish Press under Government control, for publishing approved Jewish religious books based solely on Scripture. The Talmud and all other Rabbinical books were to be seized. Once again Polish Jewry had recourse to Hoga, and he came to their rescue without hesitation. Tugenhold and Abraham Stern, members of the Jewish advisory committee, published brochures exposing Chiarini's ignorance of the Talmud and Rabbinical litera? ture in general. Chiarini retaliated by publishing a scurrilous pamphlet in French entitled, Theory of Judaism, that aroused fears of the revival of the dreaded Blood Accusation. A copy was sent to</page><page sequence="21">STANISLAUS HOG A-APOSTATE AND PENITENT I4I St. Petersburg, and the Tsar rewarded the priest with a gift of money. Jew-hatred was fanned to a flame. Passover 1827 witnessed the arrest of twelve Jews on suspicion of ritual murder. Fortunately letters sent to the press by Tugenhold, Stern and Hoga had the effect of allaying the excitement among the non-Jewish population. In 1830, Hoga published a book of 175 pages concerning the Talmud and an ti-Je wish calumnies. The tide was the Talmudic expression Ta Chaze (Come and See). This work, brightly written, refers to his own conversion. I have not been able to obtain a copy, so can only refer to it from Frank's mention of it. On 28th March, 1830, the Jewish advisory committee petitioned the Commission to restrain Chiarini from publishing a Polish abridgement of his Theory of Judaism, on the ground that it would serve as a direct incitement against Jews. The work was banned by the censor's office, and it never saw the light. Chiarini died on 28th February, 1832. At the Tsar's request his library was acquired by the Warsaw municipality, and an agreement was drawn up, providing for Hoga to use the library and to translate the Talmud into Polish on the same terms as had been agreed with Chiarini. It was soon after the conclusion of this agreement, which would have given Hoga 12,000 Guldens for each tractate, that Hoga, Yitta and the two children disappeared. Hoga was sought high and low. Imperative demands for the first copies of the translation came from St. Petersburg. But the search for Hoga was unavailing, and soon it became the general belief that he had gone abroad so that he could return to Judaism. Frank's account of Hoga does not end with the disappearance from Warsaw. He relates how some years later a Hebrew copy of McCaul's The Old Paths reached the Warsaw censor's office. This work was not approved by Tugenhold, the Jewish censor. In answer to a protest by the Warsaw branch of the London Society for Promot? ing Christianity among the Jews, that a work proving Christianity's superiority over Judaism should be rejected?by a Jew!?Tugenhold declared that he had had to reject the work in the interest of Cathol? icism as against Protestantism. Investigation followed, particularly</page><page sequence="22">I42 STANISLAUS HOG A-APOSTATE AND PENITENT regarding the authorship, as the work bore no author's name. The reply by the Warsaw branch, dated May 1845, stated that the author of The Old Paths was an Irishman, McCaul, and that the Hebrew translation was by Stanislaus Hoga. Frank further states that in his papers Tugenhold tells that Warsaw Jews, returning from America, had informed him that they had seen Hoga in New York, an old man with a long grey beard, selling newspapers in the streets. They spoke to him, and he had told them that now, in poverty, he felt freer and happier than when an apostate enjoying a good salary. In 1850, Tugenhold in a report to the Polish authorities stated that Hoga was living as a Jew in New York and could produce witnesses to this effect. So far Hoga in Poland. It seems characteristic of the man that his life in Poland should break off with the same abruptness as, we have seen, occurred later in England. It will be recalled that I have introduced him already as a man of some forty years of age, when he was established in England as the official Hebrew translator of the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews. Hoga, according to a statement in James Finn's unpublished papers, became acquainted with McCaul in Warsaw, and we may deduce that it was that contact that brought him to England. We also begin to understand some of the spiritual pangs of the man, his feeling of isolation among the other apostates, his yearning for fellowship with his own kin and, above all, his condemnation of child-marriage among East European Jews and the sufferings that it sometimes entailed. Frank in his essay tells us that, when Hoga finally left Poland, Yitta with the two children she had borne him also departed. In Poland it was taken for granted that he had left together with Yitta and the children in order that they might all freely re-enter the Jewish fold. Nevertheless, we find no reference anywhere to the presence of Yitta and the children in England. On the contrary, time and again Hoga bemoans his loneliness. Nowhere is there any men? tion in this country of the family that was presumed to have left Poland with him, except, perhaps, for a statement by S. L. Citron,</page><page sequence="23">STANISLAUS HOG A-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 143 the Yiddish writer, in A weg von Vol\, published in Warsaw, who says on no known authority that one of Hoga's daughters had married an English General in London. We left Hoga in England at the beginning of 1848, after the appearance of the pamphlet The Faithful Missionary. He disappears then as completely as he had done previously in Poland. Jewish writers interested in Hoga solved the problem for themselves by assuming his death in 1850, leaving the place of death open to doubt. This date is given among others by Nahum Sokolow in his History of Zionism and by Frank in his essay. The Jewish Encyclopedia gives no date, while the more recent German Encyclopedia Judaica gives 1850. I am indebted to Dr. Roth for bringing to my notice an interview with Professor D. W. Marks (1811-1909), Minister of the West London Synagogue, in the Jewish Chronicle of nth January, 1907. It provides an explanation of the original source of the date given for Hoga's death. Professor Marks was over ninety years of age at the time of the interview, had known Hoga personally, and there was only one person alive then, so far as I know, who could have corrected Professor Marks. I refer to Mrs. Finn, the daughter of Dr. McCaul, who was well acquainted with Hoga when he collaborated with her father; but although she added to some of Professor Marks' reminiscences, she gave no indication that there could be any doubt of the fact that Hoga had died in the year generally accepted. I can do no better than reproduce Professor Marks' own recollection of Hoga. After telling of another Jewish apostate, the Christian Minister the Rev. Henry Joseph, who had begged him to secure him Jewish burial, Professor Marks goes on : The other apostate was a still more remarkable man. About the year 1844 there came to London one of the greatest Hebrew scholars in Europe, Stanislaus Hoga. In Russia he had been appointed by the Government censor of the Hebrew Press, and on his arrival in London he had been taken hold of by McCaul and converted to Christianity. It was he who co-operated with McCaul in writing The Old Paths and translating the work into English. He edited a missionary organ called The Faithful Missionary, and he rendered into Hebrew the</page><page sequence="24">144 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT English Church service and Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress. The London Conversionist Society paid him a salary of ^600 a year. Professor Theodores had introduced him to me, and from time to time he called on me. On the day before Passover, in the year 1848, he came to me, and begged that he might be allowed to come to the Seder. He added, " I can bear my hypocrisy no longer, and hence? forth I shall live as I was born, a Jew." " But what will you do for a living? " I asked. " I shall starve," he said, " and that shall be my atonement." I told Sir Francis Goldsmid, who had been a student of Hoga's works. Sir Francis offered to support him, but he refused all help. Towards the end of 1849 I heard that Hoga was very ill and lodging in a miserable place at the back of the Middlesex Hospital. I went to see him. It was a bitter winter's night. He lay in a garret on a truck bed. I shivered with cold, and offered him money to pur? chase fuel. He refused to be warmed. Mrs. Marks sent him food and various comforts, but they were all returned. And so the wretched man died. Let us hope he atoned for his apostasy. This interview evoked a reply in the following number of the Jewish Chronicle from Mrs. Finn. She wrote : Sir,?The reminiscences of the venerable Professor Marks, given in your issue of the nth, have interested me exceedingly, and you will, I feel sure, allow me to make a few remarks upon points within my personal knowledge as to my late father, the Rev. Dr. Alexander McCaul, and Mr. Stanislaus Hoga, whom I knew well. When Mr. Hoga came to England from Warsaw, he informed us that he had been baptised in the Roman Catholic Church in Poland, and he cer? tainly had not received any religious instruction from my father. He received no salary from any Christian mission, his income being derived from a very different source. He translated Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, but neither he nor anyone else assisted my father in writing The Old Paths. I was almost always in the room with my father while he was at work on each weekly number, and have a vivid recollection of him with his huge Hebrew volumes around him. Mr. Hoga afterwards translated The Old Paths into Hebrew. . . . Mr. Hoga pursued various scientific studies, and I well remember his exhibiting his invention for signalling at night by means of coloured lenses. It will be seen that the letter contains two striking points: firstly, the denial that Hoga had taken any part in the original of The Old Paths, although the contrary belief was widely held; secondly, that</page><page sequence="25">STANISLAUS HOG A-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 145 Hoga had received no payment for his services although there was every indication at the time that return to Judaism would be fraught for him with penury. Moreover, it is contradicted by the published lists and reports of the Missionary Society, which describe Hoga as official translator, although the Society would certainly have been happy to exhibit the phenomenon of a converted Jew doing such work in an honorary capacity. In actuality, however, it is the most trivial of Mrs. Finn's recol? lections in her letter which turns out to be the most valuable. I refer to her mention of Hoga's scientific interests, probably in the nature of a hobby, during his period of office as translator. While piecing together these references in the Jewish Chronicle, I looked for confirmation for the date given for Hoga's death. The records at Somerset House, however, yielded no result for the years 1848 to 1852. I was faced with the alternative of concluding either that Professor Marks' memory was at fault or that we were once again confronted with a disappearance on the part of Hoga, and the assumption of some new shape or office elsewhere. I went back on Hoga's life and the various known details in order to see what new fact or new interest could be drawn from them. There were two facts that seemed to have some inter-connection: the mention by Mrs. Finn, both in her letter and in her Reminiscences quoted earlier in this Paper of Hoga's scientific interests; and a mention by Frank in his essay that Nahum Sokolow had related to him that Slonimski, editor of the Hebrew Hatzefira, himself an inventor of some note, had met Hoga in London about 1845. This Slonimski was the son-in-law of Abraham Jacob Stern, the renowned mathematician and inventor, with whom Hoga must have been closely acquainted in Warsaw, where they were both Hebrew censors at the same time. It occurred to me that our Stanis? laus Hoga may have been pursuing, parallel with his literary activities, scientific interests which may have left some record where one would not, in the ordinary course, look for him. With but little hope of finding anything I decided to make a search at the Patent Office, the Mecca to which most inventors K</page><page sequence="26">I46 STANISLAUS HOG A-APOSTATE AND PENITENT eventually direct their footsteps. In the index of patentees for the year 1858, eight years after his supposed death, I found, to my utter astonishment and gratification, applications for three separate patents in the name of 44 Stanislaus Hoga, gentleman ". For the preceding years, 1852 and 1857, there were five applications. The patents, some of which proceeded to completion, while others did not go beyond the initial application, related to such diverse matters as " Coating the surfaces of the cells of galvanic batteries ", " Apparatus for generating electricity and transmitting current from place to place ", 44 Electric telegraphs and 4 4 Improvements in separating gold from ore ". Two of these patents, those dealing with electric telegraphs, were applied for in conjunction with a Mr. Septimus Beardmore and a Mr. William Peter Piggott. Here was proof, indeed, that 1848 had marked, not Hoga's death, but a further dis? appearance. He emerges, no longer as a literary man or master of polemic, but as a full-fledged inventor complete with patents and partners. The year 1858 was the last year in which the Patent Office records provide any mention of Hoga. He had either given up his scientific pursuits or had died about that time. I again consulted the register of deaths at Somerset House, and this time found that the death of Stanislaus Hoga was registered as on 21st January, i860, in his seventieth year. A copy of the death certificate, which I obtained, adds the following details : He died at 98, Charlotte Street, London, of low fever. The person present at his death is named as Mary Currie, probably a landlady or neighbour. His status is given as 44 Polish Refugee ". He died alone, away from his family and people. Owing to the inaccessibility, at the present time, of the Jewish burial records of the period, I have not been able to discover where Hoga was buried, or if, indeed, he received Jewish burial. The Chief Clerk of St. Pancras, the borough in which he died, was good enough to make search of the St. Pancras Cemetery registers, and reports that there is no record of his burial there. Nor is there any will in his name at the Probate Registry although he held patents which he may have regarded as valuable.</page><page sequence="27">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 147 Such is the story of the pilgrimage of the man known variously throughout the stages of his life's journey as Yecheskel Aryeh, as Chaskel Meshumad, and as Stanislaus Hoga. His was a journey of escape from life: out of Chassidism to the allure of enlighten? ment, thence to refuge in apostasy, only to seek peace of soul in repentance and the Judaism that he must have loved all along. Professor Marks tells us that Hoga was resolved to bear the burden of poverty and loneliness as a penance for the evil he had done and the souls in Israel whom he had helped, by his writings, to mislead. It may well be that the last eight years of his life were a self-imposed separation in which he shrank from facing either the world that he had given up or the world to which he had returned. There were no more escapes left for him, and so he passed out for the last time in the study of science, filling his active brain with dreams and marvels.</page><page sequence="28">I48 STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Modlitwy Izrealitow Nauki religij dla mlodziezy Izrealitow, najwazneijsze ustawy ceremonialne, Warszawie, 1822. 2. Kfi Tochazy, czyli rozprawa o Zydach w. Warszawie, 1830. 3. Songs of Zion, London, 1834; London, 1842 (enlarged edidon). 4. Messiah : a Sacred Ecologue, by Alexander Pope. D^inn JWff rvtpon London, 1838. 5. NiJKtann nst&amp;&gt;, a Grammar of the English Language for the Use of Hebrews, London, A. Macintosh, 1840. 6. Angel of the Covenant, by A. McCaul, translated into Hebrew by S. H., London, 1845. 7. McCauPs The Old Paths, translated into Hebrew, London, 1845. 8. The Controversy of Zion \ a Mediation on Judaism and Christianity, 2nd edition, enlarged, London, B. Wertheim, 1845. 9. ]?kj . The Faithful Missionary; a Monthly Periodical Illustrating the Value of Judaism, December 1847, London, H. Brittain, price 1/-. 10. Pilgrim's Progress, mis nu^n nsa, translated into Hebrew, London, 2 vols., 1844. 11. Eldad and Me dad. Hoga was the chief assistant in the 1838 translation of the New Testament into Hebrew, a work that has not been superseded. He also assisted in the translation of the Anglican Prayer-book into Hebrew. Letters, Etc. Jewish Chronicle, Vol. Ill, No. 12, 19th March, 1847. Full-page letter on the word " Elohim Jewish Chronicle, Vol. Ill, Nos. 17-18, 28th May to nth June, 1847. Lengthy article on " Jewish Belief in God and Exposition of the * Angel' of Scripture Jewish Chronicle, Vol. Ill, Nos. 25?27, 20th August to 17th September, 1847. " Jewish Emancipation and the Conversion Society ". Jewish Chronicle, Vol. IV, No. 6, 12th November, 1847. " The Fortieth Psalm ", also " Moses and Plato</page><page sequence="29">STANISLAUS HOGA-APOSTATE AND PENITENT 149 LIST OF PATENTS Name of Patentee No. of Patent Date Subject-Matter Hoga, Stanislaus &gt;? &gt;* Hoga, Stanislaus William Peter Piggott and Septimus Beardmore Hoga, Stanislaus, W. P. Piggott and Septimus Beardmore 490 679 2787 387 22nd Oct., 1852 8th Nov., 1852 1547 June 1857 2346 9th Sept., 1857 3rd Nov., 1857 27th Feb., 1858 2013 6th Sept., 1858 Separating gold from ore Instrument for ascertain? ing the existence of gold in the earth Coating the surfaces of the cell of galvanic bat? teries and also the sur? faces of crucibles Apparatus for generating electricity and for trans? mitting currents from place to place Electric Telegraphs Applying power in loco? motion by which a given force may in its effect of overcoming resistance be increased and multiplied Submarine Electric Tele? graphs 2580 17th Nov., 1858 Electric Telegraphs</page></plain_text>