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Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890

Raphael Loewe

<plain_text><page sequence="1">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 First Reader in Talmudic and Rabbinic Literature at Cambridge RAPHAEL LOEWE, M.C., M.A. The purpose of this article is to record the story of a figure of some importance to Hebrew studies in nineteenth-century England who also played a role in the wings, rather than the centre, of the Anglo-Jewish stage, before historians lose the last echoes of personal reminiscence and are left with the bare docu? ments. Of persons who were in immediate touch with him it is improbable that any now survive; indeed, there are but few left who were in close touch with those who had known him intimately, for it is, at the time of writing, 72 years from the date of his death. But the leading figures of Cambridge Orientalism in the first third of the present century included a number of distinguished scholars who had been Schiller-Szinessy's pupils, and it was my privilege as an undergraduate (and earlier) to find myself in contact with some of them. When they could be prompted into reminis? cence, they impressed me with the respect and obvious affection in which they held him. The occasion, however, for this biographical sketch was provided by the circumstance that a number of Schiller-Szinessy's personal docu? ments came into my late father's hands in about 1939; he was unable to examine them himself, but while awaiting call-up to the Forces in 1940 I did so, and was able to draw on his knowledge of events (he had not himself known Schiller-Szinessy personally). The papers were then roughly classified, but it is only recently that I have been able to return to them. The present article is the outcome of their renewed study. The documents themselves are calendared in Appendix II (pp. 166f), and are now deposited in the Mocatta Library at University College, London. Solomon Marcus1 Schiller was born on 23 December2 1820 in a house known as the Alte Brauhaus, i.e., the Old Brewery, on the site of the mud palace of Arpad, the founder of the Magyar dynasty in the ninth century, in Altofen (now Budapest), as the son of Me'ir or Marcus Schiller,3 a merchant4 and a member of the Rabbinical council,5 who was, it would seem, a Rabbi of the old school, and his second6 wife Theresa (Teltse) Antonia B?k7?a patronymic allegedly formed from the initials of the words DWTj? and implying, apparently, descent from a martyr; she was a member of the well-known family of printers in Italy and Prague.9 At the tender age of six he was, it seems, sent to live with Rabbi Aaron Kornfeld, of Golcs Jenikau, although his daughter's tradition10 that he used to rise to study with the Rabbi at 4 a.m. refers, we may hope, to a later stage in his education. During the plague of 1831 he was, he later claimed, the only child in the Old Brewery quarter of Buda to have escaped cholera as well as con? tinuing to eat the ripe plums which were held to be part cause of the disease;11 and he claimed in later life that by this time he already knew the Hebrew Bible by heart.12 He also studied with an elder brother, Moses Isaac Gershon, but the latter died, newly wed, in his 22nd year, when Solomon was in his 14th.13 He was at the time attending the Jewish school in Altofen, the curriculum of which (naturally, in Hungary) included Latin?a school report dated Septem? ber 1832 survives14?his vacations being spent in intensive Hebrew study at the house of R. Ephraim of V?r?svar.15 In 1836 he was studying with R. Ezekiel of Neutra,16 reading the sub-Talmudic tractates with him twice weekly, and in 1837-1838 he was with the Talmudist Baer b. Isaac Oppenheimer, a connection of his mother's, in Pressburg.17 He had, apparently, already evinced a scholarly bent and a vocation to combine the Rabbinate with a modern European education, but seems to have met with little encouragement in this respect from his father; so that when he left 148</page><page sequence="2">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 149 home at the age of 15 to prosecute his education he went practically penniless.18 For five years of his student life he was supported by the Archbishop of Erlau.19 After passing through the Royal Gymnasium at Gyongyos,20 near Budapest, and visiting Kornfeld for his vacations,21 he entered the Lutheran College at Eperies in Upper Hungary (now Presov, Czechoslovakia). The College was an institution of long standing and high academic reputation. At the end of his life Schiller-Szinessy still retained sufficient affection for the place to organise a public appeal when the town was devastated by fire in 1887 (for which he elicited substantial response in academic and wider English circles);22 he then described the College as being Virtually a University, and ... in two out of its three Faculties, Law and Philosophy, its teaching has always been superior to that of the Royal Universities of Hungary and her dependencies. This institution has been for more than two hundred years the mightiest engine for civilising the East of Europe . . ,523 (allowance must, perhaps, be made for a commendable pietas). There is a record of his successful examination in philosophy and mathematics in December 1843.24 He seems also to have attended some lectures at Budapest, for he writes of Reisinger, Wolfstein, and Verney as his teachers there.25 For his doctorate, however, he proceeded to Jena, where he attended lectures of Karl August von Hase,26 the Protestant theologian and Church historian who was seeking a synthesis of historical Christianity and modern thought. He proceeded Ph.D., in mathematics and philosophy, in 1845.27 The seal had meanwhile been likewise set upon his Jewish education28 when, in 1843, he had spent three weeks in intensive study with Aaron Chorin,29 of Arad, and received from his hand Rabbinical semikhah (or, more accurately, the equivalent 'attereth bahurim, since he was still a bachelor.) He subsequently obtained endorse? ments (as was the common custom) to the licentia docendi that he had received from Chorin, from L?b Schwab of Budapest,30 R. Phineas Cohen 'the Cabbalist' of Telek31 (in 1847), and R. Me'ir Zipser, of Stuhlweissen berg.32 Of these, Schwab and Zipser were both men who had acquired a Western education and maintained a benign attitude towards it within a Jewish milieu. Zipser met with opposi? tion within his own community in regard to the halakhic propriety of a divorce issued by him, but was not otherwise credited with any Reformist sympathies. Schwab was a con? servative who, though he conceded minimal reforms in ritual in order to retain the in? telligentsia within Judaism, was himself to be instrumental in securing the dissolution of the Reform Association of Budapest. Chorin, though hardly a doctrinaire Reformer of the German type, was substantially to the left of the other two in regard to matters of minhag and the relaxation of such sabbatical prohibitions as travel; and in 1844 he wrote, from his death-bed, his endorsement of the sentiments of the recently held Brunswick Conference of Reform Rabbis. In view of the attitude that Schiller was shortly to evince towards the Reform movement in Judaism, the sympathies and antipathies towards it of those who con? ferred or endorsed his own Rabbinical ordina? tion is of some significance. It may be remarked that there is no evidence to suggest that had Schiller addressed himself instead to right-wing Rabbis, they might have withheld their appro? bation on grounds of any deficiency in scholar? ship, practical observance, or of halakhic radicalism. That he chose not to do so was probably because he surmised, not without reason, that they might regard his Western academic credentials as in themselves compro? mising his Jewish integrity. During his student days at Eperies Schiller had created something of an impression by sermons delivered before the small local Jewish community.33 He must have found the place congenial, for after completing his doctorate he returned there to take spiritual charge of the congregation, which was then in process of organising itself on a formal basis.33 He also acted as a kind of notary (Translator in Hebraicis) for the municipal authority in connection with Jewish documents,34 and received recognition from his old college first as Privatdozent and later (perhaps) officially as professor publicus extraordinarius in Hebrew Language and Anti? quities.35 The appointment of a Jew to the</page><page sequence="3">150 Raphael Loewe staff of the Evangelical College was, at the time, an unheard-of event,33 and Schiller (who, of course, lectured in Latin)36 discharged his academic duties to the eminent satisfaction of the Rector and his colleagues35 and earned himself from his students the soubriquet of 'Dr etcetera'.21 Within the Jewish community of Eperies his preaching and educational under? takings elicited an enthusiastic response from the majority, even though muttered charges of heresy were evoked from the old guard.33 The extent of his innovation seems to have been limited to elaborate 'Confirmation' ceremonials ?presumably girls as well as boys being thus dignified.38 The career of Schiller's older contemporary Leopold Low indicates that a Rabbi of scholarly interests and modernist outlook, combined with staunch observance of halakhic practice, could find the atmosphere of Hungarian Jewry tolerable; and in so far as party labels are of any relevance, there survives evidence to show that, at this period at least, no aspersions on Schiller's 'orthodoxy' could possibly have been substantiated. In June 1844 there had assembled at Bruns? wick an exploratory conference,39 convened by Ludwig Philippson, of upwards of twenty Rabbis of Reformist leanings, with the object of 'considering the ways and means for the preservation of Judaism, and the awakening of the religious spirit'. The commission which it appointed to inquire into various matters of moment, such as the extent to which Hebrew ought to be retained in the synagogue service, reported at the next conference, held in Frank? fort in July 1845. The resolutions of that con? ference in favour of the retention, but restric? tion to but a token vestige, of Hebrew as a synagogal language, on the permissibility of organ music on the Sabbath, and the canonicity of modern bathing establishments in regard to ritual ablutions,40 constituted it a watershed in the history of Judaism and consequently a landmark in the history of Reform. When the proceedings of the conference became public knowledge, Schiller seems to have been stung into immediate counter-offensive, for a pamphlet (in two parts)41 by him, which constitutes almost the earliest surviving example of his published writing, reached its second edition bearing on its title-page the date 1845. The first part, at the least, seems to have been written at white heat?as an introductory note to the reader all but confesses.42 In it he sets forth to show that the whole tendency of the conference was a destructive one, its orienta? tion false, its sentiments petty, and its whole spirit permeated by a bickering disputatious ness.43 The language which he sees fit to employ is sarcastic to the point of abusiveness?he does not hesitate to dub the members of the con? ference 'rabbis in miniature and pocket-sized preachers',44 and insinuates their utter in? competence to pronounce upon the issues which they have had the impertinence to raise. The intemperateness of Schiller's opposition is of the greater significance in that he can hardly have been unaware of the circumstance that, as stated above, his own teacher Aaron Chorin had indicated his adherence to the Reform pro? posals that had been adumbrated the previous year at Brunswick. Perhaps he felt able to dis? count Chorin's endorsement inasmuch as it had been the gesture of a dying man from his sick? bed, or convinced himself that the Frankfort resolutions had gone beyond anything to which Chorin would have been prepared to put his name. At any rate, when nearly forty years later Schiller-Szinessy was recording in print his tribute to his teachers?at a time when his own views had modified but little (as will transpire below), in spite of his having exercised eccle? siastical authority over a Reform congregation ?he wrote of Chorin's learning, strict obser? vance, and self-discipline in terms of the highest respect, pointedly concluding with the quota? tion of Psalm xxxi, 19(18), Let the lying lips be put to silence, which speak arrogance proudly and contemptuously against the righteous.45 The second part of the pamphlet, which appeared separately with a dedication by Schiller to his parents on his twenty-fifth birthday, is certainly more restrained in tone. In it he shows himself not oblivious of the problems, abuses, and condition of Jewish religious apathy to which the conference of Reformers had addressed itself, but he still expresses trenchant criticism equally of their methods and of their self-assurance, emphasising that they are out of touch with both the sources</page><page sequence="4">PLATE XIII OW irrm r* ithcw crw vty p ?opj m oner? emn tna rn noa i"*Qrr ^y.noi t-ntaVjaio ktqi .vcra m? bwkfi n^Srum V'? on apir utkj h&lt;r?un ?I 3 naw Sy orw t-^Vi aron1? uro O'tm nVm Dar? i*a yap ru? Vi1? ?rm1? t p*lS UTRQMH * l'OT m pnj1?ITH 1*3? Wim unjrm nVnj nVwoo rm p-wVa oru refron nnVvon rrenn AI fr? Title-page of Urim Vetumim, by Uri Feibush, London, 1706 [Seep. 138ff.</page><page sequence="5">PLATE XIV 31 nvvn * oauwai Vnaj iwvrow Va -pui1? p"p na f?K *?3? ? 0?dW? wj HD -ok1? Vro t?a pprui : o,jw*n'7 p-or ? rwp KTirr ?13 mia tu 77J '77?J *pf&gt; 'CD? '3)PJ P31DPI P&gt;ipGP 0'7p' 0'737 ritf &lt;pj 7W&gt;| "EVP W 13 37 ?BW&gt; ?f Ijpi Ol "3&gt;?p' p it? ? p53 O^OT? ? rnp Pi? o*:jpj? 037p canpi o'ptm o*7)7P PPI? '7CII7 '7"PI ' P7PDpJ t?J P?-&gt; ?Jr? 7DP ? P7PP -&gt;sdJ P?" '"15 0)57$ P'3?? rvaa ? min Var Smx asn? ? w^rra pnr ilina rnaw rrnnn pma nVwrn tsai pcpn ?3112 pax na n".i pai? orrn Tpio fimar?DDii?oi oSsnon oannp ?ja?? ?3i n?d p"pa rr ?.jnaan : JISW? P?7i diop'ptP 0- DPP ix? 3BP 7;kl? PJ'7W |7J&gt;$ p"p3 P"pi 775 Title-page of Maaseh Rav, by Rabbi Johanan ben Isaac Holleschau, London ' [See p. 138ff.</page><page sequence="6">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 151 of Jewish theological thinking and the reservoirs of contemporary Jewish piety. He concludes with a Hebrew poetical prayer,46 which it is possible to construe as an aspiration on Schiller's own part that he might himself afford a rallying-point on whom the Reformers might close, and so, by means of a disciplined and re invigorated approach to the classical products of Jewish thought, find their way back to the main body of traditional Jewry. One may doubt, in the light of his subsequent career, whether (for all his unquestioned personal courage) he possessed the qualities of leadership to achieve any such result; and even if such was indeed the career for which he was grooming himself, events superseded which were to reshape it entirely. The year 1848 was an ominous one. Hun? garian nationalist sentiment had for some time past been fanned by the fiery oratory of Lajos Kossuth; and when the news of the Paris revolution and the fall of Louis Philippe reached Budapest on March 3, Kossuth came out with a demand for Parliamentary govern? ment for Hungary.47 Ten days later Metternich was overthrown in Vienna, and Battyany, who formed the new Ministry, had to take Kossuth into the Government, but he sought to in? hibit his talent for winning personal popularity by putting him into the Ministry of Finance. Kossuth exploited his opportunities for foster? ing Hungarian separatist aspirations by issuing a special Hungarian coinage (a gesture which, in a Jewish context, must inevitably recall Bar Gochba's), on the paper currency of which Kossuth's name was the most prominent feature. The rest of the story need but be summarised. Fighting broke out and Kossuth, himself with? out military experience or genius, retained supreme control. After initial Hungarian successes in the field he issued, on March 19 1849, the Hungarian Declaration of Independ? ence, in which he was himself named as the 'responsible governor president'; but in August of that year the South Hungarian army was defeated at Temesv?r, Kossuth handed over his powers to G?rgei, a soldier, and a surrender was negotiated. Although at the beginning of the uprising the Jews had been attacked by the populace in L several places, they rallied in considerable, perhaps in some areas in disproportionate, numbers to the Hungarian nationalist cause.48 The execution in Vienna of Hermann Jellinek,49 a political journalist and the brother of the well-known Austrian Jewish preacher, caused a considerable stir, not only in Jewish circles. At any rate, the Austrian authorities subsequently regarded Jewish participation in the revolution as having been significant enough to merit exemplary financial reprisals, and the indemnities imposed upon the local Jewish communities were too severe to be met by funds available in each place. The Govern? ment accordingly pooled the contributions payable by Hungarian Jews, excepting only the communities of Pressburg and Temesvar, which had remained loyal. Eventually, in 1850, the Emperor remitted the war-tax on the Jews in consideration of their undertaking to raise a million gulden as capital to found a school; and the emergent institution for Jewish secondary and higher education in Budapest consequently bears the name of the Franz-Josef Seminar. Schiller was an enthusiast for the cause of Hungarian liberation, and it is stated in the biographical reference-books that on the out? break of the revolution he stumped the country on a recruiting campaign among the Jewish communities, calling on them from the pulpit to rally to the Magyar standard.50 Sermon titles which have been preserved from this period may lend some colour to this51 and to the statement that he published a rendering of the Hungarian patriotic song 'Szozat' into Hebrew.52 As a further mark of his Hungarian patriotism he also Magyarised his German name, which means iridescence, as Szinessy.53 These activities may well have brought him into personal contact with Kossuth, whose friend Schiller-Szinessy was stated in obituary matter to have been. In any case, Kossuth, though Schiller-Szinessy's senior by eighteen years, was, like him, a graduate of the Eperies College,54 and when the revolution broke out many of its professoriate and its student body flocked to his banner.55 It was already 1849 when Schiller-Szinessy joined the colours,56 and his military career, if short-lived, was</page><page sequence="7">152 Raphael Loewe adventurous. In March of that year a series of engagements took place in an area between the Rivers Theiss and Danube, the success of the Hungarians in which forced the Austrians back towards Budapest.57 It was in the course of one of these operations, probably, rather than at Szegedin,58 that Schiller-Szinessy was in? volved in the demolition of a bridge over the Theiss intended to check the Austrian advance, was wounded59, captured by the Austrians under Count Schlick,60 and imprisoned in the fortress of Temesv?r.61 For reasons that are nowhere made clear, he is said to have been con? demned to death,62 but in spite of his wound he succeeded in escaping the night before his in? tended execution,63 no doubt aided by Galician Jews who formed his guards.64 Having made his way to Trieste, he embarked on a Scottish boat65 bound for Ireland. During the voyage, on which he subsisted entirely off boiled potatoes and butter,66 the ship's doctor removed his bullets; and after sixty days' sailing they berthed at Cork. He had intended to sail in the Royal Adelaide, bound for London, with the intention of arriving there in time for Passover, but was dissuaded by advice that she might not make port. (The Adelaide did, in point of fact, go down off the coast of Kent with the loss of all aboard her?about 400 lives?circa 11 p.m. on 1 April 1850.) Instead, he made his way to Dublin, where he preached (presumably in Yiddish or German) and was presented by the Jewish community with a gold watch as a token of appreciation,67 and so to England. Arrived in this country, he resided for a time at the improbable-sounding address of Stoke Poges, near Slough, learning English from two retired governesses who chose as their text Agnes Strickland's Lives of the Queens of England.68 He soon, however, moved to Manchester, where he set up as a freelance scholar in Cheetham Hill, offering to 'give instruction in the Hebrew language, Biblical and Rabbinical Literature, and History'.69 He must have acquired great fluency in English surprisingly quickly, for on Sabbath Nahamu, 1850, he preached a sermon which, printed in extenso in the Jewish Chronicle,10 occupies nearly six columns of print. As a sustained piece of Victorian pulpit oratory it is a remarkable achievement for one who, though doubtless assisted with the English, but a few months previous will have been unacquainted with a word of the language. On the ensuing New Year, he was preaching at Birmingham,71 his sermon having been translated for him, and on the Day of Atonement and on Tabernacles he was again preaching at Manchester. The press report72 of the great stir created by these addresses is borne out by the glowing terms of a letter of thanks from the Wardens of the Old Hebrew Congregation,73 who allude to his having opened 'the Eyes &amp; Hearts of our Coreligionists... to the necessity of Oral instruction', and look forward to the implemen? tation of the programme that he had outlined for them. It is clear that the possibility of his taking spiritual charge of the Congregation had been mooted, and on January 18 next, 1851 (Sabbath Beshallah), Schiller-Szinessy was formally inducted as Minister.74 The special prayer for the occasion expressed the hope that 'this Congregation?the Congregation of Jacob ?may, under his banner, become indeed a Congregation of the Lord;?observers of thy Religion and of thy Law'. As in his former rabbinate at Eperies, he at once made the improvement of the religious education of the children a major preoccupation; and his endeavours found sufficient favour from his flock to elicit from a Ladies' Committee, within a year, a presentation in the form of an address and a needlework purse, embroidered by two of the ladies and containing fifty-five sovereigns.7 5 He had held his new cure of souls for less than a year when on 10 October 1851 Queen Victoria visited Manchester. Schiller Szinessy's sermon,76 delivered at the end of the day of her visit (it being the eve of Tabernacles), is in its printed form entitled The feelings of the Israelite on beholding his sovereign, and is evocative of Tennyson's poem To the Queen written two years later: 'In the course of centuries [he said] many women have sat on various thrones in Europe ... There have been an Elizabeth, a Catharine, a Maria Theresa, and others; but the first was not a wife, the second was neither a</page><page sequence="8">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 153 good wife nor a good mother, and the third was not a loyal patriot; the first stifled the feelings of the heart, the second those of virtue, and the third those of the country; but as wife, mother, and patriot at once, there has existed and does exist but one Queen? Victoria!' A month later Manchester was the scene of another visit, this time from Schiller-Szinessy's erstwhile revolutionary leader Kossuth, who was by now in exile. Although the city fathers denied him any civic cognisance of his presence in their midst, he was accorded a reception of remarkable enthusiasm, and Schiller-Szinessy formed one of the party that welcomed him on arrival at the railway station.77 It was doubt? less the close succession of this visit on the royal one that prompted Schiller-Szinessy to append to his printed version of the sermon just cited a 'Dedication to Lewis Kossuth (late Governor of the Hungarian Empire)'. In it he sets himself to justify his combination of British with Hungarian patriotism (he was not, in fact, to become a naturalised British subject until three years later),78 and emphasises that for all their determined opposition to the Hapsburg regime in Hungary, 'we' had no objections to monarchy per se as a form of government?herein echoing sentiments to which Kossuth had given voice in London a week earlier, when in a speech at Copenhagen Fields he had expressed his own respect for the constitutional monarchy of England and for the Queen.79 Schiller-Szinessy had preached, a few weeks previous, in Liverpool, on the occasion of the reopening of the Hardman Street Synagogue. In his remarks80 he was circumspect in the use that he made of the dangerous word reform, calling upon the Congregation to reform their service 'not in a destructive81 manner, not on the plan of those who remodel things till no part of the original is left. . . reform your Divine service; that is . . . take heed that the life giving word of instruction may never fail here'. In his own parish he was meanwhile carrying out the normal administrative duties of a local Rabbi, including that of the examination of shohetim82 The extent of his innovations seems, as (probably) at Eperies, to have been limited to the confirmation of girls. On the first occasion on Pentecost, 1852, he defended the practice in a sermon entitled Confirmation a genuine Jewish institution,** and at the end of his life, when writing of five such ceremonies conducted by him, he was to express the conviction that 'the orthodox Synagogues of England will introduce it sooner or later with the consent of their Spiritual chiefs'.84 A full description of one such celebration in 1854 was printed by the Hebrew Observer85 The fifteen candidates for confirmation, who had received two years' preliminary instruction from the Rabbi, first received their respective parental blessings while the choir sang a Hebrew poem of Schiller-Szinessy's composition.86 The children thereupon made profession of their faith in the three cardinal principles of the divine unity, revelation, and reward and punishment? principles which were likewise embodied in the foregoing hymn, and which had constituted the three basic ar ticles of Judaism for Joseph Albo in his 'Iqqarim. This was followed by an anti phonal, each candidate reciting the verse selected by him or her as a life's motto and the choice being commended by the Rabbi. The following is a specimen: Master Bennet Oppenheim: I [have selected from Holy Writ, as a watchword for life, the sentiment contained in the] 3 v., xxi, I Book Kings:? 'God forbid that I should give away the inheritance of my fathers'. The Rabbi: A cheering promise, my son, for all connected with thee by nature and religion. Would that every son and daughter in our community formed the same resolve, 'God forbid that I should give away the in? heritance of my fathers.' Never, my son, must thou allow the inheritance of thy fathers, the holy religion of Israel, to be wrested from thy heart, neither by life's bitter trials nor by life's sweet temptations; and God will always be thy heavenly friend and protector, &amp;c. A marked note of tenderness87 in the full length accounts of two of these confirmation ceremonies suggests that Schiller-Szinessy's intense interest in them was in part the outcome</page><page sequence="9">154 Raphael Loewe of a feeling of unfulfilled bachelorhood. His appointment had been as Rabbi of the Old Hebrew Congregation,88 with which a one-time dissident group had reunited89 under the title of the United Hebrew Congrega? tion of Manchester.90 He was, of course, generally accepted as 'Local Rabbi'?a title of which he was himself to make use,91 and later on (though in due course it ceased to correspond to realities) retrospectively to under? line by describing himself as 'formerly Rabbi of the Entire Jewish Community in Man? chester'.92 Indeed, so sensible was he of the advantages (public, no doubt, as well as material to his own interest) of maintaining communal unity, that he apparently even countenanced hankerings after the establish? ment of a Reform synagogue. It seems that he nurtured hopes that such leanings (which perhaps were primarily concerned with the introduction of an organ into synagogal worship, and were of quite long standing in Manchester)93 could be satisfied by the establishment of a branch place of worship, of minimal heterodoxy, alongside the parent body under his own spiritual jurisdiction, and he is alleged actually to have canvassed the member? ship of the United Hebrew Congregation in secret for financial support for 'a place of worship which he contemplated establishing', thereby inviting the criticism that he was 'underminfing] the foundations of our Con? gregation by sowing the seeds of dissension'.94 His judgment was clearly at fault?clouded, perhaps, by the recollection that his own teacher, Aaron Chorin, had approved the introduction of an organ95?but it is im? probable that this piece of business by itself would have embroiled him with his congrega? tion. It is, moreover, a likely possibility that Reformists in Manchester, led by Tobias Theodores96 (himself a loyal supporter of Schiller-Szinessy rather than his manipulator), and encouraged by the viability of the Reform Congregation in Margaret Street, London, would sooner or later have seceded from the main community. The statement by historians97 that Schiller-Szinessy's activities were in part responsible for the schism needs the qualification that his own parting of company with the parent congregation was occasioned not by theological or ritual considerations so much as by a piece of inept indulgence on his part in ecclesiastical politics to which we shall revert below. We must first, however, take a closer look at the complexion of the Manchester Reform community, which, on emergence from its chrysalis stage in 1856-1857 as the Manchester Congregation of British Jews, carried Schiller Szinessy with it as its own Rabbi. The founda? tion-stone of their new synagogue in Park Place98 was laid in March, 1857, and in his sermon on the occasion99 Schiller-Szinessy was at pains to remind his flock as much of their common ground with the parent community as of their justification in leaving it: 'For unless [he said] you keep this [sc. the historical significance and purpose of the Synagogue] steadily before your eyes, what can compensate you for having severed your? selves from your brethren, with whom you have the same truths, the same vocation, the same trusts, the same hopes in common? What will compensate you for having dis? connected ties which had become dear to you, what but the consciousness that by changing the form you have not changed the spirit of the universal synagogue, but that you have rather strengthened it, and that you have thereby saved Judaism for your? selves and your children, and yourselves and your children for Judaism? Having found that in the old congregation the spirit was made subordinate to the letter, that religious progress was negatived by mundane con? servatism, it became your sacred duty to dis? regard holy and dear ties for still holier and dearer ones, the ties between yourselves and your religion, you were impelled to the establishment of a new congregation . .. let, therefore, the new synagogue be the palla? dium of religious progress, not merely in theory but also in practice . . . The same point was emphasised by him in the sermon preached a year later at the opening of the synagogue,100 in which he stressed the inherent orthodoxy of the changes in refusing to agree to which the parent synagogue had</page><page sequence="10">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 155 compelled the dissidents to fend for themselves. No abolitions of any real halakhic substance had been contemplated?even observance of the second days of Festivals had been retained (a discrepancy with London Reform practice that had earned the Mancunians a polite rebuff from the West London Synagogue at their first attempt to affiliate).101 All that had been done was to 'la[y] down the general principle that we would return to biblical truth, and that we would admit only such post-biblical usages in our synagogue teachings and in our domestic practices, as are not contradictory to the law of the Bible. . . . Was not this the ideal of many of the greatest and most pious teachers of the Talmud?' As regards synagogal ritual, recitation of the piyyutim had been abolished (a move that was to be sanctioned somewhat later for the general Ashkenazi community by Chief Rabbi Nathan Adler) and their place taken by a more elaborate use of the Psalter; Marks's London Reform prayer-book of 1841 had been adopted; and an undertaking entered into by the Rabbi 'to preach the Word of God in the vernacular on every Sabbath, Festival and solemn occasion'. This sermon had been preceded by a flysheet,102 circulated to his congregants, which in view of its rarity and its importance for the history of the Manchester Congregation of British Jews is reprinted below (Appendix I). This refers, in addition to the details cited from the sermon, to the institution of an English form of Service for the Memorial for the Departed, and to the confirmation of children of both sexes. Although the flysheet is clearly apologetic, it apprises us of two salient facts. First, that though Schiller-Szinessy may (as he admits) have been injudicious103 in his choice of means to promote his ideas in the parent congregation, he had been misrepre? sented by mischief-makers?to the traditionalists as being a radical reformer, and to the would-be modernisers as being a violent reactionary. Secondly, that it was the leading lights of the new Reform Congregation who had them? selves been instrumental in securing his original appointment in 1851 to 'fill the Rabbinical chair in the then Hebrew Congrega? tion of Manchester.104 This circumstance strengthens the impression that the emergence of an independent Reform synagogue was in? evitable, and that Schiller-Szinessy set himself to retain it within as conservative a pattern as possible, at all events as far as concerned such halakhic considerations as marriage regulations the disregard of which would involve grave communal disruption. It is probable that his confirmation of girls did alienate the diehards in the parent congregation, and perhaps such disaffection as may have been found among the less doughty membership may have owed some? thing to a sentimental (rather than validly orthodox) hankering after the familiar Hebrew memorial service. But it is quite clear that the casus belli which had led to his resigna? tion of the Rabbinate of the United Congrega? tion lay on a different plane. In (or shortly before) 1856 a split had occurr? ed in the Jewish community at Hull.105 A group, dubbed by the Hull leadership as 'foreign' Jews, first formed a 'Psalm Society' (i.e., Hevra tehillim) within the main community and then graduated to independence as the 'Seceders from the Old Congregation', or New Congregation under the leadership of a certain Barnard (or Barnett), an erstwhile shohet in Birmingham who had been dismissed. This group made overtures to Schiller-Szinessy early in February 1856, and then made capital of their success in persuading him to visit Hull to solemnise a marriage on their behalf. There is nothing to suggest that the union concerned was halakhically improper?Schiller-Szinessy would not have been party to anything of the kind?but for some unknown reason it did not comply with the rules current in the Hull congregation, which considered itself under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Adler, Chief Rabbi in London. Having got wind of what the dissidents intended, Bethel Jacobs, the President of the established Hull community, wrote to the officers of the Manchester synagogue, asking them to ascertain Schiller-Szinessy's intentions in the matter and bespeaking their good offices, if needed, to dissuade him from exacer? bating by any interference a breach between the Hull congregation and 'a few discontented persons'. Adler was meanwhile advised by Hull about what was happening. An official letter, couched in courteous and kindly terms, was</page><page sequence="11">156 Raphael Loewe addressed by the Manchester Executive to Schiller-Szinessy, who saw fit to ignore it and to proceed to Hull without informing his Wardens. On arrival, he sent a message to Bethel Jacobs, requesting him to wait upon him to discuss communal matters, since 'certain persons in the town had elected him their Chief Rabbi'. On February 19, after a civil ceremony at the Register Office, Schiller Szinessy solemnised the marriage concerned according to Jewish rites, producing a certifi? cate ('signed by 3 or 4 malcontents') without which he would not have acted, and announc? ing that he would grant his authorisation for marriages at a fee of 10/6, providing that civil marriage had first taken place. The next day Manchester, apprised by Hull of what had occurred, suspended Schiller-Szinessy from the office of Rabbi. Subsequently (30 March) he submitted his resignation, which was accepted; but he was asked to remain as Superintendent of the Jews' School, with full responsibility for religious instruction106 (clear evidence that matters theological and halakhic were not in dispute). The United Congregation was perhaps acting with its tongue to some extent in its cheek, being doubtless not unaware that there was at least an informal understanding that Schiller-Szinessy was to be appointed Rabbi of the emergent Reform Congregation. Schiller Szinessy himself, quite unrepentant, less than three weeks afterwards, required the dissidents at Hull to sign a document in parallel German and English texts acknowledging him as Chief Rabbi of Hull?a title analogous to that assumed by him in Manchester on transference to the Reform Congregation.107 Since, how? ever, the Hull dissenters rejoined the parent community in the following July, his experience of ecclesiastical plurality proved short-lived.108 It had lasted just long enough for his special prayer at a service of thanksgiving on the con? clusion of the Crimean War to have been read on the same day in both Manchester and Hull.109 The whole incident is at once puzzling and revealing. Puzzling, because Schiller-Szinessy was so palpably acting against his own best interests: for had he refrained from flouting the United Manchester Congregation's feelings, there was at the least a reasonable chance of his retaining ecclesiastical rule over that body as well as over the Reform synagogue then emerging from it, to which he seems to have pledged himself. Revealing, inasmuch as it seems possible to distinguish three public and two personal strands from the tangled skein. On the personal side there was, no doubt, the desire of the Hull community's established leadership (in the person of Bethel Jacobs) to assert itself over against the upstart seceders whom, being new immigrants, it chose to label as 'foreigners', 'malcontents', or '3 or 4 of the lowest order of travelling Jews who lived in the town'. On the same level, we must assume some empire-building aspirations on Schiller Szinessy's own part, even though symptoms of ambition are not evident in what else is known of his career. On the public side, Hull acknowledged the moral ascendancy of the Ashkenazi Chief Rabbinate in London, although under no formal obligation to do so; and, whereas Manchester had preferred to maintain its ecclesiastical independence, it was rightly sensitive about allowing itself to be construed to have challenged Adler's ever widening prestige as Chief Rabbi in England by, so to speak, leaving its money on Schiller Szinessy once he had been warned off the course. It was Adler's deliberate policy to con? centrate as far as possible all Rabbinical authority throughout the country in his own hands, and he may not have been flattered that it was to Schiller-Szinessy rather than to him? self that the Liverpool community had turned for the rededication of their synagogue in 1851.110 Adler and he were perhaps not on terms, for although he could, at the end of his life, write that 'Dr. Adler is not the man to run people down at random',111 I am the recipient of a tradition that he sardonically interpreted Job xxviii, 21, where Wisdom is said to be hid from the eyes of all living, and kept close from Hhe fowls of the air\ as alluding in un? mistakable terms to the King of the Birds (Adler).112 The third public consideration again concerns Schiller-Szinessy personally. It seems to me not unlikely that in responding to the overtures made to him by the Hull dissidents, he had convinced himself that he was</page><page sequence="12">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 157 championing the immigrant underdogs, who, he may well have thought, were not getting a fair deal from their fellow-Jews of but slightly longer English standing in the Establishment at Hull. Such egalitarianism would be in charac? ter in one who had espoused Kossuth's brand of liberalism; and it would chime in with sentiments expressed by him twenty-six years later, when before an English audience he characterised the Jews of Russia (and Eastern Europe generally) as 'frugal, industrious, moral, religious, charitable, affectionate, faithful to their sovereign, and much attached to their father-land; in a word, that they practise all the virtues, which only the very exalted portion of Society is supposed to practise'.113 It of course goes without saying that if championship of what he considered the oppressed classes was indeed Schiller-Szinessy's motivation in this affair, it may well have obscured any element of personal ambition from his conscious self, while by no means excluding its coincident promptings. His ministry to the Manchester Congregation of British Jews lasted for about four years, since by October 1860 he had resigned?at his own request, as an enthusiastic testimonial from Horatio Micholls, its president, made clear.114 It is appropriate at this point to consider whether in the course of transferring his sympathies to the self-avowed Reformists of Manchester (or allowing himself to be captured by them, as the case may be) he in fact consciously altered his theological or halakhic position. The latter aspect, as affording opportunity for pragmatic tests, is perhaps the more significant. The regime that he established for his new flock was, with the exception of the tolerance of organ music in synagogue, an observant one;115 and if he accepted the London Reform synagogue's prayer-book for his new congregation, he was himself in due course to bring up his family on the traditional one, adopting the Sephardic rite but not the Sephardic pronunciation of Hebrew.116 His standards of personal observance remained, to the end of his days, as rigorous as they had been when he turned vegetarian while escaping from the Austrians.117 A couple of anecdotes make this clear. One relates to an incident in a Jewish eating-house in Paris, where he was observed to refuse a fried sole because of a faint suspicion that it had been cooked in lard, despite the waiter's indignant protestations that oil had been used.118 The other concerns an occasion when he wished on a certain Sabbath to visit the house of a friend in Shelford, some six miles distant from his own home in Cambridge. In order to be able to do so without contravening the regulations relative to the length of a Sabbath-day's journey, he deposited some sandwiches in a tree-trunk on the previous day, thereby establishing for himself an extended 'residence' and bringing Shelford within the permissible radius for a journey on foot.119 As regards theory, it deserves notice that in 1860 he was still using Albo's three principles of unity, revelation, and retribution as a kind of catechism for his confirmands;120 and he may therefore be deemed to have articulated his personal faith on lines postulated by a philoso? pher of Judaism who was not merely broadly speaking acceptable to nineteenth-century traditional Jewry, but whose three principles were actually presented as the summary of Judaism by Nathan Adler in a sermon in 1848, three years after he had come to London as Chief Rabbi.121 That the more detailed picture, however, was less in harmony with what was conventionally regarded as orthodox Jewish thinking is made clear by an exchange of letters between himself and David Woolf Marks, Minister of the London Reform synagogue.122 When the Manchester Reformists' plans were getting under way in 1856 Schiller-Szinessy was encouraged to make contact with Marks and to obtain experience of the minhag of the West London Synagogue, with a view to its adoption in Manchester; and after the London executive had been apprised of the exchange of views and the measure of agree? ment obtaining between them, Schiller Szinessy was invited to preach at Margaret Street, London, on Shemini 'Asereth (Tuesday, 21 October). Marks had written: 'the principle that has invariably guided my Congregation's services, [is] that whilst Rabbinical dicta are to be regarded with great</page><page sequence="13">158 Raphael Loewe consideration, they are not to be placed on a level with the Divine Code of the Bible ... let it not be supposed that it is the intention... to infringe in any way the character of traditionary records. On the contrary, we recognise in them a valuable aid for the elucidation of many passages in Scripture. We feel proud of them as a monument of the zeal and activity of our ancestors . . . but we must. . . deny that the belief in the divisibility of the traditions con? tained in the Mishna and the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmud is of equal obligation to the Israelites with the faith in the divinity of the Law of Moses. We know that these books are human compositions and . . . we cannot unconditionally accept their laws. For Israelites there is one immutable Law . . . commanded by God to be written down for the unerring guidance of his people until the end of time.' To this Schiller-Szinessy had replied: 'Permit me to assure you that your doctrine is nothing more than I have in? variably taught in public and in private. No one, who has made himself acquainted with the writings of the Talmud can fail to enter? tain the highest respect and veneration for such devoted friends to Judaism and I do not think that any of their teachings should be rejected without a patient and critical investigation of their object. But there is a vast difference between appreciating the merit of the Talmudical writings and believ? ing in the inspiration of their contents. If you have by you a copy of my pamphlet, published eleven years ago, you will perceive that it lays down the same doctrine as that contained in the extract of your Margaret Street discourse [transcribed in the foregoing letter], a doctrine from which I have seen no occasion to swerve in mature years. Tn the congregation over which I am appointed to preside, the second days of Festivals will be kept, but such observances can in no manner contravene the principle already admitted inasmuch as they will be observed, not as Mosaic and Biblical ordinance but purely and professedly as ancient institutions with [sic] which many of our members look with a feeling of reverence'. The extraordinary thing about this letter is Schiller-Szinessy's reference to his pamphlet of 1845?i.e., presumably his diatribe against the Frankfort conference of Reform rabbis123, in which he had inveighed with all the emphasis at his command against the impropriety of tampering with Rabbinical interpretation and elaboration of the institutions of Judaism?to the extent, inter alia, of transcribing Mai monides' ordinance that rules against the permissibility of douching instead of immersion for ritual purposes, and of water supplied from a cistern instead of direct from the flowing stream.124 The whole atmosphere of the pamphlet is so utterly at variance with the spirit in which he writes to Marks that his identifica? tion of his standpoint in the two amounts to sheer self-deception. And yet, as we have seen, alongside this eirenic cooperativeness evinced towards the spiritual leader of a congregation that had relinquished any claims to be re? garded as orthodox, he was himself at pains to vindicate the orthodoxy of modifications, etc., introduced125 or sanctioned126 by himself. The truth is, perhaps, that his theological and halakhic views did, in point of fact, shift but little during the course of his life, but that he was forced to a realisation that 'Orthodoxy' was becoming less a one-word symbol of a given 'philosophy' of Judaism than a party-line shibboleth. With the need for the latter he came to learn to dispense?taught, perhaps, by the distance from those centres of intenser Jewish existence in the homeland from which he had fled, as well as by the collapse of his rather absurd coup aimed at establishing for himself a kind of ecclesiastical province north of the Humber. In consequence, though never himself either repudiating or abandoning his own claims to be regarded as orthodox, he came in later life to think of the issue as sufficiently unimportant for him to be able to pass in silence over insinuations of his own heterodoxy; save that he seems occasionally to have replied to them inferentially, by affirming that so classical a figure of the Jewish past as</page><page sequence="14">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 159 Abraham ibn Ezra,127 or a figure so secure in the esteem of the right-wing Jewry of his own day as Z. H. Chajes,128 could not be validly described as orthodox Jews. The account of Schiller-Szinessy's sojourn in Manchester may be rounded off by two less disputatious incidents. He seems to have decided by the early summer of 1860 to retire from his Rabbinical position with the Reform community, for on 20 May he was presented with a silver qiddush-cup by the children of his religion classes.129 He apparently continued to reside in Manchester, where he met the lady who was in 1863 to become his wife. The circumstances of his marriage connect up, quite incidentally, with a piece of routine administration back in the days of his occupa? tion of the rabbinate of the United Manchester Congregation. On 18 October 1854, he had solemnised the marriage of a French Jew to the daughter of one of his congregants.130 Prompted, perhaps, by this occasion, and perhaps already at this stage concerned to avoid dealings with Adler, he must have referred a question regarding the acceptance of some would-be female proselytes to Lazard Isidor, then Grand Rabbin of Paris.131 The reply from Isidor, who was himself an opponent of the Reform movement, is in cordial terms. Writing in Hebrew, he expresses scepticism as to the bona fides of most proselytes, since in his own experience nearly all cases were matrimonially actuated, but nevertheless counsels a liberal policy132 inasmuch as the halakhic consequences of rigour would be even worse than those of lenience; and he under? takes to convert Schiller-Szinessy's candidates after due preparation. Nine years later Schiller Szinessy had occasion to refer to Isidor again. He had met, at the house of a certain Mrs. Jacobs, who was a widow in his congregation,133 a Miss Georgiana Eleanor Herbert, herself accustomed to attend a Unitarian place of worship. (It may be of significance that in 1859 he had devoted two sermons to the harmony and dis-harmony between Judaism and Christi? anity,134 in the first considering Trinitarian Christianity and in the second Unitarianism, the incompatibility of which with Judaism he does not in any way minimise). The two fell in love, and after the lady had received the necessary catechumenical training they visited Paris, where, under the auspices of Isidor and the baptismal name of Sarah, she was converted to Judaism.135 On 19 May 1863 she was married to Schiller-Szinessy in Isidor's drawing room, Isidor's son-in-law and successor Zadoc Kahn being a witness.136 It remained an ideal marriage to the end of his life. On their return to England the couple moved out of Manchester into the Cheshire countryside, where Schiller Szinessy seems to have supported himself by taking private pupils;137 and it was here that their first child, Alfred Solomon, was born.138 This rustic interlude can have been but a honeymoon idyll, for in the same year139 he exchanged Merseyside for the banks of the Cam. He had, perhaps, heard of the existence of a collection of Hebrew MSS. in Cambridge, but what actually directed his steps thither with a view to settlement must be a matter of con? jecture. My surmise is that someone?possibly some Gentile pupil in the Midlands who had been up at Cambridge?intimated to him that there was enough scope for a freelance Jewish scholar to maintain himself there. Since the time of Isaac Abendana at the end of the seventeenth century there had been, more or less continuously, a succession of Jews of scholarly competence whose presence at its fringes the University had both welcomed and, indeed, to some extent financially subvented? although, of course, no one who was not an Anglican could take a degree. The latest of these Jewish teachers had been Rabbi Joseph Crool,140 who had deputised for the Regius Professor of Hebrew between 1806 and 1838. Crool had been followed by Dr. Hermann Bernard,141 son of an Austrian Jewish father himself converted to Christianity, in which faith the son had naturally been reared. Bernard was enough of a Rabbinic scholar to publish a volume of selections from Maimonides' Code, and was a successful teacher of Hebrew at Cambridge. His death in 1857 had left a gap which, it would seem, Schiller-Szinessy decided six years later he might fill. He consequently installed himself at Cambridge, at first on the Trumpington Road and subsequently in a small terrace house near the Hills Road railway</page><page sequence="15">160 Raphael Loewe bridge,142 and advertised his availability to teach, as in his early days in Manchester, Hebrew language, literature, and history, with the addition now of Latin, German, and French.143 And it was in Cambridge that he was to spend his remaining twenty-seven years ?years which, when in 1881 he was toying with an invitation to accept a Rabbinical post in an unidentifiable (but presumably Orthodox) community, he declared to have been the best ones of his life.144 For three years, apparently, Schiller-Szinessy taught unofficially and perhaps supplemented his income by writing. But his presence in Cambridge did not go unmarked by Henry Bradshaw,145 of King's College, then Keeper of MSS. in the University's collections and sub? sequently (1867) University Librarian. At mid? summer 1865 Bradshaw engaged him, at his private expense, to work on the Hebrew MSS. in the University Library, which, since they had been received from the Duchess of Buckingham two centuries before, had lain entirely neglected.146 There developed in the embryonic Oriental Faculty the realisation that the University ought not to fail to take ad? vantage of Schiller-Szinessy's presence in its midst; and with the passing of the Cambridge University Reform Act in 1856 it had become possible to take Jewish scholars formally into participation in academic business without recourse to backhanded invitation. Supported by Bradshaw, R. L. Bensly,147 of Caius, a distinguished Arabist and a Hebraist, and others as well, a Grace was accepted by the Senate in 1866 for Schiller-Szinessy's appointment, on a triennial basis, as Teacher of Talmudic and Rabbinic Literature.148 (By way of comparison it may be noted that a proposal to establish Jewish Studies as a formally recognised academic discipline, with its own professorial Chair, had been put forward to the University of Berlin in 1853 but had been turned down.)149 When in 1876 his post (which had from time to time been renewed) was placed upon a ten year footing, his title was advanced to Reader and he was granted a stipend of ?300 per annum.150 The University also then conferred upon him the title of M.A., propter merita;151 it was possibly the first occasion at Cambridge when the degree had been fully conferred on a Jew without repudiation or dissemblance of Judaism;152 in any case, Schiller-Szinessy's accession to the University's Parliamentary electoral roll marks (together with Neubauer's Oxford M.A of 1873) the beginning of an epoch in which Rabbinic scholarship has been accorded comparable status to that enjoyed by its sister disciplines. He was, as it happened, the very first graduand to be pre? sented by J. E. Sandys,153 the distinguished Latinist of St. John's College, as Public Orator. In his Latin oration154 Sandys made graceful allusion to the appropriateness of Schiller-Szinessy's name, which, hard though it might be on an English tongue, signified that enlightenment which the motto of his adoptive University now bade him dispense.155 He was admitted a member of Christ's College on 18 October 1877.156 We have now to see what Schiller-Szinessy made of this last phase of his life?close on three decades spent entirely in academic pursuits: and we shall do well to turn first to his chefd'wuvre, the Catalogue of Hebrew MSS. in the Cambridge University Library, a monu? mental piece of scholarship that will both perpetuate his name for all who need the bibliographer's help and keep it green for bibliographers themselves. It has to be borne in mind that he was working in an age which was, bibliographically speaking, an expansive age, before the days when printing costs have made elaborate descriptions too much of a luxury and microphotography has made them less of a necessity. But it is precisely because the austere limitations of the modern-style catalogue raisonne impose such limitations on him that the Hebrew bibliographer of today is the more grateful to have available in print, for com? parison with the material that he is himself examining, the detailed descriptions which were the fruit of Schiller-Szinessy's loving meticulousness and ripe scholarship. The first volume of the Catalogue appeared in 1876,157 dedicated to Zunz; it covered but the Biblical texts and Biblical commentaries, and ran to an average of some thirty-three octavo pages' description per MS. A thin second volume, dealing with twenty-five Talmudic MSS., was</page><page sequence="16">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 161 printed but never formally published and is now correspondingly rare. The bulk of his work, however, still remains in manuscript form; the holograph of closely packed fools? cap folios has been bound up into six volumes and is available to students on application in the Anderson Room of the Cambridge Uni? versity Library.157 There is a tradition that the Cambridge Hebrew MSS. rest under a curse of some 300 years' standing,158 and it is charitable to think that it is this circumstance that has effectively inhibited the production of a printed catalogue of more than a small fraction of them until today. Being myself the successor of several scholars whose lot it has been to work on Schiller-Szinessy's material, with a view to getting more of it published, I must pay my own tribute of gratitude for what I have learned from dipping into his pages, from the quite un-self-conscious prolixity of which a warm personality vivaciously communicates itself to the student: and I cannot do better than to make my own the words of my father, V'!: Tf un? counted hours [he wrote]159 spent in intense study of a man's handwriting can in any way bring about a knowledge of his personality and a spiritual communion with him, then I feel that I have learned to know Schiller-Szinessy and certainly to love him'. In addition to the University's collection he also catalogued, assisted by his pupil W. Aldis Wright,160 the Hebrew and Samaritan MSS. in Trinity College Library:161 and his bibliographical publications include a pamphlet (1878) des? criptive of the Leiden codex of the Palestinian Talmud.162 As well as bibliographical research, he found time for other matters, including two books. The first of these is an edition of David Qimhi's commentary to the first forty-one psalms163 on the basis of MSS.164 and early printed editions. Although the republication of this text was a service to scholarship inasmuch as it made available again Qimhi's controversial passages directed against Christian exegesis which had been suppressed in the prints subse? quent to the editio princeps,165 the valuable research underlying it was wasted by his omission to print a critical text.166 In preparing this edition he was assisted in the collation of MSS. by his favourite Gentile pupil, W. H. Lowe;167 and his preface, composed in the traditional rhymed Hebrew prose, is a de? lightful piece of autobiography. It not only records their joint labours at Paris in the Bibliotheque Nationale,168 in which connection Schiller-Szinessy generously allots most of the credit to his pupil; but it also lists both his teachers in his Hungarian youth and the distinguished roll of his own pupils in Cambridge.169 An index of the academic climate there in the eighties is afforded by the fact that the dedication to George Phillips,170 President of Queens' College and himself a pupil of Schiller-Szinessy and a Syriac scholar of ability, takes the form of a poem indited not in Hebrew but Aramaic. Another book?a slight affair?was a reprint of the Hebrew account of travels in Morocco at the end of the eighteenth century, entitled Massa Ba'arab,111 by the Mantuan Jewish poet and translator Samuel Aaron Romanelli.172 Further items to come from his pen were contributions to the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica113 in which the articles on Mishnah, Targum, Talmud, Sa (adiah, Maimonides, etc., are his, and also articles connected with psalmody in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible.174 The full list of his academic publications in so far as it has proved possible to reconstruct it is set out below (Appendix III), together with his contributions to the Jewish (and, very occasionally, the general) press, particularly the Jewish World; at the fringe of which there stand his not in? frequent involvements in the correspondence columns. Here he shows himself, indeed, at his worst: for in the heat of controversy with Schechter, Neubauer, and others he was some? times deserted by that modesty to which those who had personal knowledge of him testify.175 Though Neubauer, Schechter, and Schiller Szinessy between them represented the zenith of Jewish scholarship in late nineteenth century England, they scarcely constituted a triumvirate; and when any one of them scented battle in the press, imputations of scholarly incompetence, plagiarism, and questionable integrity tended to fly thick and fast.176 If in its leading article with which the Jewish Chronicle accompanied its own obituary notice177 on</page><page sequence="17">162 Raphael Loewe Schiller-Szinessy it not unfairly commented that he had at times 'sinned against the canons of good taste in speaking of himself and others', the editors of the Jewish weeklies must them? selves be held in part to blame, since they were happy enough to give their outraged corres? pondents as much acreage of newsprint as they chose to fill. No doubt it was all great fun; and one hopes that it did not always rankle after? wards. Schechter, I am sorry to say, somewhat ungenerously pursued his vendetta beyond the grave, and a decade after Schiller-Szinessy's death he was still disparaging him in his lectures to Cambridge undergraduates.178 We may perhaps deduce what Schiller-Szinessy might have said, had the tables been turned, from a story that illustrates his half-belief in the power of cursing. He is alleged to have com? mented, regarding some other controversialist who had predeceased him, that although he had himself procured the other's demise, he had not consigned his soul to Gehenna; since he would, on account of his great learning, be required elsewhere.179 The lecture-room, as well as the library, has claims on a don's time; and Schiller-Szinessy's gifts as a teacher are attested in the explicit statement of Israel Abrahams180 and mirrored in his own pupils' achievements. He was, indeed, so sedulous for their examination success that he actually lectured to them from his bed a week before his death. A public lecture delivered before the Vice-Chancellor and Senate in 1882 on the famous 53rd Chapter of Isaiah was printed as delivered;181 and there survive in the Cambridge University Library MS. notebooks182 of his pupil E. B. Cowell183 containing notes on the Talmudic tractate Berakhoth taken at Schiller-Szinessy's lectures in 1877, as well as notes on the Zonar by Cowell embodying one on Heykaloth symbolism, marked as derived from 'Rabbi Szinessy'.184 The fruit of this work matured in 1892, when Cowell, who was the first Pro? fessor of Sanskrit at Cambridge, was president of the Aryan section of the London Congress of Orientalists. In his inaugural address he suggested that a comparison of the discussions recorded in Talmudic literature with the Sanskrit P?rva Mim?ms? would be a worth while study, and pointed to the parallel between the Mim?ms? canon regarding the relative value of proofs for subordinacy with the thirteen rules of Rabbi Ishmael for halakhic exegesis.185 Of Schiller-Szinessy's pupils who cultivated Rabbinics sufficiently to achieve scholarly recognition themselves the best known are Charles Taylor,186 Master of St. John's and colleague of Schechter in the acquisition of the Cairo Genizah for the University, who edited the Ethics of the Fathers, and his beloved disciple W. H Lowe,187 of Christ's, editor of the Cambridge MS. of the Mishnah.188 Another, A. W. Streane,189 of Corpus, translated the Gemara to the tractate Hagigah into English.190 Before 1890 a Jewish undergraduate was indeed a rar a avis in Cambridge (Israel Gollancz191 was one), and although Jews who were up before that date of course met Schiller Szinessy,192 his only Jewish pupil seems to have been Harry S. Lewis,193 the communal worker, who was also one of his successors in the pulpit of the Manchester Reform Congrega? tion. The roll of his pupils listed by himself in 1883,194 and supplemented from other sources, musters two subsequent bishops,195 one dean,196 three heads of Cambridge colleges197 and one of an Australian college,198 seven professors,199 a Reviser of the English Bible in the person of W. Aldis Wright,200 in addition to a number of others, some of whose names are honoured in circles of Biblical scholarship but not so well known outside them.201 It is a record in which any Cambridge don might take legitimate pride, and one which eminently justified the modest claim which Schiller Szinessy was fond of advancing, that he was 'the disciple of great teachers and the teacher of great disciples'.202 He was a popular member of Christ's College senior combination room, and although the staunchest adherence to the dietary laws restricted him to boiled fish in hall, he enjoyed the convivial company of college feasts.203 In the town he was known, affectionately, as 'The Rabbi', and in the wider University he was accorded respect. Legend, indeed, credited him with the thaumaturgical powers of a Ba'al Shem: for when on one winter Friday afternoon he had been accidentally locked inside</page><page sequence="18">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 163 the precincts of the Senate House and the old University Library (now the Squire Law Library), had he not found himself miraculously transported outside the railings ? 2 04 By virtue of his position he was able in 1887 to sponsor an appeal for funds for the rebuilding of Eperies, his old alma mater, when the town was burnt out; and the subscription list of those who responded205 includes the names of leading lights in Anglo-Jewry, the established Church, and both ancient Universities. Five years before, on the outbreak of violent persecution of the Jews in Russia, a meeting had been held in the Cambridge Guildhall convened at the request of no fewer than fourteen heads of Cambridge Colleges, together with many other leading figures in town and gown.206 Anglo-Jewry was represented by Arthur Cohen,207 who had been President of the Cambridge Union in 1853, and was currently President of the Board of Deputies, and by Schiller-Szinessy, who moved an urbane, if generously autobiographical, vote of thanks208 to the Mayor?ending with the invocation of the divine blessing on town and University. The fact that he was, in a sense, himself the instrument of that blessing is evinced by the manifestations of respect to his memory when he died,209 on Tuesday, 11 March, 1890, leaving a widow and four surviving children.210 He was buried in a small Jewish plot adjoining the main town cemetery at Ipswich.211 Schiller-Szinessy's personality comes through both in his writing, which even in matters bibliographical tends always to be idiosyncratic, and in a few anecdotes of which he is the centre. In his reminiscences212 his pupil W. H. Lowe records his abstemiousness,213 which was yet free from asceticism, his fascination by the sight of precious stones displayed in shop windows, and his humour. He could never allow the divine title Ribbono shel 'olam to go by with? out rendering it, as he had once heard an un? lettered synagogal official render it, by 'Lord of the University'.214 An orally transmitted tradition tells how he once cast his vote in the Senate House at a Parliamentary election. The Vice-Chancellor, presiding over the poll as returning officer, had tentatively queried Schiller-Szinessy's entitlement to vote; where upon he recalled to his companion, Lowe, that he had been lecturing the previous day on the text of Zechariah, iii, 1, 6and Satan was standing at his right hand to accuse him*. 'Last night', he said, 'the devil appeared to me in the guise of the Vice-Chancellor, and challenged my right to vote today. I have consequently brought with me my Patent of Naturalization . . .',215 and he proceeded to pull a long envelope out of his pocket. The Vice-Chancellor confusedly apologised; 'but,' commented Schiller-Szinessy subsequently, 'it is a good thing that the Vice Chancellor did not examine the envelope, for in error I had taken with me not my Naturalisa? tion papers, but my insurance policy'.216 How are we to sum him up? As a scholar, he was an early if lesser figure in the movement that gave post-Biblical Jewish studies an academic standing emancipated from Christian theology, which even now often claims academic suzerainty over the Hebrew Bible. He had not, indeed, the mental self-discipline or critical ability of Neubauer, or the perceptiveness of Schechter. But he did possess not only a deep personal piety and sturdy spiritual self-discipline but also a love and an infectious enthusiasm for Jewish learning and institutions, which found its reward in the solid Hebraic and Rabbinic achievements of a distinguished list of pupils. More important, perhaps, he imbued a wider circle of students and colleagues with an appreciative attitude towards the positive aspects of Rabbinism. His own modesty and genial disposition will have contributed towards this, as also his marked tolerance and appreciation of the validity, for others, of their own convictions.217 This cannot, in the context of his whole life-story, be ascribed to mere indifference; and it is therefore the more remarkable that he could extend the same appreciative open-mindedness towards an ex-Jewish convert to Christianity.218 Such an attitude of mind is naturally exposed to detrac? tion and misrepresentation: and those who have seen in him a mere obsequious and unprincipled turncoat, prepared to play what? ever tune the paymaster of the hour might choose to call,219 seem to me to take in? sufficient note of a strength of character evinced by him on occasions when it was in</page><page sequence="19">164 Raphael Loewe patent discord with his own material interest. It is significant, too, that the legends surround? ing him that continued to circulate in Cambridge for half a century after his death,220 quaint though they be, contain none known to me (save perhaps the atavistic quirk of a belief in the efficacy of curses) that suggests any self-centredness, self-seeking, or any cynical side to his character. The presence of a resident M.A. who was himself neither an apostate from Judaism nor in effect a crypto-Jew, but who instead lived a full Jewish life while not holding himself aloof from the social life of his College, had a certain civic as well as an academic significance in Cambridge: for it meant that both for town and gown the Jew was no longer an unknown or mysteriously transient figure, but became identified with a familiar character, traversing Hills Road and St. Andrew's Street as he made his way to synagogue of a Sabbath morning in a British long-tailed coat and white tie.221 Within the wider Anglo-Jewish context, he emulated the example of his forefather Abraham, who (according to Rabbinic tradi? tion)222 wherever he went would preach the word of God, and the remarkable impact that he made from the pulpit was perhaps enhanced, in the staid setting of established Victorian Jewry, by the fact that the preacher had shed his blood in the cause of Hungarian liberty. His emphasis on Jewish religious education for the young, and his markedly successful results while actively concerned with it, were of a piece with the religious conservatism that his example perhaps, rather than his leadership, was able to imprint on his dissident congrega tion in Manchester so long as he stood at its head. That he was not a reformist, in spite of his acceptance of the rabbinate of the Man? chester Reform synagogue, is underscored not merely by his basing his religious training of the young on what are Albo's three principles of Judaism223 and the upbringing that he gave his own children,224 but by a contribution to the press225 written within ten weeks of his own death; in it he gently dissociates himself from such endeavours as Ludwig Philipp son's226 Israelitische Religionslehre, since 'we believe that the Jews ought to have only one Catechism and only one Book of Religious Instruction (the Bible and the Talmud)'. As far as concerns communal harmony and soli? darity, he had clearly been wrong-headed in almost inviting a casus belli from Adler and a snub from responsible communal leadership in Manchester. But had Adler had the perspicacity to see that Schiller-Szinessy's undoubted gifts were potentially a tremendous advantage to him in his scheme for the unification of the English Ashkenazi synagogue, and had he set himself tactfully to woo Schiller-Szinessy's cooperation227, the synagogal pattern of the second half of the nineteenth century might have been somewhat different in England. But if Manchester lost a minister, not only Cam? bridge but the republic of Hebrew letters gained a servant. It was Schiller-Szinessy's boast that he was the teacher of great disciples. To be just that was the ideal of the Men of Great Synagogue:228 and it is no mean epitaph. *** This paper was delivered to the Society on 18 June 1962. APPENDIX I Text of Flysheet (see Doc. (ii), 9); another copy of the original is in the Loewe Collection. See supra, p. 155. to the members of the manchester con? gregation of british jews. Office of the Rabbi, 20 South Hall Street, Strangeways, Manchester, Rosh Chodesh Nissan 5618 {March 16th, 1858). Dearly Beloved, Under the aid of a gracious Providence, the Synagogue, raised through your generous endeavours and the solicitude of those worthy sons of Yisrael whom you have entrusted with the external government of our Congregation, is on the eve of being opened for public worship. Within a few days, a building, creditable to all engaged in its erection, will be ready to receive you for prayer and thanksgiving to Him, who is the fountain-head of all goodness and grace:</page><page sequence="20">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 165 and on me, your spiritual guide, will devolve the pleasing duty of consecrating the holy edifice. Let me avail myself of this opportunity for the purpose of addressing to you a few earnest remarks, which, I trust, will have the effect of drawing still closer the sacred ties which connect me with your respected body. In the first place, let my soul praise the Lord for all His mercy shown me during the period of my spiritual connection with you. Although, owing to circumstances over which I had no control, my official activity during the last eighteen months has had but little scope, I am happy to say that this time has not been allowed to pass totally unimproved. I look back with much gratification on the solemn services which united us in prayer on various occasions, but particularly on those at the laying of the foundation-stone for our sacred Temple, and during the season of our great festivals in the month of Tishri. Nor has the performance of Divine Service, according to our ritual, ceased for a single day since Pessach last! And, in the next place, let me most heartily thank you for the personal attachment, evinced towards me by the fact of my election to be your religious teacher. I remember, with gratitude, that it was mainly owing to the exertions of the active members of your con? gregation that I was called, more than seven years back, to fill the Rabbinical chair in the then Hebrew congregation of Manchester. No one, beloved brethren, can be more thoroughly penetrated with the consciousness of my imperfections than myself; nevertheless, I am free to declare that, however I may have failed in the selection of the right means, I have nothing to reproach myself with as to the ends I always proposed to myself in the service of my God and my people. My aim has constantly been to promote, by moderate improvement, the real religious reformation of my fellow worshippers: to eject from the Temple of the Lord everything derogatory to decorum; to lop off all those excrescences from ceremonial religion, which?though at one time useful? had, through the progress of the age and the change of circumstances, become subversive of the original purpose; and to introduce, in their stead, institutions directly calculated to revive the Idea and the Power of biblical Judaism. I may refer to the partial abolition, on my authority, of the Piyutim from the service in use at the late Halliwell-street Synagogue; to the introduction of religious confirmation for the young of both sexes; to the institution of an English service on behalf of departed souls, &amp;c.; but, above all, to the delivery of sermons on Sabbaths, festivals, and all solemn occasions, and to the religious instruction afforded on Wednesdays and Sundays to the children of the community in?that establishment, so creditable to its patrons?the Manchester Jews' School! / cannot sufficiently deplore that time was not allowed me to carry out these endeavours?in peace. You are aware that certain persons, whose motives I will not scrutinise, industriously cast suspicion on the sincerity of my exertions, representing (with strange inconsistency!) to those of a conservative leaning, that mine were extravagant efforts at innovation, and to those of a progressive turn of mind, that I mainly laboured to re plunge the congregation, under my guidance, into the religious barbarism of the middle ages. By the mercy of God, and by your kindness, I have been placed in a position, practically, to prove, that as, on the one hand, I am far from wishing to abolish anything that is dear to the Jew, and that can stand the test of biblical and historical criticism, so, on the other hand, I am equally remote from wishing to uphold any? thing that tends to retard the legitimate develop? ment of the Religious Idea in Yisrael. Now, dearly beloved, let me most earnestly beseech you to support me in my endeavours to ameliorate the religious and moral condition of my community. Foremost of all, come and wor? ship with me agreeably to the forms established in our Synagogue. The Prayer-book, originally adopted by our esteemed sister-congregation in London, contains all that is deservedly valued in the rituals of both the Sephardim and Ashkenasim. Now, granting that nothing human is perfect, and hence that a time may come when there will be a necessity of altering one or the other passage capable of improve? ment (as has been, and ever will be the case), still, in its totality and principle, this Prayer book is the efflux of biblical and historical truth. I, on my part, will instruct you in the</page><page sequence="21">166 Raphael Loewe principles of our Holy Religion, on every Sabbath and Festival, &amp;c., to the best of my limited ability. Secondly, I pray you, give me your confidence; let no event, either public or private, so it be connected with religion, pass without claiming my services; allow me to heighten your joys, in joy, through religion; let me, through religion, assuage your sufferings, in sorrow. But, above all, tPDJH ]X) give me the souls, the precious souls of your children; for material gains / care not. Send your children to the semi-weekly instructions in religion; let me educate their minds in attachment to the God and the law of our forefathers?the law of the Holy One of Yisrael! Dearly beloved, the Pessach draws nearer, the spring-tide of our religious existence; the time for commemorating our deliverance, not only from the "iron furnace" of corporeal serf? dom, but, more so, of spiritual bondage. Let us rouse ourselves, then, from religious apathy, and awake to a life of godliness and true piety. Let us, individually and collectively, take to heart the honour of our congregation?the congregation of God. Let us duly consider that the eyes of all our Brethren in the land are fixed upon us, and that with our worthiness or unworthiness, the cause of vital Judaism in Great Britain must stand or fall! May the God of our fathers cause the light of His countenance to shine upon us, and lead us in the right path! I remain, in fervent affection, Your faithful fellow-worshipper and pastor, SCHILLER-SZINESSY, Dr. NOTES 1 ... T?n H?1? 'H Ps. xvi, 8. 2 Gen. xiv, 21. APPENDIX II CATALOGUE* OF PERSONAL AND OTHER DOCUMENTS OF SCHILLER SZINESSY DEPOSITED IN THE MOCATTA LIBRARY, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON (Reference B.20 SCH). The papers have been arranged in sections, each in a folder, as follows: (i) Hungary, (ii) Manchester, (iii) Cambridge, (iv) pamphlets and offprints, (v) press-cuttings, (vi) marriage, children, obituary, (vii) Alfred Solomon Schiller-Szinessy, (viii) miscellaneous. (i) Hungary 1. School report, 3 November 1832, of Salomone Marcus Schiller. Deutsch-ungarische Normal Schul. Signed Salomon Neumann. Affixed embossed stamp (Normalschule d. Israelit. Gemeinde i. Altofen K.K., with crest). 2. Testimonium Scholasticum, Gyongyos * I must record with gratitude that in 1940 the late Dr. Samuel Krauss, of Vienna, then settled in Cambridge, assisted me in a preliminary sorting of these documents, particularly with Hungarian phrases and occasionally with Hebrew palae? ography. Gymnasium, 25 July 1841. Affixed embossed stamp (with crest: sigilum [sic] . . . gyongyo sinensis). Describes S.-S.'s father as mercator. 3. Testimonium Scholasticum, Eperies Evangelical College, 20 January 1847, relating to examination held 4 December 1843. Signed Fridericus A. Hazslinszky, rector. Affixed em? bossed stamp (crest, legend [?Latin]). Gives date of S.-S.'s birth as 23.12.1820. 4. Testament, in German, of Philipp H?nigsberg, of Szegedin, 11 September 1848. Hungarian attestation. 5. Instrument, in Hungarian, of the widow Malkah H?nigsberg authorising S.-S. to act for her. Baja, 24 November 1849. Two seals (well preserved) of Hungarian officials. Endorsed in German, Vollmacht v. Malkah geb. H?nigs? berg. 6. Letter, in German, of Hazslinszky (see 3), former Rector of Eperies College, to S. Joseph, 13 Quay Street, Manchester, dated 11 Novem? ber 1850. Testimonial to S.-S. (Typed copy of text annexed), intended for Manchester Jewish community, which is addressed (L?bliche Gemeinde).</page><page sequence="22">PLATE XV ^^^^^^^^^^ Rabbi Dr. Solomon Schiller-Szinessy?engraving by I. Fischer [See p. 171</page><page sequence="23">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 167 7. Letter, in German, of Leo Hollander, President (Vorsteher) of the Eperies Jewish community, dated 24 November 1850. Address? ed to 'Euer Wohlgeboren', i.e., Manchester Jewish Community. Seal (Crest: legend Eperjesi Isr?elita K?zseg). Typed copy annexed. 8. Acknowledgment (printed), in Hun? garian, of donation towards Jubilee testimonial fund for Prof. Andras Vandr?k. Dated January 1884. Signed Bams? Anton (?). 9. Multigraphed letter, in German, dated Budapest 1 November 1882, relating to blood accusation. Signed Leopold Lipschitz, Oberra biner zu A. Szant?, and Menachim Katz, Oberrabiner zu d. Kreis (?). Encloses state? ment (Erkl?rung) over the same signatures. Total 2 folios. Letter on headed paper, Hun? garian (A Magyar. . . Izr. Aut. Orthod. Hit felekezet, etc., i.e., Central Committee of autonomous Orthodox Jewish communities in Hungary and Transylvania), invites collabora? tion in refuting the charge. Cf. Bib I. 45. 10. The fire at Eperies, 6 May 1887. (a) Photograph of Evangelical Church (part of rebuilding appeal literature). (b) Reply-paid postcard addressed (in his own hand) to S.-S. at Cambridge, dated 21 May 1887, from Prof. Otto Ludmann, Rector of Eperies College; in German. Gives details of damage caused by fire, estimated costs of rebuilding, and invites S.-S.'s assistance in raising funds. (c) Letter, German, to S.-S. dated Eperies, 16 July 1888, from the municipality. Signed Andor Fuhrmann, B?rgermeister, and Geza Kyss, Obernot?r. Stamp (Crest, and legend Eperjes Sz. Kir. Varo? Hivatalos Pecsetje). (d) Subscription list (third and final issue) of donations for Eperies. After 5 November 1888. Reprints acknowledgments from local Burgomaster, Jewish Community, Lutheran Church, Evangelical College, and the College's Library. Jewish contributors include Leopold de Rothschild, David Sassoon, Julian Goldsmid, James Sylvester, Joseph Sebag-Montefiore, F. D. Mocatta. Others are Christopher Wordsworth, the Vice-Chancellor of Cam? bridge (Charles Taylor, Master of St. John's M College), the Bishops of Lichfleld, London, Durham, and Ely, Wescott, Hort, S. R. Driver, C. D. Ginsburg, A. W. Verrall, Prof. G. D. Liveing, Lord Rayleigh, etc. Cf. The Times, 9 May 1887. (e) Receipt (Best?tigung), on-reverse of incomplete proof of (d), dated Eperies, 5 November 1888, from municipality of Eperies. Signatures and stamp as in (c). For S.-S.'s interest in Eperies, see supra, pp. 149, 151 and Bibl. 50. 11. Wedding invitation, printed in Hebrew (TSn? *np?), dated 11 Tammuz 5557 [1797], to marriage of Moses K?nitz (^ttp), bookseller, of Altofen (pIKTD) and Friedl, daughter of Solomon Cohen, on 1 Elul following. Text occupies 34 lines of Rabbinic type and is couched in Melisah style. Cf. infra 12, verso (6). 12. Single folio, containing: (i) recto (1) Letter, in Judaeo-German, from R. Sebi Hirsch Katz (?) to R. Libermann (?), dated 5 March (?) 1803, authorising pay? ment to the signatory's brother-in-law, R. Abraham, of 3,000 T[halers ?] in part payment of a debt. (2) (Second hand) Transcript of tomb? stone of Rezel (*?!*H), wife of R. Manasseh Horin (pan), died 8 'Iyyar 5592 [1832]. (3) Copy of attestation (unsigned) stating that the aforementioned 'widow' was grand? child of 'my aunt Hannah, sister of my uncle . . . Moses son of Vnn?,9 Ab beth din of Boskowitz'. Dated 45th day of 6 Omer, 5592 [1832]. (ii) verso (1) (Third hand) Draft of letter, German (not Judaeo-German) in Ashkenazi cursive Hebrew characters. Requests an unnamed Rabbi to arbitrate in a testamentary case. From the stepchildren of R. IJayyim Wolff Baer, of Arad. Undated. (2) Copy of letter, in Hebrew, in reply to the above, from an unnamed Rabbi of Pest, reluctantly agreeing to arbitrate and re? questing certain documents in return for which quitclaims can be issued. (3) (Second hand) Copy of attestation, certifying the gift of seat No. 210 in the</page><page sequence="24">168 Raphael Loewe women's gallery of the Altofen Synagogue to R. Marqol B?ks by his stepfather. The seat, together with seat No. 264 in the men's part, had previously been the property of Marqol Baks's father and the latter's wife Molsche (? wVi?). (4) Transcript (Second hand?) of tomb? stone of Shendel (VtW), wife of R. Me'ir Treibitsch (WWO), died 5592 [1832]. (5) Transcript of tombstone of R. Baer Oppenheimer, died ? (date omitted). (6) (Third hand) Expression of good wishes on wedding day to his son and daughter-in-law Peninah from Moses K?nitz (see Doc. No. 11, supra). 13. Notebook, Hebrew, from S.-S.'s boy? hood, containing part ii of animadversaria on T.B. Kethubboth TOXto SirD1? VwiK T\"V2) (an? tn *]i nanpn. "won w p*?rr mmro shortly after 1834. Colophon, f. [10a] n"V2 *?snttn ymin Vran [rnip pnT]n pnr roa jtd iwpD (?)pwm fnrin rtDnam .rrMw rrnVst (?&gt;pp pam s.-s.'s brother Moses Isaac Gershon died newly-wed in 1834, see Qim., pp. x, xvii n. 21. 14. Two sermons, MS. Hebrew with inter? posed German translation in Ashkenazi cursive Hebrew characters. (i) Sermon prior to the blowing of the Shofar on first day of New Year. ff. 4. Cf. Bibl. 27. (ii) On Ps. civ (? fragmentary), verses 12 19. ff. 11. Contains two poems in Hebrew (square characters, pointed). (ii) Manchester 1. Flysheet, undated [1849-50], advertising S.-S.'s availability to 'give instruction in the Hebrew language, Biblical and Rabbinical Literature and History'. Address for applica? tion given as 19, Derby Street, Cheetham Hill Road, Manchester. MS. alterations in order to adapt for use as advertisement in Cambridge. See pp. 152, 160. 2. Letter, dated Manchester 30 Sepr 5611 [1850], from the Wardens of the Manchester Old Congregation, to Profr dr S M Schiller (Szinessy); expresses thanks for his visit and preaching, Tn bidding you adieu for the present'. Signed Simon Joseph, John M Isaac, Wardens. Seal (Hebrew and English). Cf. Jewish Chronicle after 23 September, 1850, and supra, p. 152. 3. Flysheet, Order of Proceedings for the Installation of the Rev. Dr. Schiller Szinessy As Minister of the Old Congregation, Manchester, on Saturday, January 18th, 5611-1851, at Half Past Two o'clock. . . . Includes special prayer, Hebrew and English ('implore . . . blessings . . . on . . . our pastor, ... to bring again into thy flock such as have gone astray . . . may he restore once more the broken fences, and strengthen every weak point. . .'). See p. 152. 4. Illuminated address to The Reverend Doctor Schiller Szinessy, dated Manchester, 9 January, 1852, from 'The Ladies of his Flock', expressing appreciation of 'his valued services to the Youthful Members of his Com? munity . . . and . . . satisfaction at the recent appointment of the Reverend Doctor to the important office of Local Rabbi to this Con? gregation'. Accompanied by a 'Purse of Money'. Signed Isaac A. Franklin (see infra, No. 10), Honorary Secretary to the Ladies, and listing the following contributors: Mesdames Philip Lucas, Henry Micholls, Horatio Micholls, Asher, I. M. Isaac, Ralph Isaac, Lewis Isaac, Segre, E. Moses, A. Sington, Levy Sampson, B. Hyam, David Hesse, Henry Salomons, Leveaux, David Falk, Joel Casper, Samuel Isaac, Joseph Levy, Reuben Levy, Benjamin, S. D. Bles, Saul Mayer, Philip Bauer, A. Spier, L. Beaver, I. Joel, Jacob Casper, Louis Behrens, Oppenheim, Salomon son, A. S. Sichel, H. Brower, T. Theodores, Aronsberg, E. Albert, Davieson, M. Goldstone, Jacob Myers, Nathan Mayer, Selig, Prax, Voorsanger, Simon Joseph, Moro, H. S. Straus, Jonas, Rudolph Behrens, N. Sington, Adam Casper, Lewis Levy, Sternberg, I. Simmons, Sampson Sampson, Elias Levy, Louis Berend, Joseph A. Spier, David Cowen, Franks, I. Goodman, L. Goodman, I. S. Moss, Mendelson, The Misses Behrens, G. Behrens, A. Behrens, Theresa Segre, Victoria Segre, Elizabeth Isaac, Alice Isaac, Henrietta R. Isaac, Camilla Segre, Moses, Hyam, Leveaux, Sampson, Sophia Sampson, Hesse, Cohen,</page><page sequence="25">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 169 Matilda Davis, Lucas, Abby Lucas, Franks, Eliza Franks, Emma Franks. See Jewish Chronicle, 16 Jan. 1852, with text of S.-S.'s letter of reply. The list of names probably represents, substantially, the foundation families of the Reform Congregation of British Jews founded in 1856. 5. Letter, in Hebrew (Ashkenazi cursive), from Eliezer Isidor, Grand Rabbin of the Consistoire Israelite, Paris, dated 4 Noah 5615 [25 October 1854], replying to S.-S.'s query about conversion of certain unnamed persons (female) desirous of adopting Judaism. Type? script annexed. See supra, p. 159. 6. Form of certificate, in French, designed for signature by S.-S. but not in fact signed, attesting his solemnisation of the marriage in Manchester on 18 October 1854 of Alexandre, son of Moise Leon, of Paris, and Alice, daughter of Eleazar Moses, of Manchester, witnessed by B. Hyam, M. K. Wagner, and Godfrey Levy (Registrar). S.-S. apparently added 'Docteur en Philoso? phie' beneath the space for signature. Doubt? less a copy of the official certificate. 7. Instrument of Divorce (Get), undelivered, dated Manchester, 13 2 Adar 5616 [Thursday, 20 March 1856]. Abraham b. Ephraim Ha Kohen Fischl divorces his wife Rebecca d. of Sebi Hallevi. Witnesses: Reuben b. Jacob, Joseph David b. Abraham Ha-Cohen. 8. Short address, in English, MS. in S.-S.'s hand, on occasion of a circumcision occurring on Sabbath Bo\ No names, no year mentioned. 9. Flysheet, to the Members of the Man? chester Congregation of British Jews, dated 16 March, 1858. Printed, Appendix II supra, pp. 164f. See p. 155. 10. Songsheet, Confirmation Hymns (Fourth Edition), 1860. Composed in Hebrew verse by the Rev. Dr. . . ., Rendered into English Verse by I. A. Franklin, Esq., Honorary Secretary of the Manchester Jews' School. Music by J. Boss, of Eperies. Choir Director?Jas. F. Shepley, Esq., Organist of the Manchester Synagogue of British Jews. English text only. Three stanzas preceding the Confirmation, three thereafter. The topic of each of the first three stanzas is indicated by caption, viz., God's Unity, The Divine Revelation, and Reward and Punishment. 11. Testimonial, English, from Manchester Congregation of British Jews to S.-S. on his retirement from the office of Minister, dated 3 October, 1860. Signed Horatio Micholls, President. Seal (Hebrew and English) and printed letter-heading give the Congregation's Hebrew name as JVE fiSHS. States that S.-S. left the Congregation of his own free will. (iii) Cambridge 1. Fragment of printed pamphlet (8 pp., pp. 3-6 missing). Testimonials in favour of the appointment of Dr. Schiller-Szinessy, Late Professor of Hebrew at the Protestant College of Eperies, and Rabbi of Manchester, As Teacher of Talmudic and Rabbinic in the University [sc. of Cambridge]. [1866.] The surviving portion reproduces letters from J. Davies, Rector of Walsoken, near Wisbech, Henry Bradshaw, Keeper of MSS. in the University Library, and R. L. Bensly, of Caius. Lists (p. 8) Docs. Hungary 1, 2, 3, 6, Man? chester 11, Diploma of Ph.D. Jena, 1845, Patent of Naturalization, 1854, Testimonial relating to Talmudic knowledge from Oberra biner Pinhas Cohen, 1847, and Testimonial from Oberrabiner Schwab, 1850, as available for inspection by members of the Senate. S.-S. had obtained confirmation of his earlier semikhah (from Aaron Chorin) from Judah Loeb Schwab, of Pest, and Pinhas Cohen, of Telek; see Qimhi, p. xi, nn. 27, 28. 2. (a) Printed pamphlet, 30 November 1876, Cambridge, Orationes Primae ab Oratore Cantabrigiensi I. E. Sandys pridie Kalendas Decembres Habitae A.S. MDCCCLXXVI. The first speech presents S.-S. for degree [of M.A.]. (b) English translation of foregoing, Jewish Chronicle, 15 December 1876. (Refers in? correctly to 'honorary degree'; Christ's College Register states propter merita, but gives date wrongly as 1877). 3. Letter, in Hebrew (Ashkenazi cursive), from Dr. Christian D. Ginsburg to S.-S., dated 5 Norham Road, Oxford, 10 Sivan 5639</page><page sequence="26">170 Raphael Loewe [2 June 1879]. Signed (in Hebrew) David Ginsburg, and headed with the abbreviation n"22. Typescript annexed. Ginsburg writes in cordial terms, introducing himself to S.-S., whom he has never met, and asks for biblio? graphical information regarding the Cambridge MS. of Moses ibn Ezra's Sepher he-anaq or Tarshish (perhaps = MS. Add. 508, 3, 4a, 4b, or MS. Add. 1245). Mentions he has heard tell of S.-S. from Senior Sachs and from Neubauer (from whose Oxford address he writes). German postscript by Neubauer ('Geben Sie mir das datum von Euer IT?ttll TlTHD von Fischl gekauft, genau wie in dr?cke und wo u' durch (?) wem gedr?ckt. Was kostet Lowe's rmfl? [i.e., W. H. Lowe's Fragment of Pesachim, Cambridge, 1879] f?r fre?nde? Schreib (?) deutlich (?)...(?) British M[useum] Monday A.N.). 4. Draft of a letter, in English, from S.-S. to an unnamed correspondent ('My dear Friend'), undated but mentioning S.-S.'s age as 61 (i.e., after 23 December 1881). Declines to become 'a Candidate for the vacant Rabbinate', but dis? cusses the possibility of commuting at week? ends from Cambridge were he in fact to agree to '[stand] at the head of such an ancient congregation and its affiliated bodies'. Geography, S.-S.'s Rabbinical past, and the foregoing terms suggest that either Birmingham (Singer's Hill), or possibly Norwich, or the Western Synagogue, London, may be referred to. S.-S. had worshipped at the last-named (Matthias Levy apud Cecil Roth, Records of the Western Synagogue 1761-1932, p. 185. Arthur Barnett's Western Synagogue through Two Cen? turies, 1961, throws no light on the matter). 5. Reports, Jewish Chronicle, 17 February, and Cambridge Independent Press And University Herald, 18 February 1882, of meeting in the Cambridge Guildhall to protest at the outbreak of persecu? tions of the Jews in Russia. Report in Cambridge Independent Press of S.-S.'s speech proposing thanks to the Mayor (see Bibl. 18, 44). 6. Postcard, in Hebrew (reply-paid, addressed by S.-S.), from (?) Moses Samuel. . . Hallevi, professing inability to trace the name of the mother of a certain woman named Sprintza on the basis of the vague details supplied. Dated Poznony [= Pressburg], 10 July 1889. 7. Multigraphed letter of thanks, dated Ramsgate, 15 November 1883, from Sir Moses Montefiore acknowledging congratulations on his 99th birthday. Facsimile of Montefiore's signature; the body of the text reproduced (apparently) from hand of Dr. L. Loewe. Embossed crest, Montefiore arms. 8. Fair copy, in German, signed by S.-S., of a (? unpublished) review, Der Neue Catalog Der Hebr?ischen Handschriften In der Bodleiana [by Neubauer, 1886]. Controverts favourable re? view by Euting in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl?ndischen Gesellschaft, xlii, 1888, p. 31 lf., and speaks scornfully of Neubauer and (to a lesser degree) Steinschneider (the gibe at the foot of p. 2 recurs in a letter published in the Jewish World, 1 March 1889). Relates (p. 14) an incident which possibly cost Neubauer the commission to catalogue the Hebrew MSS. in the British Museum. Submitted to Z-^.M.G. but not, apparently, published there. (iv) Pamphlets and Offprints See Bibl. (a) pp. 172f. Items contained in this file are marked Mocatta 'Library'. (v) Press-cuttings SeeBibL, (b) pp. 176f. Most items there listed will be found either in this file or (where appropriate) alongside the document to which they refer. (vi) Marriage, Children, Obituary 1. Certificate, in Hebrew (Ashkenazi cursive), by Eliezer Isidor, Grand Rabbin of Paris, dated 18 May, 1863, that Georgiana Eleanor Herbert has been accepted by him as a proselyte and duly baptised under the adoptive name of Sarah b. Abraham. Consistoire stamp. Typescript annexed. States that nsm ftTT *W? T? BP ?WK m VwnVi pinb rib ?r? m bmb t&gt; rya pKnVi rmb ffons mm ynv nmix 2. Marriage document (Kethubbah) of S.-S. and Sara Georgiana Eleanor Herbert, 1 Sivan 5623 [19 May 1863]. Witnessed by Isidor, Zadoc Kahn (?) (cf. supra, p. 159), and Joseph b. Menahem. S.-S. signs as mb TK? p ?? W Consistoire stamp.</page><page sequence="27">Solomon Marcus Schiller-Szinessy, 1820-1890 171 3. (a) Certificate, in English, by Henry Samuel, M.R.C.S., Mohel, of 53 Mansell Street, Aldgate, London, dated 22 April 1876, that TK? Alfred Solomon Schiller Szinessy, born 20 July 1863 and circumcised by 'his Father, my Pupil' on the 27th, had been duly and properly circumcised. (b) Certificate by the same that he circum? cised Wim pBTtt Sidney Herbert Schiller Szinessy on Saturday 22 April 1876 in Cam? bridge; dated Sat. even, 7 College Terrace, Hill[s] Road, Cambridge. (c) Letter, in English, from the same to S.-S. ('Dr Schiller'), 39 Mansell Street, Goodmans Fields, E., dated 15 August, 1861, instructing him how to carry out the operation of circumcision on a child (not named or identifiable). 4. Notice of funeral of S.-S., from Cambridge by rail for Ispwich on Thursday, 13 March [1890]. 5. Obituary notice, Jewish World, 14 March 1890. 6. Dr. S. M. Schiller-Szinessy. In Memoriam. By the Rev. W. H. Lowe, M.A. Three articles, Jewish World, 28 March, 4, 11 April 1890. 7. Letter of condolence to Mrs. Schiller Szinessy, dated 14 March 1890, from A. F. Kirkpatrick, Chairman, on behalf of the Special Board for Oriental Studies. 8. Transcript of the entry in Christ's College Register relative to S.-S., admitted Member of the College 18 October 1877. Not all the facts as therein stated are accurate. 9. MS. (pencil), in English, Notes on the Life of S.M.S.-S. Ph.D. by his youngest daughter, Henrietta Georgina, died Fulbourn, Cambridgeshire, 1939. Typescript annexed. Also letters from Lloyd's Shipping Editor, 28 June 1962, giving known shipping movements between Trieste and Cork, April 1849, and from C. A. Macartney relative to the chronology of the career of T?r?k. A letter from L. G. Montefiore (1961) gives, from reminiscence based on oral tradition, variant details regard? ing S.-S.'s escape from captivity. 10. Photographs of S.-S., three-quarter length, in cap and gown, dated on verso 3 December 1888, 'Der liebe Grossvater'; his daughter Eleanor; and his daughter Henrietta at the age of 28. 11. Engraving of S.-S., head and shoulders, in cap and gown. Engraving signed I. Fischer. See Plate XV. His signature reproduced pK noia mmn sma tk? p n?V&amp;) .(rCTD1? D*?D "IDT (vii) Alfred Solomon Schiller-Szinessy (b. 1863) 1. The Testaments of the XII Patriarchs. Introductory notice. Jewish World, 29 April 1887. 2.