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Isaac Abendana's Cambridge Mishnah and Oxford Calendars

I. Abrahams

<plain_text><page sequence="1">ISAAC ABENDANA'S CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH AND OXFORD CALENDARS. By I. ABRAHAMS, M.A. (Paper read before the Jewish Historical Society of England on June 28, 1915.) To Isaac Abendana belongs the credit of making the earliest extant Latin translation of the whole of the Mishnah. This feat he accom? plished at Cambridge between the years 1663 and 1675. The Strass burg theologian, Balthasar Scheidt (1614-1670), seems to have planned a similar work, but we have no certain knowledge that he completed it. (See the information on the subject in E. BischofFs Kritische Geschiehte der Talmud-Uebersetzungen, Frankfort, 1899, p. 16.) The first com? plete translation of the Mishnah in any language was the Spanish version by Isaac's brother Jacob, a version compiled before the brothers came to England. When Surenhusius prepared his Latin edition of the Mishnah (Amsterdam, 1698-1703) he made use of Jacob Abendana's work, though it still remained in manuscript. It was the fate of both brothers to be denied the boon of publication for their renderings. During the second half of the seventeenth century, several sugges? tions were made for the translation of the Mishnah. Especially in? terested were Cambridge theologians. John Worthington often insists on the importance of such an enterprise. In a letter of December 1660, Worthington asks as to the progress being made in Amsterdam by Adam Borelius (Miscellanies, London, 1704, p. 232). In June 1661 (op. cit., p. 252), Worthington, despairing of an independent Latin rendering, asks, "Could nothing be done about the Spanish Version?"?clearly referring to the work of Jacob Abendana. Worthington proposed that the Spanish should be turned by some one on the Continent into Latin, ;98</page><page sequence="2">CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 99 briefly annotated, and (to save expense) printed without the Hebrew text. These letters of Worthington were addressed to S. Hartlib, of whom the Rev. S. Levy has given an entertaining, and possibly over severe, account in our Transactions (vol. iv. p. 77). Hartlib was not slow to answer; he fully shared Worthington's desire for a Latin Mishnah, but thought that the work could be done here. On June 11, 1661, he writes to Worthington (Diary, p. 335): " I wish that some one in England would undertake the translation of the Mishnaioth. It would be one of the best news that could be written to Mr. Boreel." Isaac Abendana came to the rescue of the Cambridge Hebraists. He was certainly in Cambridge in 1663, for the payments of six pounds annually made to him by Trinity College began in the last quarter of that year (Stokes, Studies in Anglo-Jewish History, 1913, p. 220). He must have been commissioned to translate the Mishnah very soon after his arrival, probably in 1663, as may be seen from Mieg's letter to Buxtorf cited below. On the other hand, it is clear from the first receipt printed in Appendix II. that the formal agreement between Abendana and the University was not made until March 166f. To continue the story?on February 13, 166f Worthington, who was then no longer in residence at Jesus College, writes to Lightfoot a letter containing these passages: " Castell tells me that M. Athias, the Jew, is dead [in London] of the plague, by whose means he was used to procure such books [Maimonides, JZohar]. ... I shall be glad to receive a few lines from you about this particular &amp; whether Abendana has finished at least the first part of the Sedarim." (Lightfoot, Whole Works, ed. Pitman, 1824, vol. xiii. p. 433.) Several other references to Abendana's enterprise appear in the same volume of Lightfoot. That there was still much doubt as to the translator's progress, even when the work was far advanced, is seen from the letter of E. Bernard, of Oxford, who writes in March 167f: "I would willingly know whether Mr. Abendana has done really any parts of the Misnaioth into Latin, and when anyjtraets will go to press " {p. 453). Lightfoot's reply, dated April 29, 1674, runs thus: " I have . . . inquired of R. Aben Dana whereabout he is in his task; and he tells me he hath tantum non finished the fourth Seder. So that he has but two more before him " (p. 455).</page><page sequence="3">100 ISAAC ABENDANA's CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH A little later in the same year Lightfoot informs Bernard that the end was in sight. " Babbi Aben Dana goes on now apace, and tells me he hopes to have finished by January next " (p. 457). To which pleasing intimation Bernard replies, in a letter dated from St. John's College, Oxford, July 8, 1674: " I salute also, with my hearty service, B. Abendana, and am very glad to hear that he is near finishing of his right useful work " (p. 458). It will be noticed that Lightfoot spells the name Abendana in two words. David Nieto (Berliner's Magazin, .vol. iv., Hebrew part, pp. 85-6) does the same (nn ptf). Abendana himself invariably spells his name as a single word, whether he signs in Hebrew or English. Both on the Latin and Hebrew title-pages of the Michlol Yofi, Jacob Abendana follows the same course. Other evidence, as to the years during which Abendana was inter? mittently labouring at the Mishnah, is forthcoming from the entries made in various parts of the translation itself. These must be cited in full, for they demonstrate how lively was the interest taken in the progress of Abendana by several famous scholars. The entries do not include the name of Worthington, for he died away from Cambridge in 1671, in the very year in which the entries begin. Most of the signatories were men of fame. John Lightfoot (1602-1675) was the erudite author of the Horm; Balph Cudworth (1617 1688) was Begius Professor of Hebrew and a member of the Whitehall Conference in 1655. John Spencer (1630-1693) was the author of De Legibus Hebrmorum, a treatise which founded the science of comparative religion. George Bright was a fellow of Emmanuel; he graduated as S.T.B, in 1664, and forty years later edited Lightfoot's English works. E. Bernard (referred to in the correspondence) was Savilian Professor of Astronomy in Oxford from 1673. The entries in Abendana's Mishnah occur on blank pages between the tractates, and are printed below in Appendix I. These entries, however, are inconclusive on the question whether Abendana actually received the payments suggested. All doubt on the matter is removed by the series of receipts printed in Appendix II. My</page><page sequence="4">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 101 attention was drawn by Mr. Sayle to some of these important records. At the Registrary of the University of Cambridge are preserved these receipts, mostly in Abendana's own handwriting. The first is dated March 13, 166f; the last, October 31, 1674. The total sum covered by the receipts amounts to ?89, 2s. 6d. There are no receipts between October 1672 and November 3, 1674, nor are there any complete accounts for the last third of the work. Obviously, as he was specially paid for the indexing and binding, and seems to have been awarded ?1 for each tractate, he must have received .?63 for the sixty-three tractates, and something besides for the other services alluded to. On the whole, he was not ungenerously treated. The last receipt preserved at the Registrary was given in 1676. Abendana dates it 166|, but he made a slip, for the Audit Book, the evidence of which on such a point is conclusive, shows that 1676 is the right date. "Jan. 14, 166J [read 1676]. " Received of Dr. Barrow, Vice-Chancellour of the University of Cam? bridge, of the summe of ten pounds as a gift from the University, at my taking leave of it, by me, Isaac Abend ana." From the Lightfoot letters quoted above, as well as from these receipts, it would seem that Abendana completed his work (as it now stands in the Cambridge University Library) late in 1675, and that he left Cambridge soon afterwards. From these extracts it is also clear that the " fair copy " was begun in 1671. But the first Seder was really finished much earlier. J. F. Mieg, afterwards Hebrew Professor at Heidelberg, in a letter to Buxtorf dated January 28, 1664, states that Abendana had then completed the first Seder (Kayserling, in the Revue des Mudes Juives, xiii. p. 276). Thus it is evident that Abendana, to the impatience of his friends, was engaged for a dozen years over the work, though he probably dropped it between 1665 and 1671, and did nothing throughout the year 1673. The translation fills six paper volumes, quarto (Mm. 1. 4 to 9)* The volumes are neatly bound, and contain respectively the following numbers of pages : 617 (48 pp. blank); 546 (46 pp. blank); 464 (24 pp. blank); 527 (41 pp. blank); 630 (62 pp. blank); and 1026 (88 pp. blank). The text is very legibly written, almost entirely in Abendana's own hand. The only parts which are not in Abendana's autograph are</page><page sequence="5">102 ISAAC ABENDANA'S CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH a few emendations in vol. i., tractate Shekalim in vol. iL, tractate Nedarim in vol. iii., and parts of tractate Bdba Metsia in vol. iv. Each volume has a title-page, with table of contents?these are all in Abendana's auto? graph. The title-pages differ slightly, but they are substantially identical with that of vol. i., which runs as follows : nJS?D I Deuterosis | seu | Legis Divinse repetitio atque | Largior Explieatio, Moysi | oretenus tradita, et sic continuat? | traditione orali ad patres derivata, | Tandem ? R. Juda Sanctus | cognominato in usum posteritatis [ scriptis comprehensa. | Latinitate donata atque notis in I variis locis Illustrata | ab | Isaaco Abendana. At first each chapter has an "Argument," and there are extensive marginal notes. But with tractate Sheviith the arguments disappear, and the notes are put all together at the end. The old arrangement reappears with Maasheroth, but with Maashev Sheni the arguments are omitted, and all the notes are again at the end. From volume ii. onwards the notes cease, though there is often a batch of blank pages at the end of tractates. Abendana's probable intention was to add notes throughout. Tractate Kilaym is illustrated by several figures. In Appendix III. some specimens are given of Abendana's style. It has been suggested that he used Ulmann's version of certain tractates, and again that he actually carried out Worthington's suggestions, and merely transferred to Latin his brother's Spanish rendering. But neither theory has any basis. The circumstances and conditions amid which Abendana worked are all against these suppositions, while the version itself bears all the marks of independence. Possibly he was helped in the "Latinity" by Cambridge friends, though there is no evidence for even this notion. His renderings for the most part leave little to desire as regards accuracy or lucidity, and the whole work compares favourably, from the literary point of view, with that of Surenhusius, which was indeed largely based on Jacob Abendana's Spanish. Isaac Abendana made some strange mistakes; the careful reader will note a real " howler " in the passage quoted from Menaehoth. But such lapses were obviously due to haste. The importunities of the Cambridge Hebraists forced him to hurry. It may be safely asserted that the bulk of Abendana's Mishnah was not left ready for the printer. But even had it been so ready, it</page><page sequence="6">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 103 would hardly have been published. For Lightfoot died just when Abendana finished the work as it now exists. Probably, too, the question of cost was serious. Lightfoot himself had found difficulty in providing funds for his own publications, and Castell impoverished him? self in defraying the expenses of his books. Hence we can understand why Abendana's Mishnah never emerged from its manuscript form. None the less, Abendana's Latin Mishnah remains a monument to his own erudition, and to the interest taken by Cambridge theologians in Rabbinic studies. True, that interest was partly controversial. As Worthington wrote (Miscellanies, p. 253): "If Christians would more knowingly and pertinently deal with Jews and Mahometans, they should be acquainted with Mishnaioth and the Alcoran." But besides such a motive, not in itself a low one, there is discernible also a genuine appreciation of Rabbinic lore. This is demonstrated in Appendix IV., where will be found extracts derived from the earliest Mishnaic tractate edited by a Cambridge scholar. Robert Sheringham's Joma, which appeared in 1648, has a remarkable Preface, in which the study of the Talmud is vindicated not only as helpful in the criticism of the New Testament, but as containing much of intrinsic excellence. Though, however, Abendana's Cambridge work remained unprinted, a happier fate befel his literary activity at Oxford. While still in Cambridge, Abendana had relations with Oxford. In 1668 he received &lt;?37 from the Bodleian for some Hebrew manuscripts (Macray, Annals of the Bodleian Library, ed. 1890, p. 134). But it was not till a con? siderably later date that we find him settled in Oxford. In the meantime (1681) his brother Jacob had been appointed Haham to the Spanish and Portuguese congregation in London, and it is probable that Isaac also settled in London in the interval between his taking leave of Cambridge and his appearance as a teacher and author in Oxford. Among those who befriended him in London was Isaac Pereyra, the famous Commis? sary-General ; to him Abendana inscribes one of his Oxford Almanacks, At all events, it was in 1689 that " he began to be employed as a lecturer in Hebrew " in Oxford (Macray, A Register of the Members of St. Mary Magdalen College, Oxford, New Series, vol. iv., 1904, p. 48). Macray cites the details, showing that " he was paid 10s. for the last term in that year, ?2, 10s. in 1690, ??2 yearly from 1691 to 1698, and then, finally ?1, 10s. for 3 terms in 1699."</page><page sequence="7">104 ISAAC ABENDANA's CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH During the first years of his stay in Oxford, Abendana made many friendships. Certain statements regarding his experiences at Oxford are, however, unfounded. He did not receive the doctorate degree (as recorded in FrankeFs Monatsschrift, ix. 29). Nor did he practise medicine, as is so often asserted. He had studied medicine at Leyden in 1660, but we have Nieto's positive testimony that he did not turn those studies to practical use. But as a Babbinist he enjoyed deserved repute in the circle of Oxford scholars. Among the most distinguished was Thomas Hyde (1636-1703), whom Abendana assisted in more than one of his undertakings. Hyde had been a student of Arabic and Persian in Cambridge under Wheelock (on whom see Trans. Jewish Hist. Soc, vol. viii. p. 73). In 1658 Hyde migrated to Oxford, and in 1665 became chief librarian at the Bodleian, becoming Professor of Arabic in 1691 and of Hebrew in 1697 (Diet, Nat. Biography, vol. xxviii. p. 402). In 1691 he published the treatise of Abraham Peritsol (Farissol) on the " Iggereth Orhot 'Olam," which he turned into Latin as Itinera Mundi, as a supplement to Abulfeda's Arabic Geography. Hearne records that Abendana assisted Hyde in rendering " hard passages " of the Hebrew original. Three years later Hyde issued his curious De ludis orientalibus (Mandragorias) (Oxford, 1694), and in this work he prints three Hebrew compositions relating to Chess: (a) the poem attributed to Abraham Ibn Ezra, (b) the account of Chess by Bonsenior Ibn Yahya, and (c) a " Liber Deliciaa Begum," written " per Innominatum." The anonymous con? tributor was Isaac Abendana, as we are informed in Thomas Hearne's Collections (ed. Doble, vol. iii., 1889, p. 76). Among AJbendana's other Oxford friends was Anthony Wood. One incident of that friendship is recorded. In May 1693 Abendana informed Wood of the presence incognito in Oxford of two Saxe-Gotha princes (Life and Times, ed. Clark, iii., 1894, p. 422). From the dedications in the Calendars we gather that he was also on intimate terms with Dr. Jonathan Edwards (1629-1712), Principal of Jesus College, Oxford, from 1686. Another of his Oxford friends was Dr. Boger Mander, Master of Balliol from 1687 till 1704. Abendana also enjoyed the patronage of Dr. John Hough (1651-1745), who was Bishop of Oxford while Abendana resided in that city. He afterwards filled the sees of Lichfield and Worcester. Hough was of a genial nature, and won the affection of the whole of his circle. A few years before, in 1687, Hough had resisted the attempt of</page><page sequence="8">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 105 Jarnes II. to* interfere with the liberties of the fellows of Magdalen College, who had elected Hough as President. Hough's conduct was laudable in the extreme, for he showed at once " firmness and modera? tion," being " bold but not insolent," just as he was " hospitable without being profuse." He was noted also for his religious tolerance (John Wilmot's Life of the Rev. John Hough, 1812, pp. ix, 63, 353), so that Abendana must have found in him a genuine friend. Edward Pococke died in 1691, just when Abendana was issuing his first Calendar, other? wise we may confidently assume that the two would have had many interests in common. Throughout his residence in the Orient (1630 1640), Pococke was on friendly terms with Jews, especially in Aleppo and Constantinople (where he studied with Judah Romano). But it seems that Abendana's most encouraging Oxford associate was Arthur Charlett (1655-1722), Master of University College, Oxford, who, though satirised in the Spectator, was a generous patron of learning. On the fly-leaf of the British Museum copy of the second edition of Abendana's Discourses are written these lines: "N.B.?These Discourses were first publisht separately at ye end of ye Jewish Kalendars, printed at Oxford ann. 1695 et seq. at ye request of Dr. Arth. Charlett." The writer of this entry may very well be right as-regards Dr. Charlett's inspiring the Calendars. But the date is inaccurate, for the series begins with the issue for the year 1692. Abendana's Calendars belong to a most curious category. The following is a description of the first of the series : The I Jei?ish Kalendar : | containing | An Account of their Fasts and | Festivals, whether observed at | present, or grown out of use; I with their Sabbaths, and their | proper Lessons. Beginning at | the 22th of the Moon Tebeth in | the Year 5452 of the Creation, | and continuing to the 3d. Se- \ bat 5453 inclusive. | To which are added, some Notes and | curious Observations con? cerning the I Ecclesiastical and Civil Jewish Year; | and an exact account of the occasi- | ons upon which the Fasts and Festi- \ vals were first instituted. | With a Chronological summary of several | remarkable things relating to the People | of the Jews. | Oxford, Printed at the Theater. |</page><page sequence="9">106 ISAAC ABENDANA'S CAMBRIDGE MISHKAH Facing on opposite page is a second title : The I Oxford | Almanack | For the | Year of our Lord God | 1692. | Being | Bissextile or Leap-Year. | Oxford, | Printed at the Theater. | Pp. 48. 12?. The Calendar occupies 24 pages ; the civil and the Jewish calendars being on opposite sides facing each other. Calendar is followed (p. 26) by Regal (English) Table, Colleges and Halls in Oxford, Regulations as to Carriages and Stage-Coaches, List of Books lately printed, and an " Explanation of the Jewish Kalendar, &amp;c." (16 pages) in a different pagination. On p. 16 of the second pagination is the Chronological Summary. In Appendix Y. will be found bibliographical details regarding the eight duodecimo volumes, which were issued regularly between the years 1692 and 1699 inclusive. While producing these Calendars primarily for Oxford, Abendana did not forget his Cambridge friends. Hence we find several letters by Abendana to Dr. Covell, Master of Christ's College, Cambridge. The first of these letters (see Appendix VI.) was written on December 23, 1692, enclosing the new " Almanak " for 1693. Another letter (September 21, 1696) complains that though he had sent the "Almanak" for two years to Cambridge he had received " no return." The omission was imme? diately rectified, as is seen by Abendana's letter dated October 9, 1696. It is interesting to note that, in the second letter, Abendana calls " the Portugues tongue" his "own native language." In a Hebrew letter addressed to Buxtorf from Leyden (February 24, 1660), he speaks of himself as having belonged to a family exiled from Spain (Revue des Etudes Juives, xiii. p. 274). The two statements are not by any means inconsistent. Not only during the author's lifetime, but after his death, consider? able interest was taken in his Calendars. In April 26, 1715, G. Hickes writes to Hearne that he is content to pay an "unreasonable price" for Abendana's two Almanacks rather than not have them complete, "but," adds Hickes, " the Bookseller is as much a Jew in his exaction as the Rabbi was in his Religion" (Collections, v., 1901, p. 52). Five years afterwards (July 9, 1721) Hearne records that "The Jewish Almanacs of Abendana, printed at the Theater, are now much inquired after, and they are indeed Curiosities." Hearne continues (Collections, vii., 1906,</page><page sequence="10">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 107 p. 258): "But what makes them valuable is this, that at the end of each is a Discourse, curious and learned, written by Abendana, whom I just remember. . . . The Discourses were reprinted afterwards, in a distinct vol., at London " (see Appendix VII.). Isaac Abendana thus played an honourable role in the history of the intercourse between Jewish and Christian students of Babbinic literature. He and his brother seem to have been the first to print ?? Approbations " from Christian scholars (see the letters of Buxtorf and the Leyden professors in front of the Michlol Yofi, Amsterdam, 1661). Of Isaac it may be said that both at Cambridge and Oxford he won appreciation for his learning and esteem for his personality.</page><page sequence="11">APPENDICES I. Entries in the Manuscript of Abendana's Translation. In vol. i. p. 299, with reference to the tractate Terumoth, appears this entry: Aug. 2, 1671. I judg M Abendana to deserve 20s. for his pains in trans? lating this Treatise. Jo: Spencer. In vol. i. p. 411 there is an undated entry with reference to the tractate Maasheroth; I judge the pains and performance of this treatise may be worth the consideration of 20s. Geo. Bright. In vol. i. p. 447, with reference to the tractate Maasher sheni : As allso of this. G. Bright. In vol. i. p. 511, with reference to Sheviith and Holla : Aug. 23, 1671. I judge Mr. Abendana will deserve for these 2 Massectoth Sheviith and Halla, as for ye other, Forty shillings, when he commits ye First Seder to ye Presse. R. Cudworth. In vol. i. p. 551, with reference to tractate Orla?this entry obviously was written at the same time as the first quoted: Aug. 2, 1671. As also for translating this. J. Spencer. In vol. i. p. 583, with reference to Biecurim. Aug. 2,1671. As also this. J. Spencer. In vol. ii. p. 356 appears this Latin entry : Perlegi hos quatuor tractatus: viz: De Sabbato ; Taaniioth Megillah et Rosh hashanah, et contuli cum textu Misnico et me judice digni sunt approbatione et praebo. Martii 21. 167j. Ioh: Lightpoote. 108</page><page sequence="12">CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 109 In vol. iii. p. 414 appears this undated and unsigned note, the last of the series : Laborem in nunc tractatum Nedarim impensum 20 solidorum mercede dignum censeo etiamsi nonnulla in eo corrigenda sint. Item in tractatus Hagiga, Moed Katan, J?rn Tob, Kiddushin, Succah, Shekalim, Pesachim. II. Receipts by Abendana. Th^se receipts are sometimes written by Abendana's own hand. The payments were made from the University funds. The original receipts are preserved among the University Accounts Vouchers, and are, in several cases, confirmed by the records of the Audit. the 13th of March 166f. Receved of Mr Vice Ohancelleur by the order of the heads of the University six pounds for my presence relieff and the payment of my debts, at wcl1 time he promiseth mee to giue mee further allowance for mine future mantenance he condicionateth with mee for every fourtheen day es or three weeks to bring unto him so many sheets of mishna that may be well translated into Latine in that time as shall be thought fitt by the worshpfl Dr Cudworth. I say received by me Isaac Abend ana. Received of Mr Vicechancellor this first day of June 69 four pounds by the appointment of the Heads of the University. I say Received then by me Isaac Abend ana. Received of Mr Vice Chancellour this first day of Septembr (1669) four ponds by the appointment of the Heads of the Universifcie. I say received by me Isaac Abendana. There is also an entry in the Audit book for the year ending Nov. 3, 1671: To Abendana for translating seauen treatises of the Misna into Latin, by order of the Heads left with m1' vicechancellour ?007 00 00 Mar. 23, 167J. Rd. of Dr. Mapletoft vicechancelour for 4 tractates delivered to him (by Dr. Lightfoot approued) fouxe pounds. Isaac Abendana. June 22, 1672. Lent mr Abendana upon his promise within a fortnight to bring in 7 tractates more of the Misna fifty shillings. isaac Abendana.</page><page sequence="13">110 ISAAC ABENDANA'S CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH July 8, 1672. Deliuered in 8 Tractates by Mr Abandana for wch he receiued aboue ye ?2 10s. formerly lent him, ?5 10, in all??08 00 0. isaac AbendanA. Aug. 12 for one tractate more ?1. Oct. 21, 1672. Received then of the Right Worshipfull Dr. Wells Vicenchancellour the summe of five pounds for fiue tractats of the Mishna delivered into his hand, this day. I say received ?05 00 by me Isaac Abendana. The next receipt for ?5 is stated in the Audit to have been for five tractates of the Mishnah, but as the receipt is in Abendana's handwriting, it is obvious that the payment had nothing to do with the Mishnah? Received of the Reverend Dr. Mapletoft the summe of five pounds for a Hebrew Manuscript sold by to the University. I say receive by me Isaac Abendana. Cambridge 20th of Decemb. 1672. June the 7th 1675. Received of the Reverend Dr. Spencer by the order of the Reverend D1*. Boldero Vicechancell1* since the 3th of Novembr.}1674 the summe of thirteen pound and sixteen shillings for severall tracts delivered into his hands, in severall times, I say Received by me Isaac Abendana. Obtobr the 31th 1674. Received of Rever. Dr Spencer Vice Chancellr for severall tracts of the Mishna delivered to him in his year, and for the making of an Index to half the work &amp; binding them, the somme of twenty eight pound, six shillings and sixpence, at severall times, I say Received by me Isaac Abendana. The final receipt for ?10 is printed above_, p. 101. III. Specimens of Abendana's Translation. On page 89 of Dr. Erich Bischoff's work (cited at the beginning of this paper), there is printed the opening passage of Abendana's Berachoth. Dr. Bischoff remarks (op. cit.&gt; p. 19, note 7) that a comparison of this passage with the specimen given from Johann Ulmann's rendering makes it prob? able that "Abendana or his assistants made use of Ulmann." This is not the impression made on me.</page><page sequence="14">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. Ill It may be well to point out that Jacob Abendana's Spanish translation is not, and never has been, in Cambridge (see Dr. Gaster's History of the Ancient Synagogue of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews, London, 1901, p. 38). Dr. Bischoff states (op. cit., p. 18) that Isaac Abendana turned his brother's Spanish rendering into Latin. For this view I can see no ground. On the other hand, I fully agree with Dr. Bischoff in rejecting Meelfiihrer's unfavourable opinion of Isaac Abendana's work. Surenhusius expresses his indebtedness to Jacob Abendana on p. 5 of his Preface. Peah, viii. 4. Quid est racematio ? ubi non sunt utroque scapi latere pendentes uvse, nec ad extremitatem uvarum quasi globi; ubi enim hsec sunt ad Dominum spectant; quod ver? in dubio est ad pauperes. Bacematio palmitis abscissi, pauperum est. Acinum singularem, R. Juda botrum haberi vult. Sapientes autem, racemationem. (Vol. i. p. 81.) Sabbath, i. 1. Batio transferendi in sabbato de dominio in dominium est duplex intrors?s quse quadruplex evadit, et duplex extrorsus quse similiter quadruplex. ex: gratia cum pauper steterit foris pater familias autem intus, exporrexeritque pauper manum suam introrsum, atque dederit aliquid in manum patris familias, vel exemerit inde atque abstulerit, pauper quidem reus erit, pater ver? familias liber. Sin vero e contra, pater familias exporrexerit manum suam extrorsum atque in pauperis manum dederit aliquid vel ex ilia exemerit atque domum introduxerit, pater familias reus erit, at pauper immunis. Si autem pauper extenderit manum suam introrsum, atque pater familias ex ea aliquid exemerit aut in earn dederit, et pauper eduxerit, uterque liber est. Item si pater familias extenderit manum suam extrorsum et ex ea auferat pauper, aut pauper aliquid in earn dederit, ille autem introduxerit, etiam in hoc casu liber est uterque. (Vol. 2, p. 1.) Sota, end. B. Phineas filius Jayr dicit: diligentia adducit homines ad puritatem, et puritas ad munditiem, et mundities ad abstinentiam, et abstinentia ad sanctitatem, et sanctitas ad humilitatem, et humilitas ad timorem peccati, et timor peccati ad pietatem, et pietas ad Spiritum Sanctum, et Spiritus Sanctus denique ad resurrectionem mortuorum, et resurrectio mortuorum accedet mediante Elia qui in bonum memoretur. Amen. (Vol. 3, p. 330.) Aboth, v. 20. Juda filius Thema dicit esto fortis sicut pardus, et levis sicut aquila, et velox sicut cervus, et robustus sicut leo, ut facias voluptatem patris tui qui est in coelis. Idem dixit prsefrictae frontis vir dignus est inferno, et verecundus Paradiso. Placeat tibi o Domine Deus noster, et Deus patrum</page><page sequence="15">112 ISAAC ABENDANA'S CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH nostrorum ut aedificetur Sanctuarius praesto in diebus nostris, et concede nobis portionem in lege tua. (Vol. 4, p. 499.) Menachothj xiii. 10?11. 10. Si quis vovisset holocaustum, illud in Templo offerre debebat, et si illud obtulisset in Templo Honiae, voto suo non satisfaciebat, Si autem ita vovisset ut illud offeret in Templo Honiae, illud offerat tarnen in Templo, sed si forte illud obtulisset in Templo Honiae, satisfaciebat voto. Et R. Simeon dicit, hoc non esse holocaustum, Si quis vovisset nasyrseatum, is debebat tonderi in Templo, quod si tonderetur in domo Honiae non satis fecit. Si e? conditione vovisset nasyrseatum ut se tonderet in domo Honiae, tondere se debuit in Templo, et si tonsus esset in domo Honiae, satisfecit. verum R. Simeon dicit hunc minime esse nasyrseatum. Sacerdotes qui ministrarent in domo Honiae, non poterant amplius ministrare in Templo alio, nec opus est dicere plura, dicitur enim Verum non ascendent Sacerdotes excelsorum ad altare Domini Hierosolimitanum sed tantum comedet azyma inter fratres vestros. erant enim uti Sacerdo [sic] vitiis laborantes . portiones suas comedebant sed non offerebant. 11. Dicitur in holocausto bestiarum odor acceptus, eademque etiam verba dicunt in holocausto avicularum, ut inde disceremus, quod tarn is qui magnum offert sacriflcium quam is qui parvum, aeque gratus sit Deo, modo intentio ejus sit ad Deum. (Vol. 5, pp. 177, 178.) Jadaym, iii. 6 [5]. Omnes Scripturae sacrae polluunt manus, item Canticum canticorum, et Ecclesiastes polluunt manus, sed It. Judah dicit canticum canticorum quidem polluere manus, at Ecclesiastes est in controversia, et R. Josse Ecclesiastes non polluit manus verum cantici canticorum liber est in con? troversia. R. Simeon dicit, de libro Ecclesiastis schola Shammae levius sentiunt, et durius schola Hilleliana. Dixit R. Simeon filius Azay receptum teneo per traditionem ex ore Septuaginta duorum Seniorum, eo ipso die quo constituemm [sic!] R. Eleazarum filium Azariae, Academiae Praesidem, quod tarn liber cantici canticorum quam liber Ecclesiastis polluunt manus. Dixit R. Akiba, Procul absit, quod ulla fuerit controversia de libro cantici canticorum, quod non polluat manus, nam nullum diem unquam vidit mundus tarn dignum quam ilium diem quo datus est liber cantici canti? corum omnes enim scripturae sacrae sunt, verum liber cantici canticorum sanctissimus est, et si ulla fuit controversia, fuit de libro Ecclesiastis. Dixit R. Johanan filius Joshuae filii soceri R. Akiba juxta verba Ben Azay ita fuit controversum et ita decretum. (Vol. 6, pp. 1003-5.) In order to show the character of Abendana's Notes, the whole of his version of the first chapter of Peak, with the annotations, is here printed.</page><page sequence="16">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 113 Peak de angulo. Caput i. Notantur res aliquot quae nullum habent in lege definition modum &amp; mensuram. Quota tarnen agri sative alicujus pars ex sapientum decretis in angulum assignanda. quo tempore messis quibusque rebus concedendus angulus. angulus. angulus, aliaque nonnulla ? decimatione libera. 1. Haec sunt quibus non est certa aliqua mensura in Lege praeseripta seil: (a) angulus agri, (b) primitiae, (c) munus quod afferre solebant cum se sisterent coram Deo, officinum (d) charitatis, &amp; Studium (e) Legis. Haec autem sunt quorum fructus percipit homo in hac vita, sors vero (/) capitalis manet ipsi in futuro seculo, nimir?m honos parentum, charitatis officium interque homines pacificatio, studium denique Legis quod est illorum omnium (h) instar. (a) Peah, sive angulus agri est res satis nota, prasceptum esse ne angulus agri demetatur, sed pauperibus demetendus relinquatur uti dicitur, Cum messueritis segetem terrae vestrae &amp;c. Lev. cap. 19. v. 9. ubi tarnen nulla praescribitur anguli relinquendi quantitas sed in sequenti mishna ? sapientibus statutum ne quis det minus sexagesimal parte. (b) de quibus jubetur. Principium primitiarum terrae tuae afferes domum Dei tui exodus cap. 34. v. 26, ubi tarnen nullus definitur modus offerendi. (c) Praecepit Deus Judaaorum omnium masculis ter quot annis comparere coram se in Templo cum dono &amp; oblatione exod; cap; 23: v. 17: donum itaque hoc appellatur a Judaeis {"PfcO comparitio. At quantum afferre quisquam debebat non erat Lege definitum, sed liberalitati singulorum relictum, uti dicitur Unusquisque pro dono manuum suarum. Deut: cap. 15. v. 16, verum ? Sapientibus praescribitur in cap. 1. Hagigah: mishna 1. juxta sententiam Scholas Shamaaanae ne minus duobus obolis argenteis, &amp; juxta Hiilelis opinionem uno obolo argenteo offerat. (d) Hebraice DHDPl HI^DH ad verbum sonat retributio gratiae seu miseri cordiae; h. e. beneficentiae quam homines sibi invicem praestare solent, non ex debito sed ex libero studio gratificandi &amp; bene merendi, alicubi (nempe in tractat: !"D1D fol: 49. p. 2.) Gemaristae videntur ita distinguere D^Dfl &amp; npTV ut prior sit id quod omnia offieia charitatis complectatur, haec ver? illud officium solum modo significet quod pecuniae dispendio &amp; largitione fit, proindeque sit prioris pars seu genus quoddam; quanquam R. Salomo ibidem aliter interpretari videtur, eonsule locum. Maymonides ad hunc locum ait duo esse genera DHDn ni^D3 viz. (1) juvare aliquem pecuni? ejusve valore (2) corpore seu persona, &amp; de hoc posteriore duntaxat accipienda base mishna. nam huic nulla est mensura, at charitati pecuniariae (ut ita dicam) ponitur terminus viz. quinta pars totius valoris bonorum omnium primo anno quo quis ea possidet: sequentibus autem annis eadem quinta pars redituum, seu feenoris istorum bonorum solum modo ultra quam elargiri non licet. YOL. VIII. H</page><page sequence="17">114 ISAAC ABENDANA'S CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH (e) h: e: operam dare legi, earn discere &amp; docere jubemur, enim meditari in lege die &amp;'nocte, h: e: indesinenter, sine ulla limitatione. (/) h: e: horum praacipuum prasmium, etiamsi horum officiorum observatio suos hie seeum ferat fructus, nihil tarnen detrahetur ipsi in futuro seoulo. (h) Studium enim Legis ad recte agendum probamque vitae institutionem ducit quot ita effertur a R. [. . .] in tract; Kidushin, fol. 40. pag. 2, new r\W2D fconc? min niD^n 2. Non est pars minor (i) angulo assignanda quam sexagesima, etiamsi dicant Sapientes nullam esse angulo certam mensuram in Lege prcescriptam, Omnia (k) tarnen hie se habeant pro agri magnitudine &amp; multitudine paup erum proque proventus (I) ubertate. {i) h: e: Licet Lege nulla sit quantitas praescripta, Sapientes tarnen jubent ne minus quam sexagessimam [sic] partem agri pauperibus relinquatur, at plus dare, licet. (k) In Gemara aliquanto sensus explicatior viz. Si ager fuerit magnus ejusve proventus abundantes, quamvis pauperum numerus sit exiguus, dandus erit augulus pro ratione agri magnitudinis vel proventus ubertatis non pro numero pauperum ; at ver? si contra magnus sit egentium numerus, ager ver? parvus vel sterilis, concedendus erit angulus pro numero pauperum, non pro parvitate aut sterilitate agri ita ut semper maxime pauperum ratio habeatur. (I) hujus Loci varias sunt Lectiones, alii enim legunt ?"11317 quasi granum,bacca (confer cap. 6. mishna 8. hujus tractatus) quo vocabulo significatur granorum abundantia ; alii ducunt ni3$? a radice t!2V re? spond ere ; sensusque erit prout fundus respondent dominorum votis, suppeditand. nempe abundanter; ita hunc Locum explicat Maymo nides. Similem etiam phrasim reperies Hoseae cap. 2. v. [ ]. Alii denique ex significatione humilitatis vel mansuetudinis interpre tantur nW quasi dicat dandum esse prout humanitatem decet. 3. Assignare possunt angulum istum, vel ex initio vel medio agri5 cui sententise adstipulatur R. Shimeon, modo etiam in fine quantum par est itidem relinquatur. R. Juda ver? dicit si relinquat quis caulem unum in fine agri turn (e) prior assignatio un? cum eo caule nomine anguli fuerit, si ver? nihil in fine reliquerit, quod erat ex initio aut medio agri assignatum habe bitur tantummodo tanquam in (m) usum publicam aut communem concessum. (e) hebraice 1^ "|D1D conjungetur cum illo cauli soil, vel accedet ad ilium ut nempe simul constituant angulum atque turn utraque hasc assig? natio jus anguli obtinebit, proindeque liberatur ? decimis, verum si nihil in fine residui fecerit, hasc prima assignatio minime valebit, neque obtinebit jus anguli, sed obnoxia erit decimationi, et tenebitur novum assignare agri angulum. (m) Is quod usui omnium tarn divitum quam pauperum exponitur vide explicationem generalem praemissam.</page><page sequence="18">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 115 4. Universim hoc cle angulo dicitur: Omnes fructus qui &amp; eduntur &amp; in privatum usum servantur, &amp; in terra nascuntur, sim?lque ac semel ?colliguntur, &amp; demtim in durationem reconduntur, ex iis, angulus assig nandus est, in quorum numerum omnem proventum &amp; Legumina reponas licet. 5. Inter arbores, corni (n), siliquse, nuces, amygdalae, vites, malo granata, olese &amp; palmae ad angulum tenentur. (n) Siliqua [added] Hie non Leguminum folliculus, sed arbor est, cujus fructus est folliculus seu siliqua corniculata, semina complectens ; folliculus quidem est saporis dulcis, quamquam pene Ligneas Sub? stantial, at vero Plin: Lib: 15 cap. 28. Graecis Kepa.ri.ov dicitur, idem vocabulum quod usurpatur Latinis. Hispanis sata nota est arbor algarobe appellatur ab Arabica voce quse eadem est cum nostra in textu 31*"in. Anglice charob-tree. occurrit hoc vocabulum in Evangelio Lucas cap. 15. 6. Semper (o) est tempus assignandi angulum: qui angulus etiam libera tur ? decimis modo sit ante ventilationem assignatus. Item si quis agrum ?uum in communem usum dicaverit, modo hoc fiat ante ventilationem is etiam ager liber erit ? decimis: Licet etiam jumenta, animantes, &amp; aves terrae proventu pascere, neque de eo ut eximat decimas necessum est, modo itidem hoc ante ventilationem fiat. Sic etiam, si quis ex horreo sumtum semen seminaverit ante ventilationem, ex eo non solvet decimas, secundum R. Akiba. Si Sacerdos aut Levita emerit horreum ante ventilationem decimse (p) illius sunt. Qui consecraverit agrum suum iter?mque eum ante ventilationem redemerit tenetur decimas solvere nisi pri?s (q) quaestor ventilaverit. (o) Quovis tempore assignare quis debet angulum ita ut nullus prastextus esse posset jam abiisse legitimum assignandi tempus: nam nullum tarn certum tempus est prasfinitum ut si forte dare oblitus quis fuerit alio tempore dare non possit: ergo etiamsi demessuerit totum agrum k nihil residui fecerit, tenetur tarnen concedere ex messe: quin etiam ex tritico quamvis sit ventilatum, immo vel ex ips?, farina quantum dare debuit pro ipso agro: ea tarnen Lege ut quodcumque dederit anguli nomine post ventilationem teneatur exinde prim?m decimas eximere cum alias angulus ipse, quemadmodum etiam rei communi usui dicatas liberantur ? decimis uti habetur. (p) viz. nec Teruma, nec decimae debentur ante ventilationem ergo nullius sunt, sed post ventilationem debentur caeteris sacerdotibus &amp; Levitis. (q) Ut res melius intelligatur sciendum est, prim? frumentum non obligari ad Terumam vel decimas nisi post ventilationem quia ventilatione fit seu consummatio operis vel terrae laboris: secund?, rem Deo sacratam non esse obnoxiam Terumae aut decimis, idcirco si quaestor frumentum hoc sacrum ventilaverit atque deinde aliis ven</page><page sequence="19">116 ISAAC ABENDANA'S CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH diderit, vel ipsi proinde Domino qui consecraverat, illi non tenebuntur Terumam aut decimas inde eximere quoniam eo tempore quo eximi debebant sacrum erat, &amp; omni obligatione immune, contra vero ante ventilationem venditum decimas solvebat. IV. From the Preface to Robert Sheringham's "Joma." Robert Sheringham published in London, 1648, the Hebrew text of the Mishnaic tractate Joma, with analyses, Latin version, and Annotations. The Dedication fills two pages:?" Viro illustrissimo Joanni Heydono equiti" ; the Praefatio ad Lectorem occupies twenty-two pages. Shering? ham (1602-1678) was a royalist divine (Dictionary of National Biography, Iii. 89); he was educated at Cambridge. Deprived of office under the Cromwell regime, for some years he taught Hebrew and Arabic at Rotterdam, returning to England after the restoration of Charles II in 1660. He ended his career at Cambridge. Sheringham, in his Preface to Joma, justifies his devotion to Rabbinic lore on several grounds. In the first place, the lore is of much intrinsic value ; Inscite nugantur quicunque affirmare audent nihil praeter futilia, vana, frivola, in scriptis Talmudicis reperiri: multa in illis extant insignia, utilia, et scitu digna. (P. 3.) Secondly, the Rabbinic lore helps in the interpretation of Scripture : Sed, quod nostra magis interest, scripta Talmudica non parum ad sacrae Scripturae intelligentiam conferunt. Frustra non est quod aiunt Rabbini, Non potest lex scripta nisi per legem oralem explicari. (Pp. 5, 6.) Thirdly, the Gospels owe much to the Rabbis ; many things contained in the former are culled from the latter. Illud etiam nequeo praeterire, qu?d multa allegorica et pia dicta quae antiqui Rabbini a Deo exagitati ejusque numine abrepti postulerunt, in scriptis Talmu? dicis continentur. Huic forte non credis: quidni credas, cum multa Christus Salvator noster in concionibus suis ex istis carpserit quae jam canonici? Scripturis inserta sunt. (P. 10.) Sheringham instances parallels to Luke xvi. 19 seq., Matthew xx. 1 seq., Matthew xxv. 1 seq. He also meets the now current objection that the Rabbinic literature is later than the Gospels. "Opinor magis," he says (p. 15)," Rabbinos qui utramque Gemaram contexuerunt Evangelia nunquam legisse." He absolutely refuses to admit the possibility of borrowing on the part of the later Rabbis.</page><page sequence="20">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 117 Finally, the Rabbinic literature contains many traditions, to be used cautiously indeed, but with confidence where there is no reason against their genuineness. Postrem?, traditiones multae Mosi in monte Sinai divinitus datae, et per os inde posteris transmissae, in scriptis Talmudicis referuntur, quas Scriptis tradere et divulgare Mosi nequaquam licuit. De his mentio facta est 2 Esdrae xiv. 4, 5, 6, quam vis, ut libere dicam, multas etiam fictas falsaque traditiones veteratores quidam populo obstruserint, quod merito ipsis exprobravit Christus, cum iisdem legem Dei exsolvissent. Sunt igitur haec caute legenda, nec multum traditionibus fidendum, ubi eorum interfuit talia comminisci; ubi nihil interfuit, plus illis tribuendum videtur. (P. 16.) Sheringham further argues that all ancient literatures are a mixture of the legendary and the true. His statements on this subject must be read in mitigation of the remark quoted from Percy in the Dictionary of National Biography, loc. cit. Altogether, his attitude to the whole question is remarkable, and many moderns have something to learn from him. Throughout, Sheringham's spirit is that of the true humanist. V. The Oxford Almanacks. The Calendars cover the civil year from. January to December, and were sometimes at least out before the new year. Thus, in December 1692, Abendana already is able to send the 1693 issue from Oxford to Cambridge. Some copies of the 1694 issue are dated 1693 ; on the other hand, the 1695 Calendar is dated 1695. None of the others have the date of publication on the title-page. For David Nieto's reference to the Abendana Calendars, see the paper by Mr. Israel Solomons, which will be published in volume ix. of Transactions. (i.) The title-page of the first Calendar for 1692 is printed in the text. This is the smallest volume; it contains only forty-six pages, and has no dedication. Though smallest in the number of pages, this issue is, how? ever, larger than its successors in the size of the page. (ii.) The volume for 1693 runs from January 1 to December 31, 1693, and from 4 Sebat 5453 to 13 Tebet 5454. It has a double pagination. It includes a " Brief Equation " of the Jewish Coins, Weights and Measures, and " An Account of the Schools among the Hebrews, from their Original to this present time " (pp. 13-36 of second pagination). In the title-page on the left the word " Oxford " is omitted ; it simply runs " An Almanack for the Year of Christ 1693," etc. Similarly in all subsequent issues. The volume contains eighty-four pages, and adds the " Ancient Roman Kalendar"?all</page><page sequence="21">118 ISAAC ABENDANA*S CAMBRIDGE MISHNAH thirty-six pages of the three Calendars are interleaved. Extra blank leaves are bound up in some of the volumes. It is dedicated to " the Two Most Famous and Celebrated Universities of England." Adds to the University information, which varies somewhat in the different volumes. (iii.) The volume for 1694 runs from January 1 to December 31, 1694,, and from 14 Tebeth 5454 to 23 Tebeth 5455. It contains ninety-five pages. Preface " To the Reader." Includes an Explanation of the Jewish Calendar (pp. 1-33 of the second pagination), and an account of the Rabbinic literature (pp. 34-60). There is no Roman Calendar. (iv.) The volume for 1695 runs from January 1, 1695, to December 31y 1695, and from 14 Tebeth 5455 to 24 Tebeth 5456. (The title-page is erroneous, for it really runs from 24 Tebeth to 6 Shebat.) It contains eighty-four pages. The Discourse is " An Account of our Publick Liturgy at this day established amongst us" (pp. 1-44 of second pagination). It adds the " Scarlet" days of Oxford and Cambridge. It is dedicated to " The Honoured Seneor Ishack Pereira." (v.) The volume for 1696 runs from January 1 to December 31, 1696, and from 7 Sebat to 27 Tebeth 5456 to 27 Tebeth 5457 (really to 17 Tebeth). The Discourse is " A brief Account of the Jewish Laws concerning Tithes." It is dedicated to "The Right Reverend Father in God, John [Hough] Lord Bishop of Oxford, and President of St. Mary Magdalen Coll." (vi.) The volume for 1697 runs from January 1 to December 31, 1697, and from 18 Tebeth 5457 to 27 Tebeth 5458. It contains eighty pages. The Roman Calendar reappears. The Discourse is "An Account of the Institution of the Priesthood and the Exercise of the same among the people of the Jews" (pp. 1-26 of second pagination). Dedicated to "the Rev. Dr. Arth. Charlett, the Worthy Master of University College in the Univers. of Oxford." (vii.) The volume for 1698 runs from January 1 to December 31, 1698, and from 28 Tebeth 5458 to 10 Sebatt 5459. The Discourse is "A Short Account of the Courts of Judicature among the Jews" (pp. 1-40 of second pagination). Dedicated to "the Reverend Dr. Jonathan Edwards, the Worthy Principal of Jesus College in the Univers. of Oxford." (viii.) The volume for 1699 runs from January 1 to December 31,1699, and from 11 Sebatt 5459 to 19 Tebett 5460. It contains eighty-six pages. The Roman Calendar reappears. The Calendar (as in all the volumes) is interleaved. It is dedicated to "the Rev. Dr. Roger Mander, worthy Master of Balliol College in the Univers. of Oxford." The Discourse is " Concerning the Jewish Fasts, wherein is a brief account of the great day of Expiation." There is a list of the Archbishops of Canterbury.</page><page sequence="22">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 119 VI. Letters from Isaac Abendana to Dr. Covell (Brit. Mus. Add. 22910, fol. 417, 446, 450). A. Reverend Sir The kind reception you haue been pleased to bestow on me when I was in Cambridge, &amp; your approbation to my last Almanak, &amp; the encourage? ment you gaue me to continued every year, Emboldnet my to send you a new one for the next, and withall humble to begge of you the fauour to distribute the rest amongst the Reverends Heads of Colleges in your famous University with my respects to every one, wishing you all a happy new year. What new additions I have put to this you will easily observe, I shall take it for a great honour if you would be pleased to lett me hear how you like it. I have been all ever since my return very sick wc.h occa? sioned that I could not writte all this while to some of my friends. I do not doubt of your goodnes that you will pardon this boldness &amp; will dis? pose of them at my best advantage, &amp; that as soone as may be, and if I can serve you in any thing, you shall be pleased to command me. I am. Reverend Sir Your most obliged Humble Oxon: Decembr Servant 23. 1692 Isaac Abendana. Endorsed: To The Reverend Dr. Covell, Master of Christ College In Cambridge. B. Reverend Sir In acknowledgement of the great fauours I received in all occasions I have send to you, you your (sic) common prayers translated into the portugues tongue mine own native language, wc.h was done at the desire of the East India Companie, I shall be glad you will be pleased to accept of this small tocken, as for mine Almanak, I would begge of you to lett me impartially know how is taken in your University. I have send them this two years and I did Receive no return. I am putting one for the next year to come, with a short true account of our high Priest, wc.h if I should think</page><page sequence="23">120 ISAAC ABENDANA'S CAMBRIDGE MISHFAH that it should be accepted, I would make bold to send it to you and be glad to be serviceable to the publik, that was airways mine endeavour. Who am Reverend Sir Oxon 21. Sept. You most obliged Servant 1696 Isaac Abendana. Endorsed For The Reverend Dr. Covell master of Christ College In With a book Cambridge C. Reverend Sir Your most kind letter and generous tocken I received by ye Windsor Carrier for we.b I return you many thanks. As for the picture of the pot that was taken out of an old mote in Norfolk, etc. [The substance of the letter is given in Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society, vol. v. p. 185.] Oxon. Octob. 9th 1696. Endorsed to Dr. Covell as before. VII. The " Discourses/' The title-page runs thus : Discourses | of the | Ecclesiastical and Civil | Polity of the Jews. | viz. | Of their Courts of Judicature. | Laws concerning Tithes. | Institution of the Priesthood. | Their Liturgy. | Their Schools. | Their Feasts, Fasts, Coins, Weights and Measures. | Written by Isaac Abendana, | a Learned Jew. | Being more particularly very Useful for Divines of all Perswasions. | London: | Printed for Samuel Bollard, at the Blue-Ball, in Little-Britain. 1706. (Pp. viii. 200. 8? ) [The Preface opens: " The following Discourses having been writ at different Times ... by the learned Isaac Abendana . . . The Collecting and Digesting of them into one volume has been approved of, and deemed useful for the Publick in many Respects, by several Judicious Divines, and other Gentlemen.,, On page 1 the title is " An | Account of the | Laws, Religion, &amp;c. | of the | Jews." The substance of the Discourses had previously appeared in the Kalendars. See above, Appendix V.]</page><page sequence="24">AND OXFORD CALENDARS. 121 In 1709 appeared the "Second Edition, Corrected," at the price 2s. But the only new thing is the title-page. The " second " is identical with the first edition, and indeed is merely the "remainder" of the first edition re-published. It is a mere reissue of the unsold copies. For an appreciation of certain of the Discourses, see S. Singer in Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc., vol. iii. pp. 43-5. VIII. The Passes to Jacob and Isaac Abendana. In the course of the discussion on the foregoing paper, importance was attached to the Passes issued, to two Abendanas, in 1692-93. Hence it seems desirable to print the exact entries from the original sources. The Passes are to be found in S. P. Domestic, Entry Booh 342. The Passes are authorised by the Earl of Nottingham. The Pass to Jacob Abendana occurs on page 442, and runs thus: Juda Coen Passe for Juda Coen and Jacob Aben Jacob Abendana dana, to go to Harwich &amp; Holland Passe within 14. dayes. Dat: Whitehall Anth. Rodrigues 6 Dec? 1692 Nottingham The Pass to Isaac Abendana occurs on page 460 of the same volume, and runs thus : Isaac ABendana Passe for Isaac ABendanda, to go to Harwich Passe and Holland within 14 dayes. Dated Anth. Rodrigues Whitehall, 3d January 169|. Nottingham The name of Anthony Rodrigues occurs as guarantor in other Passes to Jews. If the Jacob Abendana here referred to be the Haham, he cannot have died in 1685, though the evidence of the Burial book of the Be vis Marks synagogue seems to prove this to be the case. Nieto gives 1695 as the date of Jacob Abendana's death. It is by no means certain that even the Isaac Abendana of the pass is identical with the subject of the present paper. For particulars as to another Isaac Abendana see the paper of Mr. Israel Solomons on "David Nieto and some of his Contemporaries," which will be published in volume ix. of Transactions.</page></plain_text>

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