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Dr. Jacob de Castro Sarmento and Sephardim in Medical Practice in 18th-Century London

Richard Barnett

<plain_text><page sequence="1">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento and Sephardim in Medical Practice in 18th-century London* RICHARD BARNETT It is exciting to travel back in thought to the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation in Bevis Marks at its most splendid period, the early 18th century, when the synagogue, newly built and opened in the reign of William III in 1701, was presided over by the greatest of its chief rabbis, Haham David Nieto (haham from 1701 until 1728). Summoned from Italy, he surrounded himself with a galaxy of brilliant men drawn to the new haven of freedom as religious refugees from Spain and Portugal. Conspicuous among the crowd of immi? grants would be such men as Diogo (otherwise Moses) Lopes Pereira, afterwards Baron de Aguilar, who was here from 1722, then left for Vienna to become a financier of the Empress Maria Theresa,1 Daniel Lopes Laguna who published his Spanish verse translation of the Psalms in London in 17202 and Solomon da Costa Atias who presented a Hebrew Library to the British Museum.3 There was also a group of medical practitioners, cultivated and urbane, which for a short time included the brilliant Dr Antonio Ribeiro Nunes Sanches,4 afterwards physician to the Czarina Catherine of Russia; his uncle, Dr Samuel Nunes Ribeiro;5 another relative, Dr Isaac de Sequeira Samuda;6 Dr David de Chaves; and others who helped to form a cultured coterie. We need not forget that Haham Nieto himself, a remarkably versatile and gifted scholar, was ori? ginally a physician by profession, but as a condition of his appointment to London was expressly required by his new employers to give up his medical activities. One of the most remarkable men of this group was a young doctor of whose life and career quite a lot is already known, but by dint of diligent research more has now come to light and it seems the time is now ripe to combine all and take a new look at him and do him better justice. Henrique de Castro was later known in the synagogue as Jacob, and still later as Jacob de Castro Sarmento.7 He was born in 1691 (or possibly 1692) at Braganca in the province of * This is an extended version of a Paper delivered to the Society on 2 November 1978 Traz-oz-montes in the north of Portugal, the son of New Christian parents, Francisco de Castro Almeida and Violante de Mesquita, both of whom were arrested in 1708 by the Inquisition (see Appendix 1). Francisco moved to Gr?ndola in the Alemtejo, but Henrique's school days were spent in the city of Mertola, also in the far south of the Alemtejo to which his father had evidently moved; it appears that his mother died while under arrest before 1710.8 From school at Mertola he matricu? lated into the University of Evora in the Alemtejo, studied the classics and the philosophy of Aristotle and obtained his ma. In 1711 he passed into the University of Coimbra where he studied medicine till he obtained his degree of Bachelor of Medicine in 1717.9 Then he worked in the south for a short time among the poor in Beja, a city of the fever ridden district of the Alemtejo (which gave him a life-long interest in the treatment of fevers); he practised also in the Algarve in partnership with one Dr Pedro Dias Nunes.10 He then claims to have spent some time in Lisbon in rather poor health.11 This period of his life is extremely obscure. We are told nothing of his beliefs or religious way of life, but it seems most probable that he took part in secret Jewish observances in Beja and also perhaps joined in the secret Lisbon congregation headed by Dr Nunes Ribeiro and as a result, eventually found it necessary to flee the country. According to one account,12 the Inquisition pounced upon his mother Violante, charging her with 'judaizing' in 1720, and he then fled the country to escape arrest. The Inquisition in fact pounced far earlier (see Appendix 1) and she died before 1710, so this explanation for his flight can hardly be true. According to another account,13 he was himself penanced in an auto da fe with many others at Coimbra on 17 June 1718, but I can find no evidence of such an auto ever having taken place, and this information should be regarded as highly dubious unless it can otherwise be confirmed. Ugly rumours, connecting him with the Inquisition in this obscure period of his life, continued to circulate 84</page><page sequence="2">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 85 and pursue him (as we shall see) in London. Kayserling has it that in 1720 he fled to relatives in Hamburg, or here in London,14 but Barbosa Machado, a contemporary who quite probably corresponded with him, claims he arrived here 'ambitious to enrich his talents with scientific knowledge' early in 1721.15 In fact we first meet him in the synagogue as Dr Jacob de Castro with his wife Rahel, to whom he was officially remarried on 11 Adar 5481 (10 March 1721).16 On arrival in London he immediately gave to the wider world proofs of his remarkable talents in his self-appointed vocation as a disseminator of scientific knowledge of all kinds, but especially of medical knowledge. Highly educated and energetic, ever ready with ideas and pen, he was marked out to be what today would be called 'a good communicator' and would doubtless have become an eminent teacher of medicine if that field had been open to him. But in the England of that time, though a Jewish physi? cian - provided he had qualified elsewhere - might then obtain the right to practise medicine here, certainly none could as yet occupy any professorial chair.17 Hardly had de Castro settled here than he launched in English - presumably with the aid of a translator - his first venture into what was to prove his characteristic life's task, that of publicizing medical and scientific knowledge. This first contri? bution was a study of the treatment of smallpox, a work of 40 pages published in March 1721, entitled A Dissertation On the Methods of Incubating the Small Pox: with critical remarks on the several authors who have treated the disease.18 The author was said to be 'j.c, m.d.'. It is evident that this modest work drawing attention to the new discovery of a method for treating this scourge, already advertised by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu in her letters of 1717 from Constantinople and by her activity in London in 1721 on her return, created a considerable stir.19 The English edition of the Dissertation was followed by a second edition in Latin published in London in 1722, and another in Ley den also in Latin, both obviously designed for the foreign market, with a reprint in 173 7.20 Kayserling also records a Ger? man translation of 1722 published in Hamburg.21 The second Latin edition spells out the author's name more fully as 'Jacob a Castro medicus Lon dinensis' and there is no doubt whatsoever22 that this person was indeed Dr de Castro Sarmento, though strenuous attempts were made by Israel Solomons to attribute these publications to an obscure London Sephardi barber-surgeon also named Jacob de Castro (i 704-89). We may further note that the third edition (1735) also gives the author's name in full: Jacob ? Castro Sarmento.23 But it was a characteristic and recurrent feature of de Castro Sarmento's life that his successes were never far from troubles. In the atmosphere of mingled joy and relief in which these refugees from the Inquisition lived, there habitually lurked sus? picions and fears of fresh dangers. In 1724 de Castro Sarmento was accused by one Daniel de Flores24 of the crime of having betrayed certain fellow-Jews in Beja to the Inquisition, perhaps thereby purchasing his own escape. Such betrayals were all too common, being enforced by the Inquisition on its victims as part of its normal methods. De Castro Sarmento took the matter to the Mahamad (wardens) of the Bevis Marks Synagogue and requested an investigation into the charge. Unfortunately for the historian, no full details of the enquiry are recorded; but the Mahamad and Elders in an extraordinary meeting on 6 May declared the accusation to be baseless and malicious, and allowed their decision to be published in English, in a broadsheet of which a copy exists in the Bodleian Library at Oxford (see Plate II).25 Dr de Castro Sarmento, like many other marranos who had returned to the faith, now felt an urge to write or speak publicly, partly to proclaim his beliefs and penitence, partly in self-vindication after the dis? missal of the false charge, and on 9 Sivan 5484 (31 May 1724) he obtained permission from the Mahamad to publish a booklet of three sermons in Portuguese entitled Exemplar de Penitencia (see Plate III, Fig. i).26 The full title reads in translation: 'The Pattern of Penitence, or three discourses for the Sacred Day of Kipur: dedicated to the great and omnipotent God of Israel . . . with the approval of the Sr Haham of this congregation.' There is little that is obviously autobiographical in this work, save that the author apologizes for his inadequate knowledge of the Hebrew language. The same year (1724) is also said to have seen another religious contribution from the young but learned doctor's pen; it was a quasi-theological work, this time in Spanish, a paraphrase in verse of the Book of Esther entitled Extraordinaria Providentia que el Gran Dios de</page><page sequence="3">86 Richard Barnett Israel us? con su escogido pueblo en tempo de su major aflici?n . . . Such a work can only have been intended for the consumption of marranos or those recently escaped, among whom the Book of Esther was understandably popular. Unfortunately, no copy of this work is now known to survive-if indeed it was ever published, about which I own to some doubts.27 But before the year (1724) was out he was in trouble again. Financially, he was harassed by a lawsuit over a debt incurred in Lisbon (see Appen? dix 1); domestically, he was smitten by the death of his first child28 and communally, he was involved on this occasion with the Mahamad, to whom his new-found orthodoxy had now been impugned. The medical care of the congregation's poor had long been entrusted to the Hebrd or Brotherhood of Guemilut Hasadim, basically a burial society ori? ginally set up in 1687,29 which maintained a doctor and a surgeon, the former receiving lodgings in the synagogue's grounds and a free ration of coal annually. Dr de Castro Sarmento had obtained the appointment as doctor to the Hebrd in 1724 in succession to Dr de Chaves, who was suspended for a year for negligence on the complaint of Samson Gideon on 24 Iyar 5484 (16 May 1724).30 But his enjoyment of his new post was short-lived. On 5 Tisry 5484 (23 September 1724) he was dismissed permanently from it by the Mahamad and Elders for having 'written on the Passover and ridden in a coach on the 8th day of Succot'. For these two 'scandalous sins' he was condemned to ask pardon publicly in the synagogue from the tebd (reading desk) before being allowed to resume his place in the synagogue, under pain of herem (excommuni? cation). The sentence was confirmed by heavy majorities in the meetings of the Elders. He was, however, in due course restored to grace, evidently being a close friend of Haham Nieto, for on the occasion of the latter's death in January 1728, Dr de Castro Sarmento was one of the two physicians who delivered and published valedictory sermons31 on the late Haham (see Plate III, Fig. 2), the other being his friend Dr Isaac de Sequeira Samuda, poet and former victim of the Inquisition,32 whose sermon was delivered-or at least written for delivery - on the conclusion of the thirty days of mourning and who also provided the epitaph in Portuguese on the Haham's tombstone in the following year.33 While we may take the 1720s as being primarily Dr de Castro Sarmento's 'synagogue years', when he was much bound up with that body, he did not neglect to develop his professional career. In 172 5, he recouped himself for the set-back incurred from the Hehrd affair by becoming a Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians,34 and being thereby authorized to practise, was all set to develop his career in London. Next year (1726) he published Siderohydrologia, a treatise on 'chalybeate' spring water and its virtues,35 such as it was fashionable to drink, for example, at Well Walk in Hampstead. He next planned an important advance in his scientific status by becoming a candidate for elec? tion to the Royal Society in 1729. No sooner did he do so, however, than he found himself opposed by another Jewish physician and frs, Dr Meyer Low Sch?mberg. This gentleman was already no stranger to the affairs of the Spanish and Portu? guese Synagogue. A small but important entry in the Treasurer's Accounts for 18 Elul 5581(16 Sept 1721) for the payments for the Poor shows that 'Dr Mayer Sharberg' (i.e. Sch?mberg) - the counter entry calls him simply 'the Tudesco doctor' - was paid the fee of ?6.6s. for 'assisting the poor'. This means that he was called in to supplement or act as locum tenens to Dr de Chaves, in his capacity as doctor to the Hebra. The payment was not renewed in the following year. It certainly looks probable that the keen young newcomer may have been connected with the criticisms not only of Dr de Chaves, but possibly also of his assistant, and that while these criticisms evidently led on the one hand to Dr de Castro Sarmento's accession to the post in 1724, they may also have led to the lifelong hostility and jealousy of Dr Sch?mberg. However this may be, Dr Sch?mberg now wrote a letter to the Royal Society bitterly attacking Dr de Castro Sarmento and insinuating roundly that the old accusation that he had been an informer of the Inquisition was true. Dr de Castro Sarmento, after being at first rejected in December 1729, was nevertheless renominated and elected on 3 Febru? ary 1730, but Dr Sch?mberg remained his life-long enemy.36 Linked always with his encounters with scientific</page><page sequence="4">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 8 7 thought in England was the nostalgia in this strange man's mind ever harking back to his native Portugal. Thus, in 1730, with the support of the great naturalist Sir Hans Sloane, President of the Royal College of Physicians, we find him conveying a proposal to his alma mater, the University of Coimbra, to provide it with seeds from the Chelsea Physic Garden (which Sloane had refounded) for the purpose of planting a botanical garden in Coimbra.37 It was not till 41 years later, after his death, that the plan was carried out, but this garden at Coimbra still exists and is said to have formed the basis of much valuable research.38 He turned, for the next two or three years, to literary, philosophical and linguistic endeavours, as well as exhibiting an interest in astronomy. He was something of a poet, like his friend and colleague Dr Isaac Sequeira de Samuda, and when the latter died in 1730, leaving unfinished a long poem entitled Viriadas written in 1724 in Portuguese, in thirteen cantos and 415 stanzas, de Castro Sarmento took it upon himself to finish it, contributing fifty further stanzas.39 But even so, it was (perhaps wisely) never published. I was fortunate to be shown in 196140 a ms copy of this work, from the Duke of Palmella's library, and found it (if I remember rightly) to be largely a paraphrase of the Book of Esther. I also observed what I took to be some not very covert attacks on what could only be the Roman Catholic Faith and the Inquisition, under allusions to the worship of Baal. One most extra? ordinary thing about it is its dedication to Dom Jo?o V, king of Portugal, 'the great patron of letters': but as the work was never published or printed we might not perhaps attach much importance to it except that it implies a strong diplomatic bid by de Castro Sarmento and his deceased friend to conci? liate the Portuguese establishment.41 We find, too, that in the same year (1730) he enters into a courteous correspondence with the Secretary of the Royal Academy of Lisbon, the Marquis of Alegrete, who had apparently offered to send copies of his publications42 and to whom in return he offers both advice on historical publications and to provide for publication a translation of an English geographical work.43 We may now take a look at the physical appear? ance of this amazingly versatile scholar, who strikes us as more like a Renaissance polymath than an 18th-century medical or scientific figure. The in? scription, 'H. Stevens pinx*1729, And? Miller fecit 1737', curiously enough shows that we have him as painted by H. Stevens in 1729 (see Plate IV) but engraved as a mezzotint only in 173 7; he is shown wearing a full-bottomed wig and clasping a book in the midst of his library.44 Yet though clearly earlier, it professes to depict him at the age of 45, i.e. in 1736, evidently to fit the date of the book in which it appeared.45 It also confirms that he was born in 1692, not 1691 (see Appendix I). The outcome (or possibly the cause) of the overture to Dom Jo?o V of Portugal in the dedica? tion of the Viriadas must be seen in the contact which he successfully established with the monarch. It was de Castro Sarmento's first playing of a new role in which he aimed to be seen as a loyal Portuguese expatriate in London, exiled merely on religious grounds from his homeland. Through the person of the Conde de Ericeira, one of the king's ministers,46 Dom Jo?o appears to have been per? suaded to seek advice from Dr de Castro Sarmento on the best means of reforming the medical profes? sion and other sciences in Portugal, progress in which had been arrested by the fossilizing influence of the Inquisition and the limitations of Aristotelean philosophy. In the light of this, as Alves points out,47 de Castro Sarmento boldly proposed bringing to Portugal the true philosophic spirit of observa? tion and experiment introduced into English thought by the great philosopher Francis Bacon. Accordingly, in 1731 he was all set to publish a Portuguese translation in three volumes of the philosophical works of Francis Bacon, primarily the Novum Organum. As this was originally written by Bacon in Latin, de Castro Sarmento proposed to base himself on an English translation by Peter Shaw. The plan got as far as a printed title page or advertisement,48 but was dropped. According to de Castro Sarmento's own account in a letter of 1751 (quoted by Alves49) the king took fright at the dangerous ideas contained in a specimen sheet and dismissed the whole plan on grounds of expense. According to D'Esaguy, it was killed by the intrigues of the Portuguese Jesuits - if true, it was a sad case of ingratitude, for it was the remarkable contribu? tions to astronomy made by the Portuguese Jesuits</page><page sequence="5">88 Richard Barnett in China and Paraguay which Dr de Castro Sar? mento had been studiously recommending to the attention of the Royal Society.50 Accordingly, he turned next to the safer plane of pure language. In the spring of 1734 he sought and obtained from the Mahamad (who still exercised, or attempted to exercise a censorship on publication) permission to publish a Portuguese-English Dictionary.51 It does not appear that it ever saw the light of day, but if it did, it must have been one of the earliest examples of its kind.52 Dr de Castro Sarmento was now, according to Hyamson, the most distinguished Jew of his day.53 Nevertheless, by midsummer 1733 he was once more involved in fresh trouble with the Mahamad. Jacob da Costa Villareal had, in accordance with the then common and legally permitted Sephardi cus? tom of the time, married his niece Rachel, nee Morais Pereira. He was a patient of Dr de Castro Sarmento, but died under his care in 1733. The doctor then claimed ?40 in fees for medical attend? ance of twenty days from the widow, who refused to pay. The Doctor then caused her to be arrested for debt, but Lord Hardwicke, giving judgement, awarded the plaintiff a mere ?3.5s. Moses Morais Pereira, the deceased's father-in-law, then cited the Doctor before the Mahamad for having caused his daughter to be arrested by the civil authorities, instead of obtaining a settlement within the syna? gogue. The Mahamad inflicted a small fine of five shillings on the offender, signifying little more than mild censure.54 In 1735 he produced his most important work, his Materia medica: Physico-Historico-Mechanica, reyno mineral Part I55 ('Materia medica: physico historico-mechanical, mineral kingdom', a trans? lation of the rest of the title being 'to which are added the principal remedies of the present state of materia medica,56 such as blood letting, leeches, cupping glasses applied after scarifying, emetics, purgatives . . . &amp;c. and in particular, my "Waters of England"'). The author's protestations of loyalty won for him from the Portuguese king a letter patent, published in the book, protecting the author's copyright in Portugal for ten years.57 (Part II, dealing with the vegetable and animal worlds, was not published till 1758, when a reprint of Part I was included in the same volume.) This is the first reference to his 'Waters of England' and to the flourishing business that he was already developing in preparing and exporting a patent medicine, the recipe for which he kept a secret. It was based on quinine for the cure or control of fever, especially malaria; but its great therapeutic qualities do not appear to have been his own discovery at all, nor in fact did he ever pretend they were. They had been established and confirmed by Cardinal Lugo in Peru in 1650, or even earlier, and the use of this medicine - a decoction from the bark of a cinchona tree - in England is to be first ascribed to an earlier Anglo-Portuguese physician, Dr Fernando Mendes, physician to Charles ITs Queen, Catharine of Bra ganga, in 1681. At his death in 1762, de Castro Sarmento bequeathed the secret prescription to his widow and two sons to operate the lucrative business in partnership: but we anticipate.58 In this work he shows his attention now to be increasingly orientated towards the medical profes? sion in Portugal and to the Portuguese 'establish? ment', whom he now seeks to cultivate. This first part of his Materia Medica constitutes the first attempt at a Portuguese pharmacopoeia. It is dedicated to Marco Antonio Azevedo Coutinho, Portuguese Minister Plenipotentiary in London.59 In his dedication, de Castro Sarmento frankly alludes to his quarrels and difficulties; he is seeking Coutinho's protection against evil detractors and false misrepresentation by the ignorant.60 At the same time he emphasizes his love of 'his country', i.e. Portugal, and his singular and ardent desire to serve it. It is not surprising that we find Coutinho, on 26 April 1738, reporting to the Duke of Newcastle, the British Foreign Secretary, that Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento is now a member of his staff and physician to his household.61 He was thereby in a good position to become attached to the staff of the next Minister Plenipotentiary who succeeded Coutinho in 1739. This was Joseph de Carvalho e Melho, in later years internationally famous as the Marquis de Pombal, dictator and reformer of Portugal and saviour of the New Christians from the Inquisition, which he even? tually vanquished. By this time, de Castro Sarmento's reputation for influence at the Portuguese court was such that he was approached and agreed to enter into a contract with the unfortunate loseph Cortissos to support the latter's massive financial claims on the Portu</page><page sequence="6">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 89 guese government, out of the proceeds of which, if paid, de Castro Sarmento was to receive 5% commission. Nothing, however, appears to have come of this agreement.62 In 173 7 de Castro Sarmento published a work in quite a different, and for him, new field. It was entitled Theorica Verdadeira das Mares, conforme ? Philosophia do incomparavel cavalhero Isaac Newton (London 173 7)63 ('The True Theory of the Tides, in accordance with the philosophy of the incompar? able Sir Isaac Newton'). This was a study explaining the movement of the tides under the influence of the moon, according to Sir Isaac Newton's laws of gravity; it was dedicated to the Conde de Monsanto and Marquis de Cascaes, a mathematician who 'was the first person who had benefited from the good effects of my [de Castro Sarmento's] Agoas da Inglatera'64 and had recommended it to the leading physicians. The work also contained and circulated the fine mezzotint portrait of the author, already described above.65 Clearly this work, once more seeking to open Portuguese eyes, blinkered by the Church, to the freedom of English thought, was intended for a wider consumption in Portugal, and not just for the tiny Sephardi market of London. In 1738, de Castro Sarmento ran more or less innocently into real professional trouble, in an unpleasant episode which the researches of Edgar Samuel and his late father at last brilliantly illu? minated.66 Once more the trouble was a clash with his old arch-enemy, Dr Meyer Low Sch?mberg. This time it took the form of a serious professional dispute involving the Royal College of Physicians, of which both men were Licentiates. A prominent and wealthy member of the Sephardi Congregation of London, Benjamin Mendes da Costa,67 merchant of leffries Square, but originally from St Esprit, Bayonne, in late 1738 lay ill of a fever, with violent pains in both 'hypochondrys'. The patient's former physician had been Dr Sch?mberg, but this time he called in Dr de Castro Sarmento, who prescribed opium as a remedy. Hearing the news, Dr Sch?m? berg visited the apothecary to whom the prescrip? tion had been sent, inspected and borrowed the prescription and begged the apothecary 'for humanity's sake' to visit the patient and implore him not to take the medicine, as it would be very dangerous, since he understood the patient to have breathing trouble, and to urge him to seek the advice of another physician. The patient neverthe? less ignored Dr Schomberg's opinions thus indis? creetly conveyed, took Dr de Castro Sarmento's medicine and recovered. Dr Sch?mberg, mean? while, continued at Garraway's Coffee House wildly to accuse Dr de Castro Sarmento of prescribing inappropriate and dangerous medical treatment. The latter had little alternative but to take the matter to the Disciplinary Committee of the Royal College, who vindicated his action, severely repri? manded Dr Sch?mberg and fined him ?4. Needless to say, the echoes of this acrimonious dispute did not fail to be heard inside the Syna? gogue, and on 6 Tebet 5499 (17 December 1739) Dr Sch?mberg appeared before the Mahamad with a request. It seems evident that Dr de Castro Sar? mento, or some of his supporters, had linked Dr Schomberg's present attack with that earlier one of 1724, circulated shortly after Dr de Castro Sar? mento had arrived in England, in which he was accused of betraying his secret Jewish co-reli? gionists to the Inquisition in Portugal. Dr Sch?m? berg now somewhat unctuously demanded to have his own name vindicated from any connection with the original accusation, and asked that the Maha? mads papers be reopened to see if any mention had been made of it. None was found, whereupon, following his opponent's example on the previous occasion, 'he desired an attestation of the Mahamad thereof signed by the gabay [treasurer] which was granted'.68 Evidently he had reckoned on his malicious letter of 1724 on the same subject, addressed to the Royal Society having passed unnoticed. Dr de Castro Sarmento, meanwhile, reinforced his position in the medical world by obtaining in 1739 a doctorate of Aberdeen Univer? sity, being the first Jew so to be honoured in the United Kingdom.69 As Mr Edgar Samuel has remarked, the outcome of the doctors' dispute of 1738 seems to have been that the antagonism of Dr Sch?mberg was deflected from Dr de Castro Sar? mento to the Royal College itself, with whom the cantankerous Ashkenazi doctor now fought a long, costly but unsuccessful legal battle, supported by a small barrage of journalistic pamphlets70 over the admission of his son Isaac as a Licentiate, and his right to practise medicine; and it seems that for a brief time there may have been a sort of rapproche? ment between the two rival physicians. For Dr de</page><page sequence="7">go Richard Barnett Castro Sarmento was now involved in a rather trivial squabble with the City parish of St Katharine Coleman where he resided, over his liability for paying parish taxes. From this he claimed to be exempt by diplomatic immunity, as physician to the Portuguese Envoy and his staff; but the parish distrained on him for a debt of ios. 8d. The doctor employed a notary, the learned Solomon da Costa Atias, to provide on his behalf for the Envoy an affidavit; it was drawn up by Solomon da Costa Atias' youthful partner, Solomon Sch?mberg, none other than the Ashkenazi doctor's own son.71 The Minister intervened heavily in his physician's defence and the parish officers were routed.72 None of this, however, interrupted the practical and literary activities of Dr de Castro Sarmento, nor his constant contacts with the principal scientific and medical figures of his day, Sir Hans Sloane,73 James Douglas, the anatomist,74 and many others,75 and he was meanwhile furnishing the Portuguese public, in translations, with the works of distinguished English surgeons - in 1742, with the work of Stephen Hales on the treatment of the stone,76 and in 1746 with that of Samuel Sharp,77 a surgeon of Guy's Hospital. But the peaceful lull did not last long, and in 1746 the old feud was broadened into a bitter general onslaught by Dr Sch?mberg on the Sephar dim of London as a whole. This took the form of a curious document in Hebrew-a sort of Religio Medici - entitled Emunat Omen, which Mr Samuel published in 1964.78 We have no proof that it was ever intended that this violent polemic should be printed; it was probably only meant to circulate in manuscript form. It flails the London Sephardim unsparingly in the language of the Hebrew Pro? phets for their hypocrisy and sinfulness, for being swearers of false oaths and Sabbath-breakers who ride in carriages, open their business letters and discuss their business affairs on the holy day, oppress the poor, are whorers and adulterers who fornicate with the daughters of the gentiles and commit various other sins. What exactly this work of vituperation sought to achieve is hard to say, but to my mind it seems to furnish the key and explain the background to the next somewhat mysterious stage in the struggle between these two men over the foundation of the Bet Holim. It is time to turn elsewhere from doctors' disputes and their fashionable practices among the wealthy, to the opposite social extreme. Among the enor? mously wide range of shortcomings of the sinful Sephardim which Dr Sch?mberg castigates, he says nothing of one subject: the care of the sick poor. This subject was reserved, perhaps, for special treatment. This had indeed been a concern of the congregation which, as we have already said, provided a doctor attached to the Hebra de Bikur Holim y Guemilut Hasadim from the earliest times.79 It was reorganized in 1678. It is difficult to obtain information on the sick poor, but it is evident that even this degree of reorganization was not enough, since Haham Nieto found it necessary to reorganize the Hebra by separating out of it and establishing additionally in 1709 the Bikur Holim Society for the care of the sick,80 delivering a special sermon on the occasion of its foundation (see Plate III, Figs 3 and 4). Evidently, this too was soon insufficient. We are helped by the recent discovery of a single sheet in the Synagogue's archives in the form of a petition of 1731 to the Mahamad submitted by the two Parnassim of the Hebra, Salom Aylion and Isaac Nunes Carvalho.81 They state the number of families of sick poor to be now so numerous, amounting to 254 (which we might assume to represent about 1000 persons), that the previous two doctors hitherto employed are insufficient. It is now proposed that the three doctors (Drs Chaves, Lopes and Nunes Ribeiro) who are now necessary to meet the needs of the sick poor should divide the total of patients into three lists, each doctor to be responsible for one list, and each one to visit the sick on his list every Wednesday. The scheme was evidently accepted,82 but Dr Nunes Ribeiro, seeking a more important task to perform, soon withdrew to lead a community of settlers to Savannah, Georgia, USA.83 In the next decade, the two men principally concerned over the worsening plight of the sick and poor were Joseph Salvador,84 a leading member of the congregation, and Dr de Castro Sarmento. Salvador was admiringly described by an eminent visiting rabbi, R. Haim losef David Azulay, as 'the man who gets things done',85 a title well earned in the present instance. The plan was to establish a Bet Holim, or hospital, as a separate institution inde? pendent of, but supplementing the previously exist? ing fraternities. It was an age for founding hospi</page><page sequence="8">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 91 tals.86 In 1746, two hospitals had been founded in London, one in Islington, the other in Coldbath Fields, for treating the poor of all denominations suffering from smallpox, and for their inoculation. They were under royal patronage and included several distinguished Sephardi subscribers, such as Mr Joseph Salvador, Mr Benjamin Mendes da Costa87 and Mr Solomon da Costa Atias. Accord? ingly, at a meeting of 30 Tisry 5508 (4 October 1747) the Elders of the Synagogue were asked to approve a plan for setting up a hospital, and on 8 Hesvan 1747 appointed a Committee of Manage? ment which met on the 14th and made recommen? dations.88 The arguments were set out in the minutes in English: They entered into consideration of the advantages that the Establishment of an Hospital would be. The bad method in which our poor are at present attended was at first considered and it was remarked that the Poor at present often want the common necessaries of life, such as covering, bedding, lodging, a nurse and proper food for their disorders, since broth, muttons &amp;c. are not proper in many cases. They then considered the advantages of an Hospital, the order and regularity of which will be greatly beneficial to the Poor to their recovery, that it will be as cheap or cheaper, that it will be a proper nursery for raising people in a phisical way. Families of middling circumstances will be helped to phisick on easy terms, that nurses would be found. Dr. Castro, Dr. de la Cour, Dr. Vaz da Silva offered their service for the Hospital, in case it has effect, without fee or reward.... It was likewise appointed that some gentlemen should go on Wednesday next to the London Infirmary to view what may be wanted.'89 The gentlemen in question reported, also in English, to the Committee at its meeting of 21 October 1747 on their visit of inspection, and proposed the formation of a hospital of 20 beds, 'as not more than 10 or 12 people are usually sick at one time'.90 At the meeting of 24 October, Mr Gefford, Steward of the London Infirmary, attended and a very full list of plans and specific requirements was drawn up in English, obviously with his collaboration. On 26 Tebet 5508 (20 December 174 7) Joseph Jessurun Rodrigues (otherwise Salva? dor), appeared before the Mahamad and received permission to print 'certain papers about the estab? lishment of a hospital'.91 This would appear to be a rare pamphlet entitled Proposta feita em committee que se juntou em conse quencia da resoluc?o dos Sres. Velhos de 30 de Tisry 5508 para estabelecer Hum Hospital ou Enfermaria para os doentes necessitados ('Proposal made in the Committee which met in consequence of the Elders' Resolution of 30 Tisry 5508 [4 October 1747] to establish a hospital or infirmary for the sick poor').92 The use of the two alternative terms is important; contrary to what one might expect, the former term 'hospital' being wider than the latter (infirmary) and including the meaning of an asy? lum for the aged, as for example, in the well-known case of the Royal Hospital, Chelsea, for the ex servicemen we call the 'Chelsea Pensioners'. The Elders then laid down the rules and regulations for a hospital on 16 Adar and 17 Nisan 5508 (14 February and 15 April 1748).93 But there were already rumbles of hostility from which elements of melodrama were not lacking. At the commence? ment of Adar II 5 508 (March 1748) an anonymous threatening letter was received by Dr de Castro Sarmento, who, as he was absent himself, sent it by the hand of Jacob Baruch Lousada to the Bet Holim Committee. It reads: Dear Sir, It is with a trembling hand and heart, full of concern for your present welfare, that I take the liberty of writing to you in the manner I now do. If the apprehen? sions I am under are without foundation, you will forgive them. I hear that the hospital will shortly be brought to an issue. If so, all the gentlemen that have contributed to it is in danger which will be impossible to be prevented, their intention is to shoot those that have been authors and set their houses on fire. The committee discussed whether to refer the letter to the Mahamad9* but decided to ignore it. On 11 Elul 5508 (4 September 1748) the first meeting of the 'Grand Committee' of the Bet Holim was held,95 consisting of Jacob Mendez da Costa, Abm da Fonseca, Joseph Salvador, Moses Gomes Serra, Dr de Castro Sarmento, Jacob de Castre (the surgeon) and Isaac Dias Fernandes; and it was reported that I787.4s.1c4d. had been raised in donations. At the same meeting a small staff was appointed, consisting of Juda Mandil as dispenser, his wife Raquel as matron, Moses Pereyra de Castro as secretary, Mordechai de la Penha as apothecary, Susanna Duke as nurse, Isaque Halfon as Samas, Aron Carcas as velador (watchman) and two Eng? lishwomen were employed as midwives, a tudesca (Ashkenazi) as cook and an English girl as house? maid. The Hospital was now opened in a house in Leman Street, rented from one John Hill at ?50 per annum.</page><page sequence="9">92 Richard Barnett The first rules were drawn up by Drs de Castro Sarmento and da Silva, the former being charged with seeing them into print.96 By the meeting of 11 Tisry 5509 (22 September 1748) Daniel Jessurun Rodrigues (or Salvador) was appointed Thesoureiro (or Treasurer-Chairman) and Isaac Netto (or Nieto) Warden, or Parnas, while the rest of the committee consisted of Jacob B. Lousada, Joseph and Jacob Jessurun Rodrigues, and the three doctors, Dr de la Cour, Dr de Castro Sarmento and Dr Vaz (or Vaes) da Silva,97 at that time also acting as doctor to the Hebra, and Jacob de Castre, the surgeon. All three physicians offered their services free. It was, inci? dentally, decided that coffee should be provided free at meetings of the committee. The hospital, during the period from 1 Elul 5508 (25 August 1748) to 1 Adar 5509 (21 February 1749), had already received 47 in-patients and 114 out-patients and issued 711 prescriptions.98 But irregularities quickly took place. At the meeting of 22 September 1748, the clerk, Moses Pereyra de Castro, was suspended for financial errors, though Dr de Castro Sarmento made good the missing sum. At the extraordinary meeting of 12 Iyar 5509 (6 May 1749) the apothecary, Mordechai de la Penha, was suspended on a charge of indecency towards an English girl sent to fetch medicine for a patient. The threatening letter, however, proved to be only the preliminary bombardment. Shortly after? wards came the enemy's real attack. This took the form of a ferociously scurrilous printed cartoon signed pseudonymously and entitled 4The Jerusa? lem Infirmary alias A Journey to the Valley of Jehosaphat',99 the Valley of Jehosaphat being the traditional Jewish burial ground adjoining the city of Jerusalem (see Plate V). The cartoon is excellently drawn and depicts a meeting of the committee, perhaps that of 12 Iyar 5509 (6 May 1749) at which the apothecary was suspended.100 The members are depicted casually sitting at a table; three are playing dice; all are numbered and labelled in cryptic captions underneath the draw? ing; 'balloons' issue from their mouths giving their opinions in Spanish, rather than in the vernacular Portuguese. It will be noticed that while the non-medical bystanders form one group (consi? dered 'good') and are protected by a flying angel, the other group, that of the seated governors (considered 'bad') are protected by a flying devil. Their utterances are on the evidently sore subject whether non-Sephardim are, or are not to be admitted, whereas the rules, drawn up by Drs de Castro Sarmento and de la Cour, firmly excluded them. The three doctors, however, discuss some? thing quite different: whether something that the character numbered 7 is holding up 'is, or is not poison'. To explain it, we must first explain some other points. Lest their contemporaries should be left for long in any doubt as to the identity of the persons illustrated, the same malicious source also published a 'spoof play, or dialogue, in English, entitled also The Jerusalem Infirmary or A Journey to the Valley ofjehosaphat, claiming it, of course falsely, to be published in Venice, and dated 1749.101 Of this publication only one copy is known, in the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, though the fact that this copy is inscribed in ink 'J.P.K. 1798' (otherwise John Philip Kemble, the famous actor),102 and the words 'First Edition', suggest that Kemble knew also of a second edition, now lost (see Plate VI, Fig. 1). This 'play', which has never been previously published, is now given in full in our Appendix IV. The two sources, cartoon and play, have to be studied together to provide us with full explanations.103 The two foremost figures of the medical staff are given, as nicknames, the names of the greatest doctors of classical antiquity. Conspicuous among them is no. 6, described as 'the greatest', and called 'Hypocrates', i.e. Hipocrates, the father of Greek medicine in the 4th century bc, who (the 'play' tells us) lives in Fenchurch Buildings and is, of course, none other than Dr de Castro Sarmento. The flower he is holding must be a poppy seed-pod, and the discussion between him and no. 7, 'Galenus' or Galen (Dr de la Cour) and no. 8 (insultingly called Dr Caga Fuego [Sh-t Fire] i.e. Dr da Silva) as to whether it is poisonous or not can only refer to the sordid dispute (described above) over the use of opium which was conducted between de Castro Sarmento and Sch?mberg before the Royal College of Physicians in 1738. To make the malice plainer, a snake called Astutus' is seen arising from the back of no. 6's neck into the air. There are other obvious jibing allusions in the play to Dr de Castro Sarmento's old poetical aspirations in classical style, since he speaks in verse and swears by 'Juppiter Ammon'; much as in his epic poem, which</page><page sequence="10">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 93 the author may have seen. Another hit is at his trips to Windsor, perhaps in search of Court patronage. We return to this below. Other characters savagely attacked include Isaac Delvalle, one of two wardens of the hospital in 5510 (1749-50) (depicted as a monkey holding a clyster-pipe, or enema syringe), Joseph Salvador and Isaac Nieto, the former Haham, now Warden or Parnass. The play's allusion to his connection with Gibraltar104 has only recently become clear, since we have now learnt from Mr Mesod Benady that Isaac Nieto (son of the great Haham, Dr David Nieto) founded the first synagogue there in 1723.105 Other allusions in the play connecting Nieto with Sardinia and soldiering are at present beyond our power to explain. The morals, sex life and habits of all are attacked. Even the Matron, Raquel Mendil, does not escape obs? cene insinuations, nor, of course, does the amorous apothecary,106 nor the beadle, her husband.107 A touch of veracious local colour is provided by the monkey sending for coffee and chocolate from the Matron 'to refresh himself'.108 The ultimate source of this virulent and scurri? lous publication can hardly, to my mind, be greatly in doubt. All probability points, in my view, to Dr Sch?mberg, an expert in the art of pamphleteering and in the manipulation of public opinion. It should, however, be admitted that Dr de Castro Sarmento may also have had other enemies in the Sephardi camp, not least the wealthy da Costa Vilareal family,109 though these probably no longer counted for so much in the congregation. It may only seem strange that Dr Sch?mberg, who accord? ing to Bos well110 had one of the two largest medical practices in London, had time for such sordid activities. The signatures to the print, Ribi Tarphon invenit, Pinxit Ribi Zadok, Scripsit Ribi Bagbug, are of course pseudonyms in rather heavy humour, adopted from the names of three Tannaim men? tioned in the Mishnaic tractate Ethics of the Fathers.111 It is impossible to say who the artist was, but it is evidently the work of a skilled professional who knew the leaders of the Sephardi community, and was able to draw their portraits recognizably, presumably from memory. The figures of the flying angel and devil are more Christian than Jewish, and in fact the print bears general resemblance in design, layout and style, to another print satirizing the selling of lottery tickets by Jews, engraved by H. O. Neal,112 but the artist of neither is named. Both our print and the accompanying play, on the other hand, show acquaintance not only with all the scurrilous gossip of the community of the day, but also with the scandalous episodes accompanying the opening of the institution. This information must have come from an inside source, or sources. The complaint of the group of bystanders against the exclusion of Ashkenazim from the facilities of the hospital could as well come from either section of the community, and apparently did. But though in principle held a just criticism, it was not a very practical one at the time, though the proposed reform was in fact later put into effect.113 It was common in those days for cartoons to be both unbridled and what may nowadays be called 'spicy'; and no doubt many, both Sephardim and Ashkenazim, found this cruel broadside extremely funny. Others were probably deeply shocked. It was also quite damaging. Its message was abundantly clear for all to read. Whereas Emunat Omen had attacked the Sephardim in general for their hypo? crisy in matters of religious observance, this print and the play lampooning them declared that they were utterly unfit on moral grounds to run a hospital. Yet as the Oriental proverb says: 'The dogs bark, but the caravan moves on'. The hospital was established, and its functioning was appropriately assisted by the publication in 1749 of a formulary of pharmaceutical prescriptions containing 238 for? mulas, entitled Pharmacopoeia Contracta in usum Nosocomii ad Pauperes e gente Lusitanica curandos nuper instituti114 ('Pharmacopoeia drawn up for the use of the hospital recently set up for the poor of the Portuguese race, by J. de CS. and P. de L.' [i.e. by Drs de Castro Sarmento and de la Cour]). There had been earlier English pharmacopoeiae,115 and one in Scotland published for the Royal Hospital in Scot? land in 1746, but this was the first such work to be published in England for an English hospital. It is, of course, no accident that the title of Drs de Castro Sarmento's and de la Cour's Pharmacopoeia is shown advertised derisively on the wall of the Bet Holim in the cartoon 'The Jerusalem Infirmary'. But the barking of the dogs became increasingly insistent and could no longer be ignored. The tensions increased - enough for Dr de Castro Sar? mento to feel compelled to retire, his last appear? ance at a committee meeting being at that of 6 June</page><page sequence="11">94 Richard Barnett two sons who died at birth, for on 11 Hesvan 5485 (28 October 1724) was buried his firstborn son;121 and a second child was buried on 27 Tebet 5486 (31 December 1725).122 We do not know when Rahel died. On 24 Sebat 5516 (26 January 1756) he buried his second wife Sarah, alias Isabel.123 With her death, it seems, his last link with the Synagogue was severed and, on 11 October 1758, he published in the Annual Register his letter to the Elders of the Congregation announcing his intention to withdraw from the community on the grounds that 'the different opinion and senti? ments I have entertained long ago . . . entirely dissenting from those of the Synagogue ... do not permit me any longer to keep up the appearance of a membership of your body. I therefore now take my leave of you, hereby renouncing expressly that communion in which I have been considered with yourselves. . . .'124 He had kept for some years a Christian mistress, who bore him an illegitimate son named Henry, and the farce of the Jerusalem Infirmary makes good use of the scandal. The monkey president is seen congratulating him on having had his babe (quite irregularly) baptized in his own, instead of in the child's mother's name.125 The babe in question was, in fact, baptized as son of 'Henry and Elizabeth de Castro' in the Church of St Margaret Moses, Bread Street, on 12 November 1748.126 By November 1759, when he made his will, he had married his mistress Elizabeth, and his second son Charles had been baptized in St Andrew's Church, Holborn, on 26 March 1758.127 The doctor was also already experiencing trouble from another member of the family, a rascally young cousin, Andre Lopes de Castro of Beja, a boy whom he had undertaken to bring up in London, but who betrayed his trust by pirating the doctor's patent Agoas de Inglaterra, 'Waters of England', and selling an unauthorized version of it in Portugal. The doctor disclosed the facts in an announcement dated 15 October 1755, which he published in the Gazeta de Lisboa of 9 December 1756, and in a letter to his friend Dr Sachetti Barbosa, published at the end of the second edition (1757) of his Appendix,128 as also in a separate book published in 1756.129 The disputes over the 'Waters of England' con? tinued long after the doctor's death, well into the 19th century;130 many imitations of it were sold 1750- He withdrew and returned to his scientific studies as an observer, commentator, compiler and translator, which he had in the meanwhile not wholly neglected. The great astronomical work of the Jesuit fathers in Pekin on the satellites of Jupiter, and in Lisbon on lunar eclipses, had been the object of his attention in his early days in 1730-1; he now returned to the subject to report again on the work being done by the Jesuits in astronomical observa? tions at Pekin and Paraguay, and by Sacchetti Barbosa and Jo?o Chevallier at Lisbon, which he communicated, as he had done before, to The Royal Society over the years 1747-57 (see Plate VI, Fig. 2).116 In 1751 he published in English translation a French dissertation on syphilis,117 aiming to prove that it had originated in an epidemic in Europe and that the belief that it was imported from America was a fallacy. In 1753 he published in Portuguese an Appendix to his former major work, the Materia Medica Part I of 173 5. This took the form of a letter to his friend in Portugal, Dr Sacchetti Barbosa, but was in fact a dissertation on the beneficial effects of the waters of Caldas da Rainha,118 a watering place or seaside resort in Estremadura, near Lisbon, and on the curative qualities of sea water, especially for glandu? lar diseases. It even included plans for the construc? tion of a bathing establishment there, divided into three parts like a Roman bath, with a Frigidarium, a steam bath (Caldarium), and Tepidarium, or swim? ming water bath and drying room. A second edition appeared in 1757. On 1 November 1755 there occurred the disastrous earthquake in Lisbon, in which the town was almost destroyed; a fire broke out and between 30,000 and 40,000 people lost their lives. Dr de Castro Sarmento wrote a long letter offering advice on the sanitary aspects of treatment of the public, whom the government of Pombal was cooping up inside a military cordon sanitaire, which he strongly criticized. A letter from Dr Sacchetti Barbosa des? cribing the catastrophe was also passed on by de Castro Sarmento to the The Royal Society.119 These years were a time of personal difficulties and distress for de Castro Sarmento. The doctor had, it seems, already been married twice; his first wife, Rahel, accompanied him on his arrival in England in 1721.120 She may have borne him the</page><page sequence="12">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 95 and this developed into a large industry - but with this we are not here concerned. All these troubles did not stop him publishing his final great work in 1758, the second part of his Materia Medica, dealing with the vegetable and animal worlds.131 It was dedicated to Dom Pedro de Laffoens, Duke of Braganca. This work contained as a frontispiece the fine mezzotint portrait of the author by Houston after Pine; it shows him, now a little plump and middle-aged, with care-worn fea? tures, wearing a full wig, seated at a desk, about to write a prescription for a patient (see Plate VII). The blank sheet on which he is preparing to write is printed with the sign R (recipe, 'take') for the Latin word with which it is still customary to begin a doctor's prescription. In the next year, he was once more engaged in publishing letters from a col? league, Dr Himsel of Riga, on creating artificial cold and on the treatment of paralysis by electricity.132 But these were his last efforts. In 1762 the doctor died and was buried on 20 September in the cemetery of St Andrew's, Hol born,133 leaving to his wife Elizabeth and her sons Henry and Charles the secret recipe of his famous febrifuge, which outlasted its inventor by many decades. It was the end of an eminent and cultured scholar cast in the mould of a universal philosopher according to the ideal of the age. But he was a divided self and a man of confused allegiances; although of very considerable achievements, he was one whose failures resulted partly from his own confusions, partly from the rancour of others. His rival, Dr Sch?mberg, survived him by five years. What of de Castro Sarmento's real and most lasting monument, the Bet Holim? It is sometimes claimed that it was the earliest lying-in hospital in London. It appears that it had now become general for some beds in hospitals to be reserved for lying-in patients. In 1739 at St James' Infirmary, Westmins? ter, a ward was set aside for the purpose. In 1747 five beds were reserved at the Middlesex Hospital, founded two years before. In 1745 B. Mosse opened a lying-in hospital with 28 beds in Dublin in a disused theatre, and in 1748 he built the Rotunda Hospital. In London the lying-in Hospital in Brown low Street, Long Acre, opened with 20 beds in 1749. In 1750 was founded the City of London Lying-in Hospital with 30 beds.134 The Bet Holim occupies a midway position before these last two; it can still claim to have been the first hospital in England designed from the outset to include care for maternity cases. It can also claim to have been the first modern Jewish hospital.135 Its success may be gauged by the sharp fall in the infant mortality rate in the Congregation after its foundation.136 The rest of the Bet Holim s history is quickly told. Several revisions of its rules took place. In 1765 the rules were revised and reprinted in Spanish,137 and again in 1769 they were revised in Portuguese.138 In 178 3 there arose a wartime emergency, the siege of Gibraltar by the Spaniards, when the civilian community was evacuated to London, just as was to happen 160 years later during the Second World War, and the Bet Holim was granted ?40 on 29 Hesvan 5543 (6 November 1782) for helping with the accommodation and welfare of the Jewish refugees.139 In the next year, on 31 March 1783, Isaac Furtado (who had himself resided there as a boy when his mother Abigail arrived destitute as a refugee from the Inquisition in 1752 with her five children) wrote a letter to the Elders sharply criticizing the Bet Holim for admitting only six people whom they then neglected.140 In 1790 it was agreed to admit non-Sephardim on payment. Soon after, in 1792, it was moved from Leman Street to a building constructed on the east side of the first cemetery of the Sephardim (opened in 16 5 7 and closed by 1735), known as the Velho or 'Old' Bet-ahaim. It was visited on this site by Revd Daniel Lysons, who made an interesting report.141 In time, with the development of adequate modern hospi? tals, including the London Jewish Hospital, the Bet Holim gave up its task of caring for the sick, and concentrated on that of the aged, but the provision for maternity cases continued well into the present century. In 1913 a new building was constructed, for it now formed mainly an old people's home with two wards, one for men and one for women, but it was now moved to the south side of the cemetery facing the Mile End Road.142 On its former site on the east side of the cemetery a row of four almshouses, called the Mocatta Cottages, donated by Miss Ella Mocatta, was added in 1912 for married couples. In 1952, just over 200 years after its foundation, hrh the Duke of Edinburgh gra? ciously consented to become Patron of the Bet Holim. By 1972, the existing building had become unacceptable by modern standards. In particular, a</page><page sequence="13">g6 Richard Barnett need was felt to provide greater privacy for the inmates, and better facilities for staffing, catering and cooking. An appeal was accordingly launched and a large sum raised, partly from the exhumation and sale of part of the Novo Cemetery, also in the Mile End Road, to Queen Mary College. A new home for 40 residents in more pleasant surroundings in Forty Avenue, Wembley, was built adjacent to the new Wembley Sephardi branch synagogue, and was completed in 1976. Now renamed 'Edinburgh House', it was officially opened by the Duke of Edinburgh on 6 December 1977. NOTES 1 R. D. Barnett (ed.) Treasures of a London Temple (London 1951) p.22. 2 Israel Solomons, 'David Nieto and Some of his Contempor? aries', Trans. JHSE XII (1931) pp.92-3: Appendix V, 'Daniel Lopes Laguna and his translation of the Psalms'. 3 Ibid. pp.96-9: Appendix VII, 'Solomon da Costa Atlas' Gift to the British Museum'. 4 D. Willemse, Antonio Nunes Ribeiro Sanches, eleve de Boerhaave, et son importance pour la Russie (Leyden 1966); Maximiano Lemos, A. R. Sanches: a sua vida e obra (Oporto 1911); C R. Boxer in History Today (April 1970). 5 R. D. Barnett, 'Dr. Samuel Nunes Ribeiro and the Settlement of Georgia', in Aubrey Newman (ed.) Migration and Settlement (London 1971) pp.63-100 and R. D. Barnett 'Zipra Nunes's Story', in Bertram Wallace Korn (ed.) A Bicentennial Festschrift for Jacob Rader Marcus (New York 1976) pp.47-76. 6 Apparently the same person as Dr Manoel de Samuda, son of Dr Sim?o Lopes Samuda, who was imprisoned by the Inquisition in Lisbon and penanced in the auto da /eon 12 September 1706 with his sisters and family, but escaped and was known in England as Dr Isaac de Sequeira Samuda, alias Simon. (This alias is disclosed by his will: A. Arnold, 'Wills and Letters of Administration', in Anglo-Jewish Notabilities, p. 214.) See also A. D'Esaguy, 'A Short Note on Isaac de Sequeira Samuda', Bulletin of the Inst. of the Hist, of Medicine IV, no. 9, Nov. 1936 and Israel Solomons, 'David Nieto &amp; Some of his Contemporaries', Trans. JHSE XII (1931) p.88-9. 7 There is a considerable bibliography on de Castro Sarmento, much of it in Portuguese: Diego Barbosa Machado, Biblioteca Lusitana historica, critica e cronologica (Lisbon 1741-59 reprinted 1966) II (1749) pp.469-71, art. 'Jacob de Castro Carmento' gives the first bibliography. Jose Silvestre Ribeiro, Historia dos estabelecimentos scientificos litterarios e artisticos de Portugal (Lisbon 18 71) I, pp. 187-8. Inocencio-Francisco da Silva and Brito Aranha, Diccionario Bibliografico (Lisbon 1883 and Coimbra 1958) III p.248 (under 'Jacob') vol. 10. (Da Silva's biographical sketch uses as sources Barbosa Machado, also Francisco de S. Luis in Annaes da Soc. Litt. Portuense I (1857) and Gazeta Medica (Oporto 1849-50) nos 190-94, which I have not seen.) M. Kayserling, 'Jacob de Castro Sarmento', Biblioteca Espano la-Portugueza-Judaica (Strasbourg 1890, reprinted 1962 and 1971). idem, Geschichte der Juden in Spanien und Portugal (1867) II. idem, 'Zur Geschichte der J?dischen ?rzte; Die Familie de Castro, I. Jakob de Castro Sarmento', in Monatschr.f?r Geschichte u. Wissenschaft des Judentums, ed. Z. Frankel, Leipzig, VII (1858) P-393-55 VIII (1859) PP.161-70. Maximiano de Lemos, Jacob de Castro Sarmento (Ilustracao Trasmontana, Oporto 1910). F. M. Alves, Os Judeus no distrito de Braganca, (Memorias Arqueol?gico-histoyicas do distrito de Braganca, 1924, reprint 1974) pp.lxxxiii-lxxxvi. Israel Solomons, see above note 2, Trans. JHSE XII (1931) pp. 82-90: Appendix II. Augusto D'Esaguy, Jacob de Castro Sarmento, a sua vida e a sua obra (Lisbon n.d. 1942?). H. Friedenwald, The Jews and Medicine (Baltimore 1944) 2 vols,pp.457-9 [Anon.] art. 'Sarmento, Jacob de Castro', Grande Enciclopedia Portuguesa e Brasileira (1945) with full bibliography of his works. E. R. Samuel, 'Dr. Meyer Schomberg's attack on the Jews of London*, Trans. JHSE XX (1964). J. Caro Baroja, Los Judios de la Espana Moderna y Contempordnia (2nd edn, Madrid 1978) 2 vols, pp.28-9. Dr D'Esaguy has paid special attention to the bibliography of Dr de Castro Sarmento's printed works, totalling 2 7, which he records fully (pp.9 3-9) with illustrations of title pages of the principal works, many very rare today. He has also made a particular study of the history of Dr de Castro Sarmento's famous patent medicine, the Agoa da Inglaterra, and its later imitations: viz. N?tulas relativas as Agoas de Inglaterra . . . (Lisbon 1931); Apologia da Agoa de Inglaterra da real fabrica (1812, reprinted Lisbon 1931); Agua de Inglaterra (Imprensa Medica, Lisbon 1951); but this subject lies outside the scope of the present article. Portuguese writers have been largely unacquainted with the situation - especially the communal - in which Dr de Castro Sarmento found himself in England, while English writers have tended to ignore the Portu? guese material. I have attempted to combine all these aspects and to add fresh material in this new study. For Dr de Castro Sarmento's seal and coat-of-arms (three bucks' heads couped) see A. F. Rubens, 'Anglo-Jewish Coats-of-Arms' in Anglo-Jewish Notabilities, p. 120, from a document in the Cortissos Papers (now in Anglo-Jewish Archives, University College, Lon? don). 8 Her death appears to be inferred by D'Esaguy, Jacob de Castro Sarmento, p. 16, from the fact that his matriculation entry at the University of Evora (ibid, p.86) gives him only as son of Francisco de Almeida. This, though hardly sufficient proof by itself, is confirmed by the evidence now supplied in Appendix I. 9 For details of his academic career at Coimbra, see D'Esaguy op. cit. p.86. 10 Information quoted by D'Esaguy op. cit. p. 18 and by de Lemos op. cit., based on de Castro Sarmento's own statement in his Do uso e abuso &amp;c. p. 100. 11 De Lemos op. cit. p.4. D'Esaguy op. cit. p. 18, says he practised 'for a few years' in Lisbon, but this reference, for which no evidence is offered, is almost certainly exaggerated and inaccurate. 12 Hyamson, The Sephardim of England (London i95i)p.ios. E. R. Samuel, Trans. JHSE XX p.91. 13 Ma[rtin] C[ohen], art. 'Coimbra', Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jeru? salem 19 71) V, refers to an auto dafe at Coimbra on 17 June 1718 in which over 60 secret Jews appeared, including Dr Francisco de Mesquita and Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento. Professor Cohen kindly informs me that he obtained this information from the late Professor Cecil Roth. 14 No published record survives of his circumcision, but I have not searched those of the Hamburg community, perhaps now in Jerusalem. Few Sephardi circumcision records of the period in London appear to have survived. One from Hamburg covering the years 1722-54 is in the Jewish Museum, London. (R. D. Barnett (ed.) Catalogue of the Jewish Museum (London 1974) p. 117, no.</page><page sequence="14">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 9 7 625.) The register of the Bevis Marks Community by Isaac and Abraham de Paiba (1715-75) - the earliest to survive and to be published shortly - does not record the event. But the Paibas were not the only Mohelim in London at the time. See note 33. 15 Barbosa Machado op. cit. 16 L. D. Barnett (ed.) Bevis Marks Records II (Ketubot) (Oxford 1949) p.73, no. 207, records the marriage of (Dr) Jahacob de Castro and Rahel de Castro, 11 Adar 5481 (10 March 1720). His medical title is given in the original ms but is omitted in the published abstract. The couple are described as 'vindos de Portugal' - on the meaning of this term, see my article 'Diplomatic Aspects . . .' Trans. JHSE XXV pp.210-1. The ketubah specifically refers to him as ha-rofeh, 'the doctor'. The identity of this person with Dr de Castro Sarmento is confirmed by his signature to the marriage certificate, which corresponds reasonably closely with other known later examples of his signature. On the two sons of Dr de Castro, who died at birth in 1724 and 1726, presumably born of this marriage, see above p. 86 and note 28. (Please note that all equivalent dates in the Christian era corresponding to Hebrew calendar dates are in this article given not in the Julian calendar but the Gregorian, though it was not officially introduced in this country until 1752.) 17 The first Jew to study medicine at a British university appears to have been Dr Joseph Hart Myers (1779). See Appendix IV. 18 Kayserling, Biblioteca; D'Esaguy, Jacob de Castro Sarmento, p. 93. For the full bibliographical details of this edition and the editions in Latin, see Israel Solomons op. cit. pp. 8 5-6. 19 See DNB on Lady Mary Wortley Montagu; and Robert Halsband, The Complete Letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (Oxford 1965) I pp-337-9, 392. 20 Kayserling, art. 'Castro Sarmento, Jacob (Henriquez) de', Jewish Encyclopedia III. D'Esaguy op. cit. p.23, says de Castro Sarmento's work was acclaimed in scientific circles in Saxony, Sweden and Russia. 21 Kayserling, op. cit. 22 E.g. Kayserling op. cit.; E. R. Samuel op. cit ; Gaster, History of the Ancient Synagogue of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews ... in Bevis Marks, p. 117; Hyamson op. cit. p. 109. 23 Israel Solomons op. cit. p.85. If Solomons were right, this second medical writer, unknown otherwise to medical literature, will have become the author of a medical best-seller at the age of 17 - a slightly improbable conclusion, especially as barber-sur? geons were not usually educated men of letters, nor would one have been entitled to describe himself as 'md'. In any case, as will later appear, the barber-surgeon's correct name was not de Castro but de Castre. In addition, we may note that Dr de Castro Sarmento was often even in later times still called briefly just Dr de Castro; and further, that Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's son, Edward Wortley Montagu mp, was a close enough friend of Dr de Castro Sarmento in later times to be chosen by him as an executor of his will - which can hardly be a mere coincidence. See D'Esaguy op. cit. pp.20, 55. On E. W. Montagu see N. M. Bentwich, 'More Anglo-Jewish Leading Cases', Trans. JHSE XVI (1952) pp.151-2. In 1752, Montagu published a pamphlet attacking the dissolute Abraham de Paiba (L. Wolf, Essays in Jewish History (London !934) p.168). But the whole of Solomons' argument can be seen to be irrelevant, for if we trouble to examine a copy of De Castro Sarmento's Materia Medica Part I (1735) we find that as an appendix the author reprints the Latin version of the Dissertatio of 1722 together with the third (revised) edition (1731) ('editio tertia correctior') and on the title page of the latter he describes himself explicitly by his full name: 'Jacob ? Castro Sarmento'. The part played by de Castro Sarmento's pamphlet in the battle to introduce inoculation was certainly significant, and R. Hals band ('New Light on Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's contribution to inoculation', Journal of the History of Medicine VIII (1958) pp.3915 395) makes due reference to it, though previous writers on the subject have ignored it (e.g. R. P. Stearns and G. Pasti, 'Some remarks on the introduction of inoculation for smallpox in England', Bulletin History of Medicine XXIV (1950) pp.103-22; Genevieve Miller, William &amp; Mary Quarterly 3 rd series XIII (19 5 6). 24 David de Flores, alias de Prado, a ship insurer, died 31 August 1752. London Magazine 1751 p.433. (A. M. Hyamson, Anglo-Jewish Notabilities, p.231). 25 Israel Solomons op. cit. pp. 8 3-4 gives the full text of this broadsheet (Bodleian Library, Rome msc 347 g Pamph. 1675 (15)). The text is repeated by Hyamson (p. 106-8). It is not the only surviving copy as Solomons claims, since the Royal Society's Library possesses another copy (annotated by de Castro Sarmento himself in ink 'Iyyar 24 5484, or May 6 1724'), together with a copy in Portuguese (in the hand of one of the Synagogue's scribes) of the original minute of the Mahamad (Royal Soc. mss III-IV 58 bis and 58). 26 Exemplar de Penitencia: Dividido em Tres Discursos Para 0 Dia Santo de Kypur: dedicado A 0 grande E Omnipotente Deos de Israel. Pello Doutor Iahacob de Castro Sarmento . . . Em Londres, Anno 5484 A copy is in the Hebrew University Library, Jerusalem. The work is exceedingly rare. The appearance of this work may have been responsible for the absurd rumour, quoted in the Portuguese sources and uncritically followed by some (Kayserling, the DNB and Friedenwald), that de Castro Sarmento became, or intended to become, a rabbi. 2 7 Extraordinaria Providencia, que el Gran Dios de Israel uso con su escogido pueblo en tiempo de su mayor aflicion por medio de Mordecay y Ester contra los protervos intentos del tyranno Aman. Compendiosa mente deduzida de la sagrada Escritura en el seguinte Romance. London 5484 (1724). Solomons erroneously reports that only two copies of this work were known to I. F. da Silva, see Israel Solomons op. cit. p.85, but there seems to me some possibility that this work never existed as a printed book at all, the author having perhaps printed in advance merely the title page. If so, it was superseded by the Viriadas, also a paraphrase - but in Portuguese - of the Book of Esther, which remained in manuscript. The Providencia is cited as a book by Barbosa Machado and da Silva, but since Barbosa Machado was certainly deceived, by the pre-printed title page of de Castro Sarmento's proposed work on Bacon, into thinking that it had appeared as a book, he and da Silva may have done the same thing in the case of the Providencia. 28 The Burial Register of the Velho Cemetery (see Misc. JHSE VI) records under no. 1404 on 11 Hesvan 5485 (28 Oct. 1724) the burial of 'the son of Dr. Crasto' and under no. 1424 on 27 Tebet 5486 (31 Dec. 1725) that of a 'son of Dr. Jab Crasto'. (The spellings Castro and Crasto are often interchanged. See further below, p. 102. It is as Dr Jacob de Crasto that he is assessed for finta in 5481 (1720/1) and is given a seat as Dr Jahacob de Crasto.) 29 L. D. Barnett, 'The First Record of the Hebra Guemilut Hasadim, London 1678', Trans. JHSE X (1924) pp.288-9. 30 The minute of the Mahamad is quoted in A. M. Hyamson, The Sephardim of England, p. 84. On Sampson Gideon, see L. Sutherland -'Sampson Gideon: Eighteenth Century Financier', Trans. JHSE xvii (1953) pp- 79-90 31 Dr de Castro Sarmento's sermon is entitled Sermam funebre ?s deploraveis memorias do mui Reverendo e Doutissimo Haham Asalem Morenu, A.R. 0 Doutor David Netto . . . (London 1728). 32 Israel Solomons op. cit. p. 59. Dr Isaac de Sequeira Samuda's sermon was entitled Sermam funebre pera as exequias dos Trinta dias do ... R. David Neto (8vo London 1728) (Roth, Magna Bibliotheca p.326). On Dr Samuda, see above, n.6. 33 For the epitaph, see Israel Solomons op. cit. Appendix VIII pp.99-101. The name of neither of these two doctors appears in the circumcision register of Isaac de Paiba, the principal circum ciser of the Congregation from 1715; but since their relationship</page><page sequence="15">9 8 Richard Barnett with Haham Nieto was so close may we infer that he perhaps performed the rite on them? 34 On 25 June 1725. On the Licence of the rcp and the Jews, see Appendix V. 3 5 Title page reproduced in D'Esaguy op. cit. 36 This lamentable episode was brought to light by the researches of Mr E. R. Samuel and his late father Mr Wilfred Samuel (E. R. Samuel, 'Dr Meyer Schomberg's attack on the Jews of London 1746', Trans.JHSE XX (1964) pp. 83-100). For details see Appendix II: Dr Sch?mberg in his letter refers to de Castro Sarmento only as 'Mr.', implying that he was only a Bachelor. This, of course, is true until he obtained the degree of Aberdeen, but we here follow the custom of giving him the courtesy title. On Dr Schomberg's career, see Mr Edgar Samuel's article. Dr Sch?m? berg is described by M?nk, Roll of Royal College of Physicians (18 78) II, as a person of 'insinuating address', who won over medical supporters by lavish hospitality. 3 7 The Chelsea Physic Garden (which still exists) was founded in 1673. It passed into the possession of Dr (later Sir) Hans Sloane in 1712, when he became Lord of the Manor of Chelsea. In 1722 he leased it to the Society of Apothecaries, who continue to administer it. On Sloane, see E. St. J. Brookes, Sir Hans Sloane (London 1954). De Castro Sarmento also offered Coimbra Univer? sity a microscope, an instrument until then unknown in Portugal (Carvalho, p.4; see n.63). 38 D'Esaguy op. cit. pp. 34-5. 3 9 The title Viriadas in its form apparently is modelled on that of the famous Lusiadas of Camoens; it most probably alludes to Viriato, the great hero of Portuguese history who resisted the Romans in the Serra de Estrela (information by kindness of Dr Maria Ignez Correia de Novaes). The full title (not previously recorded) shows the title page to have been written in 1730, when Dr de Castro Sarmento had been admitted to the Royal Society: VIR I AD A S/do Dr./ISAC DE SEQUEYRA SAMUDA/Medico Lusitano e socio da Real Sociedade de Londres/OBRA POSTHUMA/digesta corrigida e con clusa pelo DOUTOR/jACOB DE CASTRO SARMENTO,/Medico Lusitano do Real Collegio dos Medicos de Londres/e Socio da Real Sociedade./QUE A OFFERECE/A 0 MAYOR PROTECTOR DAS LETRAS, 0 MUITO ALTO,/E PODEROSO SENHOR/D ] O ? O/O/V/REY DE PORTUGAL./ 'The volume is thick folio, very carefully written in the 18th century on good paper in a contemporary gilt leather binding, with gilt ornamentation on sides and spine, and gilt edges. It is described as a posthumous poem in 13 cantos, containing 1465 octaves or stanzas in all. From the marginal note at canto 13, stanza 59, it is obvious that stanzas 59 to 108 were written and added by de Castro Sarmento.' (A. Rosenthal Ltd., letter to R.D.B.) I. F. da Silva in his Portuguese Dicionario Bibliographico (1883) III p.223, writes (in Portuguese): 'It is composed in accordance with the taste of the Spanish school, which the author followed, and in the opinion of those who have examined it, shows genius and poetic inspiration. Besides this copy, and another which is included in the collection of Sr. F. de P. Ferreira da Costa, no other is known.' 40 See Israel Solomons op. cit. pp. 5 8-9, n.121. Unfortunately, Messrs A. Rosenthal retained no record of the purchaser of this work, nor was it possible to photograph it or make a microfilm. 41 It is ironic that such a work, on such a subject and of a character chiefly of interest to marranos, should have been dedicated to the king of Portugal and should have been so well received by him. 42 D'Esaguy, Uma Carta inedita do Dr. Jacob de Castro Sarmento (Lisbon, Imprensa medica 1953). 43 This work is mentioned by de Lemos, p.21. The ms, now in Lisbon, is recognizable as: Nova descripcam do globo ou exacta medida dos imperios reynos... todo 0 mundo.... Una collecgam dos portos de mar notaveis . . . com sua longitude, latitude e distancia do porto de Londres. Bibl. Nat. Lisbon, Sect. 13, mss no. 612 b 9-60, quoted by Alves op. cit. p.lxxxv. 44 A. F. Rubens, Anglo-Jewish Portraits, no. 265, p. 107. The print is reproduced in Hyamson op. cit. plate opp. p.81. 45 The Theorica verdadeira dos mares, on which see below. 46 On this learned and scholarly nobleman, see Encicl. Portu guesa e Brasileira. 47 F. M. Alves, Os Judeus no Distrito de Braganca (1947) pp.lxxxv-lxxxvi. 48 See D'Esaguy, Jacob de Castro Sarmento, p.94 and plate, for the printed title page. 49 F. M. Alves op. cit. p.lxxxv-lxxxvi, quoting a letter of De Castro Sarmento of 1751 to Saccheti, published in Compendio Historico do Estado da Universidade de Coimbra, p. 360. 50(a) 'Observatio Lunaris Eclipseos Ulissipone habita die 2 Februarii An. 1730 n.s. in Collegio Divi Antonii Magni a Rev. P. Johanne Baptista Carbone, Soc. Jes. Ex Ejusdem CI. Viri Epistola ad Jacobum de Castro Sarmento m.d. Coll. Med. Lond. Lie. &amp; r.s.s. excarptae', Philosophical Trans? actions 36 (1730) no. 414, pp.363-5. (b) 'Observations Coelestes Multifariae inter Novemb. 1727 &amp; Novemb. 1728, Pekini in Sinis habitae &amp; ad Rev. P. Johannen Baptistam Carbone, Soc. Jes. transmissae, Ex eadem epistola descriptae', Philosophical Transactions 36 (1730) no. 414, pp.366-71. (c) 'Observationes Coelestes Multifariae, annis 1728 &amp; 1729 Pekini in Sinis habitae, &amp; ad Rev. P. Johannem Baptistam Carbone, Soc. Jes. transmissae, ex ejusdem Cl. viri epistola ad Jacobum de Castro Sarmento m.d. Coll. Med. Lond. Lie. &amp; r.s.s.', Philosophical Transactions 36 (1730) no. 416, pp.455-61. (d) 'Immersiones atque Emersiones Satellitum Jovis Obser vatae Pekini a P. P. Ignatio Kegler &amp; Andrea Pereira Soc. Jesu, a mense Novem. 1730 ad Revd. P. Johannem Baptistam Carbone, Soc. Jesu r.s.s. transmissae; et ex ejusdem Cl. Viri epistola ad Jacobum de Castro Sarmento m.d. Coll. Med. London L. &amp; r.s.s.', Philosophical Trans? actions 37 (1731) no. 424, pp.316-20. (Quoted in bibliography, D'Esaguy, Jacob de Castro Sarmento, pp. 8 8-9, but with many inaccuracies, especially in the Latin.) Dr de Castro Sarmento also reported to the Royal Society at the same period on the discovery of diamonds in Brazil: 'A letter from Jacob de Castro Sarmento m.d. and f.r.s. to Cromwell Mortimer m.d., Secret, r.s. concerning dia? monds lately found in Brazil', Philosophical Transactions 37 (1731) no. 421, pp.199-201. 51 Minute of the Mahamad, 2 Ve-adar 5494 (7 March 1734). It is difficult to see why the publication of such a work should have been thought to interest the Mahamad, whose imprimatur was usually only sought for works of a religious or controversial character. 52 There is a curious sequel to this application of de Castro Sarmento to the Mahamad. Attempts have been made by Portu? guese scholars-de Lemos, D'Esaguy-to identify him as the author of a grammar which appeared in 1731 anonymously in London (Grammatica Lusitano-Anglica, to which is appended Epitome Grammatical Lusitano-Anglica ou huma breve instrucca? para aprender a lingua ingles). This work was later reprinted in 1751 in another edition, where the Epitome is replaced by a longer English grammar and the author's name is given as 'J. Castro'. A Lisbon edition of the same work (1759) goes further and calls him Jacob de Castro. This may conceivably be correct, as there were others of that name in London, but L. Cardim has shown this person cannot be de Castro Sarmento (Estudos de literatura e de linguistica; 'Portuguese grammarians and the History of English Sounds' (Porto 1929)). I am obliged to Mr H. G. Whitehead of the Department of</page><page sequence="16">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 99 Printed Books, British Library, for kindly advising me of these works. 53 Hyamson op. cit. p.88. 54 Hyamson op. cit. pp.88, 120. E. R. Samuel op. cit. pp.97-8. Using information in bm. Add. ms 36029, pp. 5-6, Mr Samuel adds: 'Evidence was given that it was not customary for the London Jews to give fees to their physicians for specific attendances, but to give them instead an annual payument of 14.5s. a year by agreement.' This explains Lord Hardwicke's judgement. 55 Materia medica physico-historico-mechanicai Reyno mineral, Parte IA que se ajuntam, Os principaes Remedios do presente estado da Materia Medica: como Sangria, sanguesugas, ventosas sarjadas, emeticos... e, em especial, as minhas Agoas da Inglaterra... (London 1735)- (Title page illustrated in D'Esaguy, Jacob de Castro Sar? mento.) The Royal Society has a copy presented by the author. It contains, pp. 13-16, Advertencia ao Leytor advertising his Agoas da Inglaterra, also the reprints of the Dissertatio on smallpox inocula? tion, on which see above, n.23. 56 The term materia medica was originally applied to the study of the botanical and chemical properties of drugs, together with a description of the diseases in which they had proved of value. The term now includes pharmacognosy (the study of the natural history, physical characters and chemical properties of drugs), materia medica proper, pharmacology (the study of the preparation and compounding of drugs on the body both in health and disease) and the therapeutica (the art of applying drugs in disease). McNalty, British Medical Dictionary (1961). 5 7 The letter patent is published in full in D'Esaguy, Jacob de Castro Sarmento. 58 On the Agoas da Inglaterra see D'Esaguy op. cit. and below, p.94. 59 On Coutinho's predecessor, Galv?o, see R. D. Barnett, 'Diplomatic Aspects of the Sephardi Influx . . .', Trans. JHSE XXV (1977) 60 Reprinted in full in D'Esaguy, 'Uma Dedicatoria do Dr. Jacob ou Henrique de Castro Sarmento', Medicina Contemporanea, 50 (15 Dec. 1929) Lisbon. The allusion could well be to his having been rejected in the election of a doctor to the Hebrd in Tebet 5495 (January 1735). See Appendix IV. 61 pro s p 100/49 f.66. Dr de Castro Sarmento obtained this appointment in succession to Dr Isaac de Sequeira Samuda (see above, n.6). 62 C. Rubens, 'Joseph Cortissos and the War of the Spanish Succession', Trans. IHSE XXIV (1975) p.126. The deed of contract is dated 21 September 1738. The Cortissos papers are now lodged in Anglo-Jewish Archives. 63 40 XV. 136 pp. Full text of title page in D'Esaguy op. cit. p.95 and illustrated. The dedication is to D. Manoel de Castro Noronha e Ataide e Sousa, Conde de Monsanto and Marquis of Cascais, whom the author thanks for having been the first person to speak publicly of the benefits of the 'Waters of England', and to recommend it to the principal doctors. The book contains a tribute to Newton, a short biography and an account of his discoveries. On this book, see Joaquim de Carvalho, 'Jacob de Castro Sarmento et l'introduc tion des conceptions de Newton en Portugal', Actes, Conferences et Communications: IIIe Congres Internat, d'histoire des sciences (Lisbon !935) pp. 1-6. In the same year (1737) de Castro Sarmento translated Newton's Chronology, but the ms remains unpublished in the National Library at Lisbon (Carvalho). 64 M. Lemos art. cit. p.22. 65 A. F. Rubens, see above, n.44. 66 E. R. Samuel, Trans. JHSE XX (1964). 67 R. D. Barnett, 'Diplomatic Aspects . . .', Trans. JHSE XXV (1977) p.216. 68 Minutes of the Mahamad, 6 Tebet 5499 (17 Dec. 1738). 69 Records of Mareschal College and University II Aberdeen 1898) p. 114. Dr Johnson did not entertain a high opinion of Aberdonian degrees, since they were purchasable, saying that the 'University grew rich by degrees'. 70 'By A London Physician', Modern Quacks Detected . . . Dedicated to the President of the Royal College of Physicians in London, in which are exhibited reasons why they ought to admit Dr. Isaac Sch?mberg a member of their ... body. (London 1752); Sir William Brown, Vindication of the Royal College of Physicians in reply to the speech of the Solicitor General on opening the petitions and appeal of Dr. Isaac Sch?mberg (London 1753). (See Roth, Magna Bibliotheca, p.258.) The controversy is summarized in M?nk, Roll of the Royal College of Physicians. 71 Israel Solomons art. cit. p.86 does not appear to have fully understood the episode. See on Solomon Sch?mberg and da Costa Atias, E. R. Samuel, 'Anglo-Jewish Notaries and Scriveners', Trans. JHSE XVII (1953) pp. 119-23, and for the affidavit transcribed in full, ibid., pp. 154-5 (Appendix I). 72 Unfortunately the parish's Vestry Minutes covering the period are lost, so we do not possess their version of these events. However, a Portuguese record runs as follows (in translation): 'In this way Sebasti?o Jose de Carvalho e Melo maintained and always upheld in London the dignity, pride and honour of the Portuguese nation . . . One of the most brilliant proofs of this truth is the full satisfaction that he received for the insult that the [tax] collectors of the parish of St Katharine inflicted on his illustrious physician, Jacob de Castro Sarmento, penalizing him in defiance of all justice.' Cartas e outras Obras Selectas do Marques de Pombal (8th ed. Lisbon 1861) 'Advertencia' pp.vii-viii. (I owe this reference to the kindness of Professor Henry Bernstein, New York.) This victory by the Doctor is confirmed from the parish of St Katharine Coleman Rate Books (Poor Rate), Guildhall Library ms 1145 p. 16, where, against the name of 'Jacob de Castro (Fenchurch Buildings)' are added and initialled the words: 'Don't pay'. 73 On Sloane see above, n.37. 74 de Lemos, p. 16. On James Douglas (1615-1742) see DNB. 75 Others mentioned by him are Messenger Monsey (1693-1788), physician of Chelsea Hospital; Stephen Gray, 'electrician', d. 1736; Thomas Short (1690-1772), a physician of Sheffield; Sylvanus Bevan. See de Lemos, p.20; D'Esaguy, Jacob de Castro Sarmento. Kayserling, Biblioteca, mentions that he had correspondence with Jo?o Chevallier in Lisbon, B. Suarez in Brazil and Dr Himsel in Riga. (See below, notes n6d, 132.) 76 Relacam de alguns Experimentos e Observacoens Feitas sobre as medicinas de Madam Stephens, para dissolver a pedra. Ein que se tras a Exame, e se mostra a sua Facultate dissolvento. Por Estev?o Hales... (London 1742) 8? xvi 158 pp. On Stephen Hales (1677-1761), one of the most famous figures of science and philanthropy of his time in this country, see A. E. Clark-Kennedy, Stephen Hales DD, FRS, Physiologist and Botanist (Cambridge 1929) and idem, Stephen Hales, DD, FRS, 1677-1977: an address the Commemoration of Benefactors, 3 December 1976 (Corpus Christi College, Cambridge); a new life of Hales by D. G. C. Allan and R. E. Schofield (Scolar Press) appeared in 1980. Unfortunately, Mrs Stephens was a quack, and her nostrum, the secret recipe for which she sold to Parliament for the immense sum of ?5000, was a fraud. See Zachary Cope, William Cheselden, ch. xiii, 'Cheselden and the Quacks', (Edinburgh and London 1953). 77 Tratado dos operagoens de cirurgia: com as figuras e descripcam dos instrumentos de que nellas se fan uso e huma introduccam sobra a naturesa e methodo de tratar as feridas, abscessos, e chagas. Traduzido em Portugues da quarta edicam de Mr. M. Sharp. Por J.deCS... que Ihe ajunta e accresenta a materia chirurgica ou todas as Composicoens e Remedios da presente pratica dos Cirurgoens da Inglaterra e as cousas principals e precisas na Cirurgia (London 1746) 8vo xxiv 435 pp. 78 E. R. Samuel op. cit. Trans. JHSE XX (1964). 79 See above, p.86 and App.V. The Hebrd in its original form was in fact first instituted by the first Ascamot in 1663 (L. D. Barnett, El Libro de los Acuerdos (Oxford 1931) pp.21-3).</page><page sequence="17">ioo Richard Barnett 80 Haham Nieto's Los Thunfos de la Pobreza, panegirico predicado en la solemnidad de la fundacion de la pia y Santa Hebra de Bikur Holim (London 5469) represents the sermon preached on the refounda? tion of the Society (Roth, Magna Bibliotheca, p.322). In 1693 the Mahamad had ruled that recipients of Sedaca (poor relief) must, if called upon, take a hand in tending the sick. This was repeated in 1707 (Hyamson op. cit. p.83). The advertisement for the Bikur Holim states its objects to be: 'to look after the sick poor and others needing it, without any interest or intention to seek anything from this Holy Congregation ... other than its help in carrying out our Escamot [Regulations] which here follow . . .' (translation). See below, Plate III, figs 3, 4. 81 See Appendix III (The Petition of the Doctors) and Appendix V (The Doctors of the Hebrd). 82 The Mahamad at its meeting of Kislev 5490 (November December 1729) ordered that the three 'surgeons' [sic] should attend the sick poor, each seeing those on his list every Wednes? day. 83 On Dr S. Nunes Ribeiro, see above, n.5. 84 Alias Joseph Jessurun Rodrigues. On him see M. Wolf, 'Joseph Salvador 1716-1786', Trans. JHSE XXI (1968). 85 Elkan Adler, Jewish Travellers (London 1930) p.387: 'Senor Joseph Salvador ... is very clever and whatever he says is done immediately ... if you find favour in his eyes, he will not rest until he has completed the matter well.' 86 On the founding of other London hospitals, n.134. 87 Benjamin Mendes da Costa was a 'steward' of the hospital. 88 ms 73 (first minute book of the Governors of the Bet Holim; not paginated) 14 Hesvan 1747. There were two Committees: (i) A 'House Committee' of Governors; and (ii) a 'Grand', or 'General Committee' of Governors and subscribers, which met quarterly. 89 ibid. (18 October 1747). 90 ibid, (meeting of 21 October 1747). 91 Mahamad minutes 26 Tebet 5508 (29 December 1747). 92 Roth, Magna Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica (London 1937) p.296, b.7.2 describes this pamphlet as pp.26, 4t0. The date there given, however, '5508/1748' should be corrected to 1747. Another shorter version, also 4t0 of 11 pp., was produced, but is unrecorded by Roth. The only known copy (in possession of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation) lacks the title page; see n.96 below. 93 Elders' Minutes ms 88, ff.59-66. 94 ms 73, meeting of 9 Adar II (9 March 1748). 95 ms 267: Minute book of Governors of Bet Holim: 'Juntas Quarteis' (Quarterly Meetings) p.i. 96 Ibid., Minute of 20 Tammuz 5508 (16 July 1748). An edition of 400 copies was ordered. No copy appears to have survived, unless it be the unique 11 pp. version mentioned above in n.92. 97 The secretary wrote down the names of Dr Abm Gomes Ergas and Dr Phelipe de la Cour, but as these are one and the same person it is apparent that this was a slip, one of them representing Dr de Castro Sarmento, whose name was not included, but afterwards appears regularly. 98 ms 267, Minute of 1 Adar 5509 (21 Feb. 1749). 99 Published in A. F. Rubens, Anglo-Jewish Portraits (London 1935) no. 295, pp. 119-23; A. M. Hyamson, The Sephardim of England, plate opp. p.80. 100 See above, p.93, and below, n.106. 101 See Appendix IV. I am permitted to publish this play here for the first time by courtesy of Mr Daniel Woodward, Librarian of the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, and Mr Carey Bliss, Curator of the Rare Books section, to both of whom I express my thanks. 102 Information from Mr Carey Bliss. 103 A. F. Rubens, A Jewish Iconography (London 1954) pp. 131-3. Alfred Rubens makes use of the play to revise his identifications of the characters in the print, which he had established first in Anglo-Jewish Portraits on the strength of the often very plain, often very gross clues in the print, but which were not all then completely understood. For details of identifications see Appendix IV. 104 'Por Dios, I'll scratch your Face and send you to Gibraltar or Cagliari\ 105 Trans. JHSE XXVI (1979) p.94. 106 He is seen in the print embracing a girl in the back-room. See Appendix IV. 107 He is shown in the print selling a trayful of condoms. See Appendix IV. 108 See above, p.92. 109 See above, p.88. 110 Boswell (Life of Johnson) on 26 March 1776 noted that 'Fothergill a Quaker and Sch?mberg a Jew had the greatest practice of any two physicians of their time.' (E. R. Samuel, Trans. JHSEXX (1964) p.88, n.i.) 111 A treatise of the Mishna. (See H. Danby, The Mishnah (Oxford 1933) pp.446-61.) 112 A. F. Rubens, Anglo-Jewish Portraits, no. 144, p. 143 and plate. 113 See below, p.95. 114 Title page reproduced in D'Esaguy op. cit., see also the bibliography ibid., p.96. Alex Berman, American Journal of Hospital Pharmacy XVII (1966) discusses it and mentions a copy in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 115 The Royal Society published in 1746 a 'purified' revision of their Pharmacopoeia Londinensis. 116(a) 'Observationes astronomicae variae factae in Para guaria, Regione Americae Australis ab anno 1700 ad annum 1730 quas cum Regali Societate communicavit Jacobus de Castro Sarmento m.d. Coll. Lond. Lie. &amp; r.s.s.', Philosophical Transactions 45 (1748) p.667. (b) 'A letter from Dr. Bevis to Dr. de Castro, f.r.s. containing Extracts of Father Augustin Hallerstein's astronomical observations made at Pekin in 1744 and 1747 . . .', Philosophical Transactions 47 (1751-2) pp.3 76-7. The covering holograph letter written to accompany the ms of the first of these observations is in the Wellcome Historical Medical Library, London, by cour? tesy of the Librarian of which I am permitted to publish it (see below, Plate VI, fig.2): Sir, Since I had the honour to deliver into your hands the Astronomical Observations &amp; Letter of Father Ventura Suarez of Paraguay, sent by Doctor Saraiva from Rio de Janeiro to Doctor Saquet and by him to me from Elvas, I have translated the two annexed pages wrote and sent to me by Dr. Saquet himself, which if you think proper you will order to be read to the Society as he desires. Sir, I am your most obedient servant, Jacob de Castro Sarmento. London, January 28th 1747/8. (Wellcome Hist. Med. ms 78977, addressed to M. Foulkes, President of the Royal Society.) (c) 'Lunae defectus Elbis ? Doctore Mendesio Sacchetto Barbosa, Philosophiae &amp; Medicinae Professore, Regiae Societatis Londinensis Socio &amp; Medicae Academiae Matritensis, Regalis Elbensis Nosocomii Medico, Obser vatus Die 27-28 Martii Anno 1755. Communicated by J. de Castro Sarmento, m.d., f.r.s.', Philosophical Trans? actions 49 (1755) pp.265-8. (d) 'Observatio Eclipsis Lunae Die 30 Julii 1757, habita Olissipone a Joanne Chevalier, Congregationis Oratorii Presbytero, e Regiae Londinensis Societate. Communi? cated by Jacob de Castro Sarmento, m.d., f.r.s.' Philoso</page><page sequence="18">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 101 phical Transactions 50(1758) p.769-71. Chevallier had himself contributed astronomical items to the same journal in 1757. 117 Dissertation Sur l'origine de la Maladie Venerienne, dans laquelle on prouve qu'eile n 'apoint eteapportee d'Amerique, mais qu 'elle a commence en Europe par une epidemic (Paris 1750). According to M. de Lemos, Hist?ria da Medicina III p. 132, this work was translated by J. de Castro Sarmento in 1751 into English. 118 Appendix ao que se acha escrito na Materia medica do Dr. J. de Castro Sarmento sobre a Natureza, contentos, effeytos e uso pratico em forma de bebida, e banhos das Agoas das Caldas da Rainha. Participado ao publico em uma carta escrita ao Dr. Jodo Mendez Saquet Barboza, Socio da Sociedade Real de Londres &amp;C... (London 1753). Title page reproduced by D'Esaguy op. cit. For an analysis and laudatory account of his book see D'Esaguy pp.25-6, 29-32. He also published in the same year an article on a medical subject: 'An Account of an iliac passion from a Palsy of the large Intestines; communicated to Dr. de Castro, f.r.s. Translated from the Latin by Tho. Stack m.d., f.r.s.', Philosophical Transactions 22 (1753) pp. 12 3-5. 119 A. D'Esaguy, 'Uma Carta do Doutor Jacob de Castro Sarmento a Diogo de Mendonca Corte-Real (0 Torremoto de 1 de Novembre de 1755)', Imprensa Medica XIX (March 1955). The description of the catastrophe was published as: 'Letter V. A copy of Part of Two Letters, written by John Mendes Saccheti, m.d., f.r.s., to Dr. De Castro f.r.s. dated from the Fields of Lisbon on the 7th of November, and the ist of December, 1755', Philosophical Transactions 49 (1755) pp.409-11. 120 See above, n.16. 121 See above, n.28. 122 ibid. 123 Burial Register of the Novo cemetery. See Israel Solomons, Trans. JHSE XII p.86. The doctor had originally made the customary arrangements to be buried next to his wife Sarah alias Isabel, and had reserved accordingly a pair of graves for them both in the 'Novo' Cemetery of the Congregation (now largely exhumed) in Row 17 (nos 51 and 52). His wife Sarah was duly buried on 24 Sebat 5 516 (Sunday 27 January 1756) in no. 52. We find, however, that no. 51, left vacant when he left the com? munity, was in fact occupied instead by Leah Mesquita, buried 23 Nisan 5528(11 April 1768). Who was she? She must have been a close relative to have been allowed a claim to be buried in his place. Three possibilities come to mind: that she was (i) a hitherto unrecorded daughter, retaining her mother's name in the Portu? guese fashion, that was usually abandoned in England; (ii) Leonor de Mesquita, widow of Jo?o Castro de Almeida, i.e. the doctor's half-sister by his father's first marriage (See Appendix I); or (iii) Jo?o's daughter Violante (b. 1702), the doctor's niece, Lea being in this case presumed to be her Hebrew name. 124 Solomons gives the full text, as does Hyamson op. cit. p. 108. There is thus no need to repeat it here. 125 See above, p. 105. 126 St Margaret Moses register, Guildhall ms 3479 fo. 54 v. (information by courtesy of the Keeper of mss, Guildhall Library). St Margaret on Friday Street (a lane running between Cannon Street and Queen Victoria Street) first mentioned in 1251, was called St Margaret Moysi, on account of a priest ofthat name who is believed to have been connected with its building. It was burnt down in the Great Fire and its parish was then amalgamated with that of St Margaret, Bread Street, which took over its name. This son Henry was educated at St Paul's School, being entered on the foundation 26 March 1763, He eventually became a general in the East India Company's army. 127 Baptismal Register, St Andrew's Holborn (information as in n.126). The family or maiden name of Mrs Elizabeth de Castro Sarmento is not known. She died on 25 April 1798 at Rugby, leaving property to a niece Mary Jane Winstanley. (The Times, 29 April 1798). I have been unable to trace a record of Dr de Castro's marriage to this lady. It presumably took place in one of the City churches, but their marriage registers have not all survived. 128 Appendix Ao que se acha escrito na Materia Medica Do Dr. J. de Castro Sarmento sobre a natureza Contentos, Effeytos e Uso pratico em forma de bebida e banhos das Agoas das Caldas da Rainha . . . Londres MDCCLI1I. Title page reproduced in D'Esaguy, Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento, plate opp. p.64. 129 Do Uso e Abuso das Minhas Agoas de Inglaterra, ou directorio e instruccam . .. (London 1756). Title page reproduced in D'Esaguy op. cit. 130 D'Esaguy op. cit. pp. 47-79 follows out the entire contro? versy over the falsifications and gives the bibliography of the subject. 131 Materia Medica Physico-Historica Mechanica, part II 1750. Title page reproduced in D'Esaguy op. cit. Approbatory letters are published in the introductory pages by R.P. Dr Francisco Xavier Leyt?o, physician to the king, and Drs Jo?o Pessoa da Fonseca, Manoel Dias Ortigam and Amaro Rodrigues, who join in praising the author and his Agoas da Inglaterra. There follows an essay on the history of medicine (pp.i-xlix) in which he acknowledges indebtedness to earlier writers on the subject, e.g. Dr Francis Clifton, Dr Friend and Monsieur le Clerc. In the same volume he includes a reprinting or second edition of Part I (1737) as this is said to be now unobtainable in Portugal owing to the earthquake. Pages 402-17 deal separately with quina quina and the virtues of Agoas de Inglaterra. Part III, represented by pp.422-5 80, deals with reynos vegetabel e animal, (vegetable and animal kingdoms). 132 'LXIV. An Account of artifical Cold produced at St. Petersburg: By Dr. Himsel. In a Letter to Dr. de Castro, f.r.s. Translated from the French by James Parsons, m.d., f.r.s.', Philosophical Transactions 51 (1759) II pp.670-6. 'The Case of a Paralytic Patient cured by an electrical Appli? cation inclosed in a letter from Dr. Himsel, at Riga, to Jacob de Castro Sarmento, m.d., f.r.s. Translated from the French', Philoso? phical Transactions 51 (1759) pp.i79-85. 133 Text of his will, proved 14 September 1762. Israel Solomons art. cit. pp. 8 7-8. His date of death is given from the burial register of St Andrews, Holborn, where his address is given as King's Road (Guildhall ms 66 73/11. Information by courtesy of the Keeper of mss, Guildhall Library). When Holborn Viaduct was constructed in the 19th century, the cemetery of St Andrews was requisitioned, the remains of the dead were exhumed and the tombstones removed. We are thus unable to know what was written on his or his wife's memorials or tombstones. 134 E. J. Poynter (ed.) The Evolution of Hospitals in Britain (London 1954). 135 See Encyclopaedia Judaica and Jewish Encyclopedia under Hospitals. 136 A. S. Diamond, 'Problems of the Sephardi Community, 1720-1733', Trans. JHSE XXI p.61, n.18, gives figures as: 1734-43, 32.9 per annum; I744~53, 20.5; 1754-63, 17-3 137 Ordenes de la Amigable Sociedad para Assistir a sus enfermos fundada en Londres . . . 5494 (London 1765) (Roth, Magna Bibliotheca, p.296). 138 Regulacoens para 0 bom governo da Sociedade de Beth-Holim, Londres MDCCLXIX (Roth, ibid.). The laws were revised and translated into English in 1827, revised and amended in 1837 (Roth, ibid. p.300). Fresh editions appeared in 1874 and 1953 (reprinted 1955). 139 ms 87 (Elders Minutes) 29 Hesvan 5543 (7 Jan. 1783). 140 ms 267, Minute of 8 April 1752, for her arrival. For his complaint see: ms 88 (Elders Minutes) Minutes of 2 7 Ve-adar 5 543 (31 March 1783). In this letter he and his wife renounce Judaism (J. Picciotto, Sketches of Anglo Jewish History (ed. I. Finestein) pp. 194-6. His children were baptized at Stoke Newington in 1799.</page><page sequence="19">I02 Richard Barnett 141 'A hospital for the sick and diseased poor, and lying in women, belonging to the Portuguese Jews, was instituted in the year 1748. Their new hospital at Mile End which is extremely neat and commodious, was built in 1793. It is supported chiefly by voluntary subscriptions and contains 40 beds. Adjoining to the hospital is an almshouse for 12 aged persons, who are provided with food and clothing. In this almshouse there are now one woman aged 96, two aged 81, one aged 80 and one man aged 82. The number of Poor among the Portuguese Jews is about 1100, including men, women and children.' 'n.223 The elders of the congregation grant from 2 701. to 3001. annually from the general fund of the charity. (Information from Mr de Castro [the Secretary of the Congregation, R.D.B.].) D. Lysons, Environs of London 3, p.482 (London 1795).' It is interesting to compare Lysons' figure of the congregation's poor with the estimate in the Doctors' petition (Appendix III), beyond which it had not much risen in numbers. There is also a description of the hospital in Wm. Maitland, The History and Survey of London (London 1756) II p.1^25. 142 Part of the new building was originally designed as a maternity ward and was so used till the 1920s. APPENDIX I The family of Dr de Castro Sarmento Some details of Dr de Castro Sarmento's family and their involvement with the Inquisition have now come to light. F. M. Alves (op. cit. p.3) quotes the processo of Francisco de Crasto de Almeida without recognizing that this person is the same as the father of the doctor, whose name is elsewhere recorded slightly differently, but more correctly, as Francisco de Castro [de] Almeida. I am very deeply obliged to Sor Antonio de Sousa e Vasconcelos Carvalho Sim?o, of Lisbon, who most kindly inves? tigated this processo for me and settled the matter. The papers of the processo in question (Torre do Tombo, Inquisic?o de Evora M3i8-M?30i9) dis? close that Francisco de Castro de Almeida was a New Christian, by profession an estanqueiro, i.e. a licenced and privileged seller of commodities, work? ing for an estanque or authorized monopoly. He was born and baptized at Agroch?o near Braganga in 1651, son of Jo?o Vaz de Castro, merchant, of Azinhoro. Francisco had lived in various places - Braganga, Alvito, Mertola, Ourique, but was now in Mertola, where his son by his first wife was escriv?o judicial, or clerk of assize of Mertola. He was arrested for judaizing on 5 September 1708, with his parents and wife Violante, but she had died, presumably in prison, by the time that the trial took place. Francisco was convicted and condemned to the usual penalties - confiscation of property, pri? son, penitential dress and spiritual penalties, and figured in the auto da feat Evora on 20 July 171 o. As the auto verdict describes the occasion as his second abjuration, it appears that he was already pre? viously prosecuted, but I have no details. He was twice married, the first time to Luisa Pimentel, the second time to her cousin Violante de Mesquita. For permission to contract this marriage, otherwise forbidden by consanguinity, Francisco undertook a journey to Rome to obtain the necessary dispensa? tion. The processo mentions as his second son Henrique, born in 1692, who evidently tallies with Henrique (afterwards Jacob) de Castro Sarmento though the date of birth is different from that recorded elsewhere, due probably to an error. See, however, p.87 above and n.45. Henrique Pires [of Quintela de Vinhais] m. Filipa Pereira [of Braganca] Francisco Henriques Francisco Henriques Isabel Domingos Henriques Jo?o Vaz de Crasto |? m. Pasquela de Santiago [merchant, b. Azinhoro] Antonio de Santiago m. Isabel Pereira [of Braganga] "I Luisa Lainez m. Manuel Dias Manuel de Almeida e Castro Francisco Castro m. Catarina Nunes de Almeida [2 s. 1 d.] [b. 1651, Agrocha?] m. (1) Luisa Pimentel (2) Violante Mesquita ?1? Henrique de Castro Jo?o Castro de Almeida [escriv?o judicial of Mertola] m. Leonor de Mesquita Manuel de Almeida [soldier] [b. 1690] Francisco [b. 1698] Rafael [b. 1700] Violante [b. 1702] Henrique, later Jacob [de Castro Sarmento] [b. 1692] Mariana de Santiago</page><page sequence="20">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 103 APPENDIX II Dr de Castro Sarmento's candidature for FRS Council minutes, p.3 7, for 11 December 1729: 'The Chevallier Ramsay, Dr. Saul Antonio Rolli and Dr. Jacob de Castro were severally put to the Balot, whereof the two first viz1 the Chevalier Ramsay and Dr. Rolli were approved.' Council minutes for 3 February 1729 (i.e. 1729/30); 'Dr. de Castro, Dr. Frobenius, Dr. Hampe and Mr. Moore were severally put to the Balot and were approved as Candidates for election.' Evidently, Dr de Castro Sarmento's first appli? cation was rejected on account of the suspicion of involvement with the Inquisition; he replied to this with the copy minute and printed manifesto. Dr Sch?mberg then came up with his letter and the lawsuit. In his letter he implies that he had opposed the first application. The following ms documents, preserved by the Royal Society, were submitted in opposition to de Castro Sarmento's second candidature: (1) Royal Soc. mss III-IV f.59: Dr Schomberg's letter of 3 February 1730 (published by E. R. Samuel, Trans. JHSE XX pp.91-2). (2) Ibid., f.60: Letter from Mr Field: To the Presid* Counsell &amp; Ffellows of the Royall Society. Being informed that Mr. Henriqs De Castro Sarmento hath misrepresented the proceedings some time since had ag* him by Mr. Field Merchant in Lisbon thought it proper to give you the following abstract relating thereto: In Michmas terme 86 Georgii . . . Regis Mr. Field Conducted an action at law agl Mr. Sarmento upon a note under his hand for 777 mils &amp; 4000 Reis Portuguese money upon Acnt of Goods sold and delivered. To wch Action Sarmento pleaded non assumpsit. In Hillary Terme following the Sd Cause was tryed in the Court of Common Pleas before Sir [?] Peter Knytson Lord Chief Justice &amp; the sd Mr. Sarmento insisting that he had never signed the sd Note, Mr. Ffield was obliged to send for a witness from Lisbon who upon the Tryall proved that he was present at Lisbon when the sd Sarmento signed the sd note upon wch Mr. Ffield retourned a Verdict ag* the sd Sarmento for 200 &amp; upwards. Mr. Sarmento after wds brought a Writt of Error &amp; the Judgm. was affirmed by this Court of King's Bench. (3) Ibid., f.6i: Letter from Stephen Hall: Sir Clapton 24 Jan 1729 [i.e. 1730.] As I am informed, Dr. Castro Sarmento (tho' at first rejected) has a 2nd time, been proposed to be Ballott'd for to be a Member of the Royal Society, I desire you will prevent his being admitted, he being a very improper Person according to my account of him. APPENDIX III The Petition of the Doctors (translation) To the Most Noble Parnassim of this Holy Congre? gation, which may God increase - Salon Aylion and Isaac Nunes Carvalho Parnassim of the Hebra submit to you the following report in the hope that you may approve it: Since the doctors of the Hebra have reported to us how much the poverty has grown, as the list shows, and the great difficulty they meet in giving the poor the necessary assistance, we found it wise to summon the said doctors and find it convenient (subject to your approval) to divide the number of 254 families between the three: to Dr Chaves 96; to Dr Lopes 96; to Dr Ribeyro 62; and for greater expedition and convenience, if you should see fit [to give orders] that each one may prescribe, in spite of the order which your predecessors laid down at a time when there were no more than two doctors and when there was less poverty. How much the more so now [is it necessary] with 3 doctors and more poverty! It is a cause of difficulty and of great injury to the poor that all three must sign the prescriptions for food; instead each one should be permitted to sign himself for the sick on his list, under such oath as you may lay down. They also represented collectively to us that in order to spare you the labour of reviewing the lists of the sick every Wednesday they be obliged to present to us the lists each time we desire it and we should show it to yourselves when it seems good, together with the expenses of the Hebra. And if we have any complaint against the said doctors we shall refer it to you, that you may settle it acceptably. Wch will Oblige yours at Command Steph Hall Veshalom [Peace be with you] NB. 140 chickens: ?8 15 3 15 2 5 1 15 240 lb. butcher: 220 loaves: Sugar: Wine &amp; biscuits: 10 Expenses of month Tisri: ?17</page><page sequence="21">I04 Richard Barnett APPENDIX IV THE Jerusalem Infirmary. A FARCE. To be acted next Southwark Fair. Dramatis Personae, as in the Print to which the Reader is referred. Monkey, as President.^ Lavatodos, his Servant.^ Monkey. HO, Lavatos?Lavatodos. Lavat. Here I am, Sir. Monkey. What, must I always call twenty times before I am answer'd? you Dog, you? Lavatodos. Master, I did not hear you upon the Faith of an Hebrew. Monkey. Not hear me, you Rascal? I have been calling this Hour. I promise you to pull out all the Hair of your Mole, if you let me call once more without answer? ing immediately. Lavatodos. I hope your Honour will excuse this time. I did not sleep, indeed, I only doazed a little. Pray what is your Command? Monkey. Thou knowest that I am the wisest Governor amongst this Crew, and by Consequence the Presi? dent of this grand Assembly. Is there any body that disputes it? Lavatodos. No, Sir, by no means. Monkey. As such I am intitled to summons every one of these Blockheads: 'Tis not to consult them, but to hear their Opinion about this Infirmary: Therefore, am resolved to see them one by one, and thou shalt call them, according to my Order and Direction. Lavatodos. Very well, Sir, what Blockhead shall I call first? Monkey. Well, call that Fool that sits at Number I. Lavatodos. If you mean the Rabby, Notary Publick,[3J and Soldier, here I see him just going by, this saves me the Trouble of seeking him at his Habitation in P**r J*ry Lane. I'll call him, and retire to avoid hearing Nonsense, and if your Honour wants me, I beg to call very loud, for I am a little subject to fall asleep. Here he is. Monkey. Ave Rabby, your Slave Mr. Notary Publick, your very humble and obedient Mr. General or Corporal; I don't know which is the highest Dignity of the two, but I know them both to be Soldiers. Pray, Sir, what do you think of this Infirmary? Governor I. Why, Mr. President, I think it a wise and a good Thing, if well managed. Monkey. Did you ever see a Parcel of Fools manage any thing well? Governor. Fools, Sir, what do you mean by calling us Fools? Surely, Mr. Monkey, you are very impertinent; but to conclude, I'd rather be a Fool than a Monkey. Monkey. If you represent a Senor Haham, I'll excuse your speaking in this manner to me; but if you talk as a Notary Publick or Soldier; Por Dios, I'll scratch your Face, and send you to Gibraltar or Cagliary. Lava? todos, let him be gone and call in Number II. another such a Blockhead, I suppose, but I must see what he says about the Matter. Lavatodos. Sir, I went as far as L*me Street, where I was told he liveth, in order to find him out; but here, he is a coming by chance.[4] Monkey. Sir, I am your humble Servant. Governor II. 'Tis very well, Sir; I am glad on't. Monkey. What a proud mad Coxcomb is here? He thinks himself better than me who am the President.</page><page sequence="22">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 105 Lavatodos. 'Tis because he is related to an Ambassador. Monkey. Then, let him go to old Nick with his Ambassa? dor, and call in Number III. Lavatodos. Sir, don't you know that Number III[5] is our most sporting Governor? 'Tis ten to one I shan't find him in St. M*ry A*e, for I am pretty sure he is at present no where to be found but at Tunbridge Wells or Bath; besides, (as it is reported) he is doing Business there, for the Advantage of this Infirmary, because it goeth halves with what he gets at those Places; therefore it is needless to look for him at his Habitation, 'specially at this time a Year. Monkey. Why, I think thou art right. But if he was to lose his Money, what then? Lavatodos. That will not easily happen. Don't you know, Master President, that some People can correct the malignity of Fortune? But suppose this should happen, Mr. Caga Fuego will borrow of his Brother a good Stock of Linnen and Stockings to make up the Losses. Monkey. Why, you Dog, you know every thing that passes here. Call in Number IV.[6] Lavatodos. Sir, not long ago, I saw him in a Night Gown in L**a*n Street, where, I suppose, he liveth. I hear he is a strange Mortal, and a sworn Enemy to Tudescos, and yet he is himself at least half of a Smouss by Genealogy; moreover you'll find him a very super? stitious conceited Fool: Therefore you may'd save me the trouble of looking out for him.? Monkey. Then let him alone. But, no Infirmary can subsist without the Faculty; therefore call to me Hypo crates.^ Lavatodos. Sir, I don't know where he liveth. Monkey. Enquire into F*n***rch Bu**dings, and I'll warrant you, you'll find him there. Lavatodos. Sir, here he appears. Lord, what a Beau! Hypocrates. Criado de V. Mr. Senior Presidente. Monkey. Sir, I am very glad to see you, I call'd for you to show you this specifick Flower, look at it, smell at it, and give me your Opinion about it. Hypocrates. By Jupiter Ammon, This Plant is rank Poison. Monkey. Then the Devil go with it And your poetical Wit. If mine Answer be no Verse, at least it is rhime. However, I must have further Advice of your Brethren about this Flower, and so fare well Senior Doctore. Take Care of your Babe H**rry, and I wish you a good Journey to Windsor. Lavatodos. Lavatodos. Sir, here I am. Monkey. Is that coxcomb gone? Lavatodos. Yes, Sir, what an odd wrongheaded Fellow he is! I know the best thing he did in his Life. Monkey. What's that? Lavatodos. Why, it is to have his Babe baptized in his Name. Monkey. Well said my Boy. But let us lose no time, call for Galenus^ and I'll see what he sayeth about this Flower, and whether he will be of the some Opinion as Hypocrates. Lavatodos. Not he, indeed, Sir, don't you know Mr. Presi? dent, that Doctors seldom agree? From thence derives the Proverb, Doctors differ. But where must I find him. Monkey. Go into D-ke's Pl-ce, and make haste. There is more Work to govern half a dozen of Fools than a thousand reasonable Men. But here comes Lava? todos along with Galenus. Lavatodos. Here is Mr. Galenus, Sir. Monkey. Mr. Galenus, your humble Servant. Pray, sit down, and let met speak to you. I had, not long ago a little Conversation with Hypocrates, to whom I shouw'd this Flower (which was given me as a Specifick) He only smelt to it, and told me it was</page><page sequence="23">io 6 Richard Barnett rank Poison. I desire to have your Opinion about it likewise. Galenus. Da ombre y da Galeno For dios no es veneno. Monkey. I thought so, by the Lord Harry. These Doctors are all Poets as well as Fools, I think. Lavatodos, it will come about, at last, that my Clysterpipe is better than all their Drugs. Dear Master Galenus, I must tell you plain, Speak English to me, or you'll speak in vain. Lavatodos. 0 brave you, Mr. President. Monkey. Why should not a Monkey be as good a Poet as a Jerusalem Infirmary Doctor? Well, Mr. Galenus, what have you to say more? Galenus. I'll tell you, Mr. President, that Hypocrates is a proud ignorant Fellow, with all his Nostrums he sends to Portugal; and I think you to be as good a Physician, only with your Clyster-pipe, as he is with all his pretended Sapientia, because (as Moliere sayeth) Clysterium donare, is a very good thing to cure a Constipation and a Loseness too, I think; and I perceive you are very much for this Remedy. Monkey. Sir, I am obliged to you for the Compliment, as likewise for your Opinion about this Flower; but I'll see what Doctor Caga Fuego will say to it. Sir, your Slave. Lavatodos - Lavatodos - sure, that Rascal sleeps? Lavatodos. Sir - Sir - Sir, I hear you. Monkey. Come, you Dog you, go, and find out Doctor Cago Fuego,[9] he is to be found in St. M?ry A-~e, or B?ry Street, tell him to come forthwith, I must have a long Conference with him. L\avatodos. Shall I never have done looking for a parcel of Quacks? The Devil go with 'em all. Monkey Go, I say, march, or Bastonados shall - Lavatodos. Hold, Sir, I'll rather run than be thresh'd. Monkey What a Parcel of Sons of B?s are all Servants, they would be well paid and do nothing. But, here comes our meager Doctor. Lavatodos. Here is doctor Cago Fuego. Cago Fuego. Basa. V. M. las Manos senor presidente como sta V. M. Monkey. Pray Mr. Cago Fuego let us all talk plain English, and no Versification here, for I am tired of this Stuff. I have sent for you, first, to know your Opinion about this Flower, and to ask you a few Questions afterwards. Your Friend Hypocrates sayeth, it is rank Poison, I hope you'll put me out of doubt about it. Caga Fuego. Well, Mr. President, in order to clear your Doubt, I'll tell you that it is Poison, and that it is no Poison. Monkey. Very well, Sir,-1 am now much wiser about it. Old Nick take you all ye Sons of Bit?s, Lavato? dos - are these Doctors for sick People? and is there any Thing left but a Clyster-pipe? But, pray Mr. Caga Fuego, what makes you to be so damnable lean? if you have a mind to take my Advice, you may grow as plump as a Pudding. Caga Fuego. I will if I like it, and be obliged to you if it proves good. Monkey. 'Tis only to go once more to Islington and feed upon Oysters with the buona robas, there you'll gather Strength enough to thresh a Surgeon upon Occasion. Caga Fuego. Pray, Mr. President, don't talk about this trifling Affair, I was realy drunk when I did it, had I been sober, I would have can'd him. Monkey. What? a Doctor drunk? better eat Oysters. Cago Fuego. What, Mr. President, do you think me capable of eating Oysters? Monkey. Ay, and Pig too. Pray, Mr. Caga Fuego, Don't strive to make yourself appear a Saint; every body knows very well, that in Ams?d-m you did</page><page sequence="24">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 107 Penance and mourn'd in Sackcloth and Ashes for committing Adu?ry. Caga Fuego. This is a false Story, invented by the envious Enemies of my superior Knowledge. I, mourn for Ad-l~ry! Pox on them. But if that were my Case, what must become of my Brother Hypocrates? (Lord, have Mercy upon us both!) but surely, Mr. President, you don't believe such Report? Monkey. By Jove, I do; and is not your Brother Galenus a Companion of the Sport? Caga Fuego. Helas, Poor Man! a little Parish Girl doth his Business well enough. Monkey. Lavatodos, shew this Esculapius the Door - the Devil take all these whoring Doctors, and call for the famous Operator.110] Lavatodos. Sir, it is to no Purpose (tho' he liveth in the same Street) to call at his House this Time of Day, because half of our Gentry are under his Care, some for drawing of teeth, some for having their Corns cut, some for a Clap, some for Buboes, some for Chankers and others for the Pox. But, look, look, he is coming here of himself. I leave your Honour with him alone for fear of interrupting you. Operator. Monsieur le President je suis de tout mon coeur, Si vous le permetez, v?tre humble Serviteur. Monkey. Sir, without your Compliments I perceived already, by your way of dressing, that you are a Foreigner; pray, what made you come in this Metropolis? I have heard you had very good Business abroad. Operator. Monsieur le President, I will tell you la verite, it was une petite affaire d'amour. Monkey But, Monsieur VOperateur, I am informed you left Hoi?nd on Account of having given a Physician a Slap in the Face. Operator. Morbleu! Monsieur le President, Why may not I give un souflet to a Medecin, as well as Monsieur Caga Fuego to a Chirurgien? Monkey. Lavatodos, take these fighting Felows out of my Sight, for fear of having by and by my Tail cut off by this Gallican Hercules. Lavatodos. Oh, Sir, never fear your Tail, but beware and take care of his Instrument. Monkey. Damn his Instrument; I can piss in his Face three Yards off from him; but let us talk no longer of this Coxcomb, and call in Astutus,[11] and let us see what this Snake hath to say for himself. I don't know what he means by, perder con quatro Matadores. Lavatodos. Indeed, Sir, I don't know where to look for him; he liveth (as I am told) hie &amp; ubique, that is, almost in good English, here, and there and every where, so, that if I have no better direction, I am like to run as far as the Valley of Josophat before I can find him. Monkey. Then, let him alone and call to me Mrs. Matrona,[12^ let her bring along with her Tea, Coffee and Chocolate, for I want to refresh myself. Lavatodos. Where shall I go for her? I know not where to find her out. Monkey. Go to Drury-lane or Lemon street^131 you can't well miss finding her in one of the two Places. Lavatodos. Why, Sir, If I find her there, she, in all Probability, will be busy a tornado, which is a sort of a Spanish Sport, that she scarce will quit to bring Chocolate and Tea to your Worship; but I think I see her advance towards us. I'll call her. Monkey. Do, quickly. Lavatodos. Here she is, Sir. Monkey. Senora Matrona, I want to refresh myself first, and ask you a few Questions afterwards. Matrona. Sir, here is Tea, Coffee and Chocalate: Se quiere V. M. Something else, I am at your Service. Monkey. Pray, Mrs. Matrona, what is the Meaning ofthat Word, tomalo mi querida, which makes People laugh so?</page><page sequence="25">io8 Richard Barnett Matrona. Why, Sir, tomalo, signifies take it, and mi querida, signifies my Dear. The People laughs because once I could not take it, but now I can take it very well at your Service, and like it too. Monkey. Much good may it do you, and those that gave it you. No wonder Mr. Operator grows so fat and jolly by his Business, Lavatodos. - Pay Mrs. Matrona and send her a packing, for fear she should take in the President as well as the rest; and call for that Pimp her Husband.[ 141 Lavatodos. Here he is, Sir, I found him in Cundum Street, near Pettycoat Lane. Monkey Well, Sir, let me see your Merchandise here: What is the price of half a dozen of your Gloves. Pedlar. Pray, Sir, try them first whether they fit or not, the Price is different; but I do assure you upon the Faith of a Cuckold, that no veneno can can penetrate them. Half a dozen of these Gloves will preserve you at least three Months from taking any mercurial Pills. Monkey. They are all too big for me. Go about your Business with your Querida de tu alma, I want you no longer - Lavatodos. Lavatodos alone. Plague on him, he will never have done, I think - Sir - Sir -1 am a coming. Monkey. Go, and find out the Clerk,[15] I want to speak to him. I believe he liveth in the back Part of Bank Alley-Or let him alone, I have changed my Resolution, for he'll certainly plague me with his Books and no Money, and we want the Dinero, and no Books. Call only the Apothecary,[16] that I may reprimand that woring Whelp too, as well as the rest of the Faculty belonging to this Jerusalem Infirmary. Lavatodos. I think he liveth in Fireball Court; I'll go as fast as I can, in order to make once an end of this Day's Work. But, Sir - Sir -1 think I perceive yonder four fine Gentlemen a coming here. Monkey. Go along you Rascal; those worthy Gentlemen will have nothing to do with a Parcel of Fools. Get you gone I say. Lavatodos. Sir, here is the young Chap who gives himself Air to encrease and multiply in the Way of Diogenes; Hominem planto. Monkey. Mr. Bumwhistle, do you hear what Lavatodos sayeth? I would have you to mind your Clysterpipe as well as you mind your Membrum virile, or else we shall provide ourselves with another Pharmaticus. Kissing Girls behind the Door, is well and good, but doth not the Business here. Take this for a warning, and you may go about your Affairs. Lavatodos. Lavatodos. Here I am again, (aside.) I would rather serve Old Nick than a Monkey. Monkey. What is this grumbling here? Go, and call the Door-Keeper or Beadle what he is S171 Lavatodos. He is not here, and he liveth about Mile End, Sir. Monkey. Has he executed my Orders? Lavatodos. Yes, Sir, but he has transgress'd the Order of one of our Governors by admitting a Tudesco with a long Beard, who sayeth his Father was a Portuguese, his Mother a Tudesca, and he a Son of a Wh?re as one may suppose. This poor Devil, with three more, one a Barbarisco, who left the Barbary Shore, to meet here with a Parcel of Antropophagos, and by Conse? quence worse than Barbarians, the other an Italian, and the fourth a Portuguese, all begging, not for Admittance, but for Assistance, de fuera, as the Portuguese calls it. Moreover there is a poor pregnant Woman running away, saying, it is the same Thing to be in Hell, or in this cursed Place the Infirmary, where she would stay no longer.[18J In short, Sir, there must be some other Management, or the Devil will take the Governors, and perhaps the President too; and in this Case I may chance to run great Risque myself. But don't I see something hovering about the Cieling of this Infirmary, with a Label, saying: Jo tendre cuidado de mis Hi;os?[19] Monkey. I think the English of that is, I shall take Care of</page><page sequence="26">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 109 my Children. O, I see him perfectly well, 'tis Belzebub sure enough. Lavatodos. 0 Lord! He points at the Table, let us take Care of ourselves Mr. President, 'tis high time. Monkey. You Fool, what shall the Devil do with a Monkey; he aims only at my collegues. Lavatodos. But, Sir, he being sure enough of them, may aim at something more; therefore let us not trust too much, but march off for fear he should by Mistake snatch at you or me. Monkey. Well then, shut the Door and we'll go. Lavatodos. 1 think it is time to retire very quick When Danger appears to be snatch'd by Old Nick. FINIS. NOTES TO APPENDIX IV The Bet Holim was managed by a Committee under the chairman? ship of a treasurer, assisted by two wardens (parnasim) - although later only one was appointed. In 5509 (1748-9) Daniel Jesurun Rodrigues was treasurer, with Isaac Netto and Abraham da Fonseca as parnasim; in the following year Jacob Gomes Serra was treasurer with Abraham da Fonseca and Isaac del Valle as parnasim. The following identifications of the characters in the print and the play partly coincide with those put forward by A. F. Rubens (see above pp.92 nn.99 and 103. 1 The monkey chairman in the print labelled No. 5 ('The Wisest Governor') holding a clyster pipe is Isaac del Valle, parnas for 5 51 o (1749-50). He had deputized for 7 or 8 days in the month of Iyar 5509 for the suspended apothecary. In the print he exclaims: Lo[s] locos, ajuda para todos, 'The madmen! so help them all!'. 2 'Lavatodos' is the beadle, Isaque Halfon. His name ('Wash all') implies that he improperly washes all patients alike, irrespec? tive of sex; as he says in the print: lo lavo todos, 'I wash all'. 3 The 'Rabby' and notary 'Publick' is Isaac Nieto, or Netto (b. 1687) Haham (Chief Rabbi) 1732-40, Ab Bet Din (chief of a rabbinical court) 1751-6, Notary Public (E. R. Samuel, Trans. JHSE XVII pp. 123-4). Solomons, Trans. JHSE XII pp.78-83, Appendix I. The reference to Cagliari and soldiering is obscure. Sardinia was a Spanish possession till 1713. In 1708, after Cagliari was bombarded by Admiral Lake, Sardinia passed to Austria, when Philip V of Spain sent an expedition against it which overran the island. In 1720 it passed to the house of Savoy. It is possible that Nieto saw some service there. In 172 3 he founded the first Jewish synagogue in Gibraltar under the British flag. In the print he is saying: Todos seran admitidos, 'All shall be admitted' (i.e. both Sephardim and Ashkenazim), which is annotated in the caption: 'Well said, rabbi and notary*. 4 Governor II, living in L[i]me Street and 'related to an Ambassador', is Joseph Salvador. He gives his verdict for exclusion of Ashkenazim, saying: Que mueran los de fueran (sic; should be fuera), 'Let those outside die'. The comment in the print on this in the caption is: 'Fine sentence, proud coxcomb'. 5 'Number III, our most sporting Governor' (in the print he is numbered 3) could be Moses Jacob Haim Gomes Serra (d. 1782) or, more likely, his cousin Jacob de Phineas Gomes Sera (d. 175 8). The governor is evidently a sporting figure and gambler. The grand? father of both these men, Jacob Gomes Serra, had a house until 1741 at Epsom where racing was already fashionable (informa? tion from Dr H. L. Lehmann). The rate-books of St Katherine Cree show that Jacob de Phineas Gomes Serra was in 1748 living in the Aldgate ward of the parish, which included Duke's Place. (Guildhall ms 11316, vol. 144.) In the print he is dicing with Number I (Isaac Netto) and is described as 'a Scotsh harp player', but the allusion is at present unexplained. He is shown saying: La mitad de mia ganancia para esta asistengia, 'Half my winnings for this company'. 6 'Number IV, 'Living in L[on]d[o]n Street', is most probably Abraham da Fonseca, one of the two parnasim of 5509 (1748-9) who is shown by the Land Tax Records (ms 11316, vol. 144) to have lived in London New Street. In the print he opposes the admission of Ashkenazim saying: No se admita Tudesco, 'Let no German be admitted'. In the play he is accused of being partly of Ashkenazi extraction himself ('more than half a Schmouss; an insulting word meaning a Jew [q.v. oed, 'smouse, smouch = 1. a Jew. 2. an itinerant trader.']), but of this the evidence is wanting. A marriage of Ashkenazi and Sephardi parents must have then been a pretty rare occurrence, being forbidden by the Ascamot of the Congregation of 1785. 7 'Hypocrates' (Number 6 in the print) living in Fenchurch Buildings, is Dr de Castro Sarmento. In the print he is shown saying: Por Dios que est (sic; es este is meant) veneno?, 'By God, what is this poison?'. On this dispute, see p.39 above. 8 'Galenus' is Dr Phelipe de la Cour, otherwise Abraham Ergas. The couplet he speaks in the play is apparently a mixture of Spanish and Italian, alluding to his coming from Italy. On the game of ombre see below, n. 11. 9 'Dr. Caga' or 'Cago-fuego' of St Mary Axe is Dr Vaz da Silva. The incidents attributed to him are otherwise unknown. i o 'The famous operator' (Number 9 in the print) is Jacob de Castre, the surgeon of the hospital. He speaks French and in the print says: Gonorrhea y morbo gallico para todos Sres, 'Gonorrhea and the French disease for all gentlemen'. ii 'Astutus' (Number 10 in the print) is the snake rising up behind 'Hypocrates'. In the print his name is spelled (probably in error) as two words: 'A Stutus'. It is said in the play that he 'is here, there and everywhere', but is not readily identifiable. Possibly Satan is meant. The word astutus can mean in Latin 'astute'; in Greek 'impotent'. It seems to be implied that he is very close to Dr de Castro Sarmento. His remark in the print is: Que fatalidad perder con quatro matadoresl, 'What bad luck to lose with four murderers!' This is a pun, on the one hand referring insultingly to the four medical officers as murderers, on the other to matador, the name of strong hand or trump card in the Spanish game of ombre which is said to have been popular, especially among the suite of Queen Catherine of Braganca, i.e. in Portuguese marrano circles. The snake itself may be another punning allusion to cards, Serpiente (serpent) in Spanish being also used for the Ace of Clubs. 12 'Matrona' (Number 11 in the print) is Raquel Mendes, the Matron. Her remark in the print: V.m.s. quieren Thea on Coffee?, 'Do you desire tea or coffee?', refers to the decision of the Governors (above p.92) to provide such refreshment gratis. 13 Drury Lane then continued right up to Great Russell and Little Russell Streets, the latter of which was well known for its high-class brothels. (See the Memoirs of William Hickey, ed. Peter Quenell (London i960). Lemon Street is Leman Street, E.i. 14 'Her husband' (Number 12 in the print; described there as 'a Pedlar selling gloves against mercurial pills') is her husband the dispenser, Judah Mandil. In the print he is shown selling a trayful of condoms.</page><page sequence="27">no Richard Barnett 15 "The Clerk' (Number 13 in the print) is Joseph de Paz, appointed after the dismissal of Moses Pereyra de Castro in September 1748. 16 'The Apothecary' (Number 15 in the print) is Mordechay de la Penha, suspended for indecency in 1749. 17 'The Door-Keeper' is Aron Carcas, the velador or watchman, in the print described as 'Another Beadle' (Number 20). He is depicted wearing a long coat and holding a staff with finial, probably of silver or brass. 18 Figures 16-18 in the print represent 'four gentlemen endowed with Virtue, Justice, Charity and Compassion'. They are evidently subscribers (unidentified) who dissent from the policy of exclusion. 19 'I shall take care of my sons'. APPENDIX V The doctors of the Hebrd in the 18th century The subject of the doctors of the Hebrd has a strict bearing on the problem facing Jewish doctors practising here in the 18th century. As the founda? tion of the Bet Holim has to be seen against the background of the Hebrd, it is necessary to study its doctors. The first physician recorded as having served the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation of London is a 'Dr Boyno', who is described in an informer's list of 1660 as 'physician to the Jews'.1 He is followed by Dr Joseph Mendes Bravo, who signed the first Ascamot of the Congregation in 1663, and became a parnas in 1668.2 The first official appointment of a doctor, of which we have a record, however, is that of Dr Abraham Perez Galv?o, who was engaged in 16 73 'to tend the poor of the Congregation' on behalf of the Hebrd at an annual salary of ?10, with free accommodation and coal.3 He is very probably to be identified with a New Christian physician known in Portugal as Dr Joao Perez Galv?o (born 1627 in Oporto, but living in 1644 in Alanquer) who was sentenced, while still very young, in an auto da fe at Lisbon on 17 September 1644 f?r judaizing. It was already his second offence and he was condemned to imprison? ment,4 but evidently escaped at last and made his way to London where he occupied this post from 1673 till shortly before his death in 1693. He was buried in the community's first cemetery on 14 Iyar 545 3.5 His daughter married into the community.6 He was succeeded in his post by Dr David (Daniel) de Paz.7 As the work evidently became heavier, the latter received during the years 5465-8 (1704-8) the assistance of Dr Isaque Perez Galv?o, whom one may suppose to have been the son of the previous incumbent of the post. In the following year, it will be remembered,8 the Society of Bikur Holim was appointed and probably provided some needful relief. Dr de Paz remained in office for twenty-seven years till his death in 5480 (1720), being buried on 26 Iyar of that year (2 June) in the first, or Velho cemetery9 of the congregation. His successor, from 5481 (1720-1), was a Spaniard, Dr Abraham Fernandez Lopes, who had escaped 6 years previously to this country, where he was remarried with lewish rites to his wife Ester on 25 Adar 5474 (5 March 1720).10 The tide of Sephardi refugees fleeing from the renewed fury of the Inquisition was now beginning in earnest11 and the regular services of a second doctor were now seriously needed. An assistant was accordingly provided from 5 Ab 5481 (30 June 1721) in the person of Dr David de Chaves, at a salary of ?20 per annum, a sum raised in the following year to ?30.12 He was in fact in this country already in 1710, as he is recorded as remarried to his wife Sara on 14 Ab 54 70 (11 August 1710), the couple being described then as vindos de Portugal, 'come from Portugal'.13 He was almost certainly the son of the (Dr) Selomoh de Chaves who was married to Rahel Pereira on 2 Tebet 5468 (26 December 1707), a couple also described as vindos de Portugal.14 This person would seem to have been the Dr Selomoh Hisquiau de Chaves who was buried on 16 Elul 5478 (12 September 1718).15 As we have described above (p.86), Dr David de Chaves lost his post, probably through some manoeuvring of pressure groups, to Dr de Castro Sarmento during 5484 (1723-4), but regained it the following year and held it till his death on 15 Tebet 5495 (9 January 1734). In this capacity he acted as the regular partner of Dr Abraham Fernan? dez Lopes. For a brief period, however, we find that the appalling pressure of the immigrants, and the increased needs of the sick poor, compelled the appointment of a third doctor. This was an historic figure, the brave and dynamic Dr Samuel Nunes Ribeiro (1668-1747), who had previously acted as the leading figure of the secret Lisbon community, till he was arrested by the Inquisition in 1713 with his wife and family. I have told elsewhere the remarkable story of his life in Portugal, here and in America. He reached this country with his family in</page><page sequence="28">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento in 1726 and with them formally entered into the Covenant of Abraham.16 In 172 9 he was appointed as the third doctor to the Hebrd11 but in 1732, though now an old man, resigned in order to lead the little band of Sephardi settlers who, it was clearly hoped, would form the nucleus of a new community at Savannah, Georgia. His vacant place was not filled, and Drs Lopes and de Chaves continued to shoulder the burden by themselves. Of Dr Abraham Machado de Sequeira, who was appointed in December 173518 to succeed Dr de Chaves, little is known. He was evidently the father of David Machado de Sequeira,19 a leading member of the little, half-Sephardi community in Dublin in 1718. At this election, Dr de Castro Sarmento was also nominated, subject to his being deemed cleared of the ban of 1724; but he evidently was not and his candidature was dropped. On the death of Dr Lopes in 1735, Dr Samuel Nunes Carvalho was appointed as 'physician to the officials and poor of the Kahal\ at a salary of ?22 per annum, with ?10 for his accommodation, two sacks of coal and free matsot at Pesah. Dr Carvalho was the son of Isaac Nunes Carvalho, who has already been mentioned as Parnas of the Hebrd in 1729. But already on 9 Tebet 5507 (12 December 1746) it was reported to the Elders that he had emigrated to Jamaica20 and his place was filled at first in Hesvan by an Ashkenazi locum tenens, Dr Hart Wessels, for four months;21 then by the appointment of Dr Joseph Vaz da Silva22 who had recently arrived as a refugee and had been circum? cised only on 13 October 1745.23 The duties of the doctor and surgeon of the Hebrd were now laid down,24 the first recorded surgeon being Abram de Torres. When the Bet Holim was at last set up, it was felt that a duplication of services could best be avoided by asking the Elders to approve an arrangement whereby the Bet Holim took over provision for assisting the sick poor in return for an increased grant. The proposal was for a doctor to visit regularly the poor in their homes and for a surgeon to be employed to perform operations and blood-letting (1 Adar 5509 [7 February 1749]). This was accepted by the Elders, who fixed the surgeon's salary at not more than ?20 per annum, including rent of a house and free coal. Accordingly, Abram de Torres, the sangreador (blood-letter) was discharged on 22 Hesvan 5509 (i4 January 1749), and Abraham Dias Delgado followed him as full surgeon and held the post till 5515 [1754-5], when he was succeeded by Jacob de Castre. In furtherance of the plan to adjust the working of the Hebrd to that of the Bet Holim, a separate fund was established in 1751 to support the Hebrd out of offerings, for the purpose of assisting the sick poor with free medical attention by the doctor and surgeon and with provision for burying the dead, and on 9 Tisry 5513 (18 September 1752) the Mahamad approved the Hebrons new rules. The post of doctor for the Hebrd was occupied by Dr Vaz da Silva till 1780 - for 33 years - only a year less than Dr de Chaves. In 1760 another physician appeared, belonging to the medical family of Sequeira. In all probability this family was related to that of Dr Machado de Sequeira, but we lack the proof. This newcomer, who was born in Lisbon in 1738 as a New Christian, had borne the name in Portugal of Francisco Correia da Silva. His father had been an md of Coimbra and his grandfather was also a physician. Francisco escaped to Bordeaux, where, now renamed Isaac Henriques de Sequeira, he entered the University, studied there for two years, then moved to Ley den. There he took his md in 1758 and finally moved to London, where two of his uncles were in practice. One was Dr Philip de la Cour (alias Abraham Gomes Ergas); the other I have not been able to identify positively.25 On 3 Hesvan 5520 (25 October 1759) Dr I. H. Sequeira petitioned the Elders to be allowed to act as assistant doctor to the Sedacd without pay; he gives interesting reasons for his application - that a Jew finds great difficulty in perfecting himself in medical science in the armed forces or in the other hospitals, but in this post he can obtain invaluable experience. He admitted that he was not on good terms with Dr da Silva, but was elected at a small salary (?10) in 5522 (1761-2). He took his Licence of the Royal College of Physicians in 17 71. When his uncle, Dr de la Cour (d. 1778) moved to Bath in 1772, he inherited his London practice and became physi? cian to the Portuguese Ambassador in 1774 and physician extraordinary to the Prince Regent of Portugal.26 He married Esther, daughter of Baron Diego [Moses] de Aguilar and had his portrait painted by Gainsborough; it is now in the Prado.27</page><page sequence="29">112 Richard Barnett Joseph Barrow Montefiore thus described him to Lucien Wolff: 'The great physician of his day was Dr Sequeira of Fenchurch Street. He was a tall thin man with white hair and a very pompous manner. He always dressed in a snuff-coloured cut-away coat and white stockings and carried a fine gold headed cane. He married money and kept a car? riage.'28 In 1776 (30 Hesvan 5336) the Elders enunciated fresh rules for the doctor to the poor. In 1779 they considered a long report on the Hebrd and in Adar 5532 (1772) Dr Abraham de Jacob Capadose, member of a distinguished Amsterdam family,29 became doctor to the Hebrd in association with Drs Sequeira and Ephraim Luzzatto, who had suc? ceeded Drs da Silva and Henriques Sequeira. The appointment of Dr Ephraim (otherwise Angelo) Luzzatto (1729-92), a scion of a distinguished Italian family of scholars, was from the medical point of view a disaster. Born in San Daniele de Friuli, Luzzatto studied medicine in Padua (where Jews had long been admitted to study) and after practising in many parts of Italy, settled in London in 1763. Here he published a volume of Hebrew poetry, evincing much originality and vitality of language, in the form of Hebrew sonnets (Elei benei haneurim) accompanied by Italian translations.30 But the rather free manner of life of the poet-doctor was much criticized and after a serious brush with the Mahamad in December 1781,31 he resigned the post, which they advertised as vacant on 29 Hesvan 5543 (4 December 1782). On 20 Sebat 5543 (29 January 178 3) Dr Abraham Martins was appointed at a salary of f 31.10s. per annum, and on 28 Tebet 5546 (29 December 1785) Dr Joseph Hart Myers (1758-1823), son of Naphtali Hart Myers, a member of the Ashkenazi Great Synagogue, was appointed at a salary of ?40. This gentleman is of importance for having been the first Jewish physi? cian to have studied in Britain. Born in New York in 1758, he had studied medicine in London, Edin? burgh, Leyden, Paris, Berlin and Vienna, receiving his md from Edinburgh in 1779 and obtaining his Licence of the Royal College of Physicians in 1787. His daughter, Rebecca, married Isaac, brother of Judith, Lady Montefiore on 12 Hesvan 5552 (9 November 1791). He died in 1823.32 A newcomer from the small Caribbean island of St Christopher (otherwise known as St Kitts) next appeared, in the person of Dr Solomon de Leon md, who had a degree in physic from Leyden. He offered to the Mahamad to act as honorary physician to the poor and to consult his friends Drs Sequeira and Myers when needed. On 16 Hesvan 5552 (13 November 1791) his father, David de Leon, wrote stating that his son had been admitted as a Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians. His offer was accordingly accepted. A number of other doctors, or persons described as such, may also be recognized from the Syna? gogue records in addition to the above list of doctors officially appointed to the Hebrd and those other? wise referred to. Thus we have Benjamin Lara, who was appointed on 13 Sebat 5580 (27 January 1770) as Surgeon to the Congregation and the Beth Holim. He is later described as 'doctor'.33 Others of whom we know in most cases very little except their names - arranged in roughly chronological order are: 1 Dr Moseh Mendez [da Costa]34 2 Dr Abraham de Meza35 3 Dr David Cardozo36 4 Dr Jahacob Baruh Alvares37 5 Dr Abraham Vas da Costa38 6 Dr Abraham de Samuda39 7 Dr David de Paz40 8 Dr Joseph da Fonseca41 9 Dr Abraham Vincente de Paz42 10 Dr Joseph Henriques de Sequeira43 11 Dr Raphael Flamengo44 12 Dr Abraham Lopes Pereira45 13 Dr Isaac de Chaves46 14 Dr Yshac de Avila (buried 3 Kislev 548s)47 15 Dr Yshac de Sequeira (buried 28 Hesvan 5480)48 16 Dr Joseph Montefiore49 17 Dr Isaac de Castro50 18 Dr Capus (Campos?)51 19 Dr Emanuel de Aser Pacifico52 of Bury Street 20 Dr ludah Montefiore53 21 Dr Abr. Henriques Sequeira54 22 Jacob de Paz alias Dr Pepino55 The information about these doctors remains often very meagre, but their number, both in the Sephardi and Ashkenazi communities, is perhaps surprising and certainly refutes absolutely the statement in the Jewish Encyclopedia (1904) that In England during this period there were very few</page><page sequence="30">Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento 113 Jewish physicians'. On the contrary, they were numerous (probably in many, or even most cases, holding valid but continental diplomas) and even occasionally were distinguished. But it remains true that there were very few who were officially licensed to practise in London by holding the Licence of the Royal College of Physicians. It is interesting to recall the evidence of Joseph Barrow Montefiore recorded by Lucien Wolf56 who, speak? ing of the early community, told him that (our) 'professional men were confined to notaries and doctors. We had a good many able doctors'. One may, however, well ask why so few Jewish doctors in the 18th century graduated in English or Scottish universities or entered into practice by taking the Licence of the Royal College of Physi? cians. In that period the College did indeed claim an exclusive monopoly for its members within a radius of seven miles of London, but they could not effectively and fully enforce it and had not yet become a 'closed shop'. It is also true that in order to obtain their licence, candidates had normally to be British subjects and medical graduates of Oxford or Cambridge Universities, where the necessity of taking the sacraments and accepting allegiance to the Church of England, combined with a Christian form of oath, effectively debarred Jews, Catholics and other dissenters from graduation - a situation which lasted untill the abolition of the Test Acts, in 1858 for ba degrees and in 1871 for the ma. Nevertheless, the Royal College of Physicians did possess a clause in its statutes allowing medical graduates of any other university to present them? selves to acquire a licence, but this was only to be granted after a stiff examination conducted per? sonally by the President and Censors, spread over three days and involving the payment of a heavy fee of ?30.5 7 Those Jews born British, such as Hart Myers, who had no hope of admission to Oxford or Cambridge could thus never aspire to become Fellows of the College in the ordinary way (unless they renounced their faith or religious scruples) and preferred to obtain a degree in medicine of higher quality abroad, for example at Leyden where the great Boerhaave (1668-1738) was professor. They might in theory become licentiates of the London College, but it was in fact too laborious, uncertain and expensive. This is no doubt why so few Jews appear in the Roll of the Licentiates of the Royal College in the 18th century.58 The great majority of the Jewish doctors, both Sephardi and Ashkenazi, were content to practise without the benefit of licence, probably either quietly confining their activities mainly to their co-religionists, or exercis? ing them outside the confines of London. NOTES TO APPENDIX V 1 Hyamson op. cit. p. 22. 2 L. D. Barnett, El Libro de los Acuerdos (Oxford 19 31) pp. 14, 34. 3 ibid., pp.65, 100. 4 From a contemporary printed Lista. 5 Burial Register, Misc. JHSE VI (1962) p. 7. 6 For his daughters' marriages see Bevis Marks Records II, 18 (hereafter quoted as BMR II). 7 The name is given thus (as Dr David Daniel de Paz) in the Burial Register {loc. cit. p. 16 [hereafter quoted as BR]) II, 81. 8 Above, p.90. 9 Burial Register loc. cit. p. 18. For his daughter's marriage see BMR II, 81. 10 BMR II, 197. 11 R. D. Barnett, 'Diplomatic Aspects of the Sephardi Influx', Trans. JHSE XXV (1977) 12 The coal distribution list in the Treasurer's Register for 5483 gives his name as Selomoh de Chaves, probably in error for (David de) Selomoh. 13 BMR II, 176: the abstract omits his title (Dr) which is clearly given in the Ketubah or marriage certificate. 14 BMR II, 170. 15 BR 5 50. The addition of the forename Hisquiau (Hezekiah) implies that when he was gravely ill, his name was ritually changed to avert the evil. The use of the name of Hezekiah alludes to the Biblical episode of the sickness of King Hezekiah. II Kings, 20. 16 See above p.110 and n.5. 17 He was specially appointed by the Mohamad to assist Dr Lopes on 2 Kislev 5490 (24 November 1729) as Dr Chaves was unable to carry out his duties. 18 Mahamad Minutes, 29 Tebet 5495 (24 December 1735). 19 BMR II, 205 gives him as the father of David Machado de Sequeira. David Machado de Sequeira was the Dublin agent of the firm of Isaac Pereira (B. Shillman, A Short History of the Jews in Ireland (Dublin 1949) p.14 ff, and L. Wolf, 'Postcript', ibid., p.35). David Machado de Sequeira later in life retired from business to Bordeaux, where he preached and wrote poetry (Kayserling, Biblioteca, p.41). Dr Machado's daughter married Dr de la Cour, BMR II, 591. 20 Elders' Minute, 9 Sebat 5505 (13 January 1745). In the election, Dr Carvalho defeated Dr Joseph de Sequeira and Dr Hart Wessels. Dr Joseph de Sequeira (1695-1747) was a member of an old family long connected with London and Amsterdam, being the son of Simon Rodrigues (d. 1718) and grandson of Abraham Israel de Sequeira (d. 1698) (BR). Dr Hart Wessels, or Wessely, was one of the earliest Ashkenazi doctors in this country. C. Roth ('Membership of the Great Synagogue', Misc. JHSE VI (1962) p. 177 and no.40) thinks he was the brother of Jacob Panz, alias Weisil or Weizel, perhaps from Hamburg. 21 On 14 June 1766 Dr Carvalho was back in London for the circumcision of his son. 22 The unsuccessful competitors in this election were Dr Benjamin Gomes do Valle and, once more, Dr Hart Wessels (Elders' Minute, ms 86f. 54). Dr Wessels died in 1765, leaving a legacy of</page><page sequence="31">ii4 Richard Barnett ?200 to the Sephardi Congregation (ms 87, 24 Hesvan 5525 [14 October 176 5]) to which he had evidently become much attached. There are other Ashkenazi physicians of whose existence we have some record.Some are very shadowy figures, mere names, others more substantial. Among the more important we have: 1 Abraham b. Joshua van Oven (d. 1788) (Roth, ibid., no. 124), who after receiving his medical diploma in Leyden in 1759 moved to Hamburg and thence to London. He was a Sephardi by extraction, his grandfather, Samuel Bassan, having settled in Ofen in Holland (H. Friedenwald, Jews in Medicine (Baltimore 1944) III p. 749). 2 Dr Joshua van Oven (1766-1838), see Jewish Encyclopaedia VIII col. 419, under 'Medicine'. 3 Dr Isaac Low Sch?mberg, ibid. 4 Dr Ralph Sch?mberg, ibid. 5 Dr Joseph Hart Myers - on whom see above. Among the more obscure figures are: 1 Dr Israel Woolf (who received confirmation of grant of arms on behalf of the Society of Apothecaries in 1634. Information from Mr Oliver Sebag-Montefiore). Presumed Jewish, or of Jewish origin. 2 Dr Nathaniel Hickman, Freemason in 1723. (J. Shaftesley, 'Jews in Regular Freemasonry', Trans. JHSE XXV (1977) P-I79) 3 Dr Nathan Mitchell (Roth, op. cit. p. 18 3, no. 179). 4 Dr Benjamin Kisch (b. 1772) (J. Shaftesley op. cit. p. 181). 5 Dr Luis Leo (of Houndsditch, b. 1753) md (J. Shaftesley op. cit. p. 182 - possibly a Sephardi?). 6 Dr George Levisohn {d. 1797) Jewish Encyclopaedia, ibid. 7 Dr Elias Friedberg, ibid. 8 Dr Israel Lyons (1739-75), ibid., but the evidence of his having been a physician seems very slight. 9 Eliezer Bloch, of Berlin, physician and ichthyologist (d. Sept. 1799) Gentleman's Magazine, p.904. 10 Dr Meyersbath, 'celebrated water-doctor' {d. Jan. 1798) Gentleman's Magazine, p. 175 (Misc. JHSE IV (1942) p.51. 11 Dr Simon Adolfus (b. 1720, London, Canada, qualified Halle (Saxony), d. 1760, London). 23 I. de Paiba Circumcision register, 13 October 1745; circum? cised with his brother Rephael. For his marriage see BMRII, 793. 24 Elders Minutes, pp. 6 7-9. 25 Probably Dr Joseph Henriques de Sequeira (see n.43). 26 W. S. Samuel, 'Dr. Isaac Henriques de Sequeira', Jewish Chronicle, 3 April 1953. 27 The portrait was sold at Christie's on 27 April 1901 for 2150 gns by his descendant, Dr H. J. Sequeira (1857-1940). 28 L. Wolf, Essays of Anglo-Jewish History (London 1934) p. 3 2. 29 Isaac de Costa, Noble Families among the Sephardic Jews; B. Brewster, Some account of the Capadose Family ; C. Roth, An Excursus upon the history of the Capadose Family (Oxford 1936), has nothing to say about this Dr Capadose. He appears to have been the son of Jacob de Joseph Capadose (Parnas of Bikur Holim, London, in 1738) and to have married Hannah, widow of Dr de Sequeira Machado. (See pedigree op. cit. opp. p. 188, which, however, is full of errors.) The amount of intermarriage among the Sephardi doctors' families is remarkable; no doubt their practices, or a share in them, went with the dower of the ladies. 30 Mrs R. D. Salaman (Nina Davis), 'Ephraim Luzzatto', Trans. JHSE X (1922) p.85-102. See also the very inaccurate article on him in Encyclopaedia Judaica. 31 R. D. Barnett, 'The Correspondence of the Mahamad . . .', Trans. JHSE XX (1964) pp.8-9 for details of this episode. 32 Lucien Wolff op. cit. p.244. 33 BR 26 Sivan 5553 (6 June 1793) author of A Dictionary of Surgery or, the Young Surgeon's Pocket Assistant [London n.d.] 'by Benjamin Lara, member of the Corporation of Surgeons of London, surgeon to the Royal Cumberland Freemason School and late surgeon to the Portuguese Hospital'. His son, another (Dr) Benjamin Lara died 28 December 1847, aged 78, having been 'upwards of 40 years resident physician at Portsmouth' (Gentle? man's Magazine). 34 Alias Dr Fernando Mendez da Costa, physician to Queen Catherine of Braganca (BR 729). 3 5 BMR II, 173. His title is not cited in the publication but is to be found in the ms Ketubah; the same is true of nos 4,6, 7,8,11. He is probably the Abraham de Meza buried 3 Ab 5483 (5 July 1723) (BR 677). 36 Circumcised 4 July 1726 (Isaac de Paiba Reg. 541); buried 9 Ab 5499 (13 August 1739) (BR). 37 BMR II, 209, 210, 214. Buried 6 Tamuz 5485 (18 June 1725) BR. 38 Circumcised 29 November 1739 (Isaac de Paiba Reg. 864). 39 BMR II, 272; buried 8 Nisan 5503 (4 May 1743) BR. 40 Stockholder, Bank of England 1709/10 Misc. JHSE VI (1962) p.6o; died 1720. Also called Daniel de Paz (Arnold, List of Wills). See above, p. 110 and n.7 41 BMR II, 304. 42 A physician of Baza, Spain, who was penanced in an auto da fe at Granada, 1723, and sentenced to imprisonment, 100 lashes and wearing the sambenito (H. Friedenwald, Jews in Medicine (Baltimore 1944) II p. 150). Circumcised 6 April 1727 (Isaac de Paiba Reg. 141) with his sons. 43 R. Shosteck, 'Dr John de Sequera, Early Virginia Physician', American Jewish Archives XXIII (1971) pp. 198-212. 44 Circumcised 20 April 1725 (Isaac de Paiba Reg. 661). This person proposed to set up, with Dr I. de Castro, as apothecary (unpublished ms, Spanish and Portuguese Archives). 45 BMR II, 94. 46 His son Abraham circumcised 9 February 1726 (Isaac de Paiba Reg. 125). 47 BR 741, Parnas (warden) 5465 (1705-6), 5475 (1715-16) (Hyamson op. cit). 48 BR 911. 49 His flnta fixed, Elders Minutes, 3 Kislev 5524 (9 November 1763). 50 See n.44 and Isaac de Paiba Register no. 947. Buried 8 Kislev, 5510 (19 December 1750). 51 Possibly same as Abraham Haim Mendes Campos, buried 27 Ab 5504 (6 August 1744) BR. 52 BMR II, 1329; 'also a popular doctor' (L. Wolf, Essays, p.32) quoting Joseph Barrow Montefiore. 5 3 According to L. Wolf, ibid., he 'had a dispensary at corner of Leman Street'. Not otherwise recorded, possibly in error for Dr Joseph Montefiore? 54 Buried 10 Eiul 5507 (17 August 1747) BR. 55 Buried 3 Sebat 5526 (14 January 1766) ibid. 56 Op. cit. 57 Royal College of Physicians, ms 2012/69, Statuta Collegii Medicorum Londinensium (1736) Chap. 15, pp.61-3 (Latin). I am greatly obliged to the Assistant Librarian, Mr G. Davenport, for permitting me to consult this document. 58 The only Jewish Licentiates admitted to the College in the 18th century were I. Sequeira Samuda (19 March 1722), Meyer Low Sch?mberg (19 March 1722), J. de Castro Sarmento (2 5 June 172 5), Isaac Sch?mberg (23 December 1765), Isaac Henriques de Sequeira (2 5 March 1771), Joseph Hart Myers (2 5 June 178 7) and Solomon de Leon (25 June 1791) (M?nk, Roll of the Royal College of Physicians, II). Others, such as Dr R. Flamengo (n.44 above), set up as pharmacists or became surgeons, such as Dr Lara (n.33 above) or Dr Martin (L. Wolf op. cit). We have, however, in this appendix purposely excluded the further question of admission to practise surgery or pharmacy, as this would carry us much too far beyond the limits of this paper.</page><page sequence="32">f\R- Jacob de Castro Sarmento, having been propefed to be *S admitted a Fellow of the Royal Society, and a certain Gentle? man having indnflrioufly propagated a mo? fcandalous Report, highly refle&amp;ing o?i the DoElors CharaEler : It is thought pro? per to publifh the following ExtraB, which is a true Copy of the Entry in the Regiftry-Book of the Synagogue. COnclulion of the falfe and malicious Teftimony, that was rais'd againft Dr. Jacob de Castro Sarmento, and the Refult of the fecond Meeting of the Elders of the Synagogue, after a very exact and true Examination of the fame, in which Meeting were prefent the following Gentlemen, viz. Mojfeh de Medina, Prcfidcnt. Ifliac Cohen Peixotoy Parnas, Jofeph de Cra?oy Parnas, j Ifhac Vaz Martines, Parnas, , Ifhac Nunes Fernand es y Adjunto, ' Jofeph Teiles da Coflay Adjunto, Ifhac da Co?a Alvarengay Adjunto, Abraham Dias Femandesy Adjunto, Mojfeh Lopes Diasy Adjunto, ?or Wardens of thcSynagogue. I or Elders 1^"' f*Afliftants. \P'v T having been divulg'd among our holy Congregation, that Dr. Jacob de Castro Sarmento had been the Caufe of many of our Brethren's Imprifonment of the City of Beja, in the Kingdom of 'Portugal, (a very Inhumane and Cruel Crime ofitlclf) he the laid Dodor petition'd the Elders of the Synagogue, that they would be pleas'd to examine the Caie, ci? ther to punifh him with all the Rigour and Severity (if he fhould delcrve it) or (if innocent) to acquit and free him from luch a Scandalous Imputation, and the Confequences thereof, which ftill he unjuftly luffers, without Examination or Convicf ion: The Elders of the Synagogue, being touch cl with Zeal and Ju?ice, fummon'd an extraordinary Meeting, and after mature Confideration of the Cafe, found there was not liifficient Proof to decide it, andadjourn'd to another Meet? ing, that better Evidences might appear. Several Gentlemen of very great Credit and Reputation, having fincc come over from Lisbon* do declare the laid Report to be falle and malicious; befides ieveral Letters, which have come from faithful Perlons, who were thcmfelves in the faid Prilbns, and then luf fer'd very rigoroufly, do likewile confirm and atteft the laid Report as falle and groundlefs; and all the abovefaid appearing very manifeftly and evidently before the Elders of.the Synagogue, and their Afliftants, at a lecond Meeting, which they had only upon this Account, unanimoufly reiblvcd to make a publick Declaration in this * Holy Place, to the end, that the Truth might appear, * The Pulpit, and that the laid Dr. Jacob de Castro Sarmento might be re-ciiablilhed to his entire Credit. And we pray God to keep his Teople from raifing falfe JVitnefs againfi their b'elloiL'-Creatures, and to give 'Peace upon llrael. '^4 ft ft- ^ b &lt; fa* DavidLopes Perryra, Gabayor Treasurer PLATE II Printed manifesto declaring the innocence of Dr de Castro Sar? mento, 1724 {see p.85). Courtesy of the Bodleian Library, Oxford.</page><page sequence="33">EXEMPLAR PENITENCIA, Dividido Em TRES D1SCURS0S, Para o Dia Santo de KYPUR; DEDICADO A o Grande, E Omnipotente D E O S de Ifrael. P E L L O DOUTOR f ahacob de Castro Sarmento. I'fe echt wey qvi?efe?e doht. Martial, Epig. xxxi. Em Londres, Anno 5484., Ccm Licence dos Scnkercs do Mabairtf-d^ Ii Jfrocchio do S' Habam deJU K. K. Fig. 1. Fig. 2. LOS TRIUNFOS D E L A P O B R E Z A, PANEGIRI-CO Predicado enla iblemnidad dela funciacion de la pia, y fanta Hcbra de BIKUR HOLIM. SERMAM FUNEBRE] AS DEPLORA VEIS MEMORIAS Do muy Revcrendo, e Doutiffimo Haham AfalemMorenu, A.R. DAVID NETTO-! Infigne Theologo, Eminente Pregador J e Cabeca da llluftre Congrega de Sahar Hajfamaym. Compofto pello Doutor IJacob de Castro Sarmento. Statfuaeuiquedies ; breve, I? irreparabile tempus Omnibus efi Vita ; fed famam extendere fatlis, Hoc Firtulis opus. Vircil. Em Londres, Anno 5488. Com Licenca dos Senbores do Mabamad Fig. 3. Fig. 4. Londres 54^9 EN NOMBRE DE EL DIO BENDITO. ESTA SANTA HERMANDAD DE BIKUR HOLIM Aviendofe fundado en Londres, en Pri mero Adar 546 c/. Con intentode ve? lar Enfermos Pobres , y otros, que pueden Carefer dello, fin Interes ningu no niraenos intento de pedireofa algu na a efte K. K. de Saar Afamaim, que el Dio profpere y au mente, que fu afiftencia en execution de nu eftras Efcamot Siguientes. Imprcfoen LONDRES. Ano 5469. Por David Fernandes, PLATE III Fig. i. The Exemplar de Penetentia: three penitential sermons by Dr de Castro Sarmento (see p.8 5). Courtesy of the Hebrew University and National Library, Jerusalem. Fig. 2. Sermon on the death of Haham David Nieto, by Dr de Castro Sarmento (see p.86). Courtesy of the British Library. Fig. 3. Title page ofHaham Nieto's sermon 'The Triumphs of Poverty', on the foundation of the Bikur Holim Society, 54&lt;&gt;9, 1709 (see p.90). Courtesy of the British Library. Fig. 4. Subtitle page of Nieto's Bikur Holim (fig. 3). Courtesy of the British Library.</page><page sequence="34">?Kay A^k'^S^^^H^^^H PLATE IV Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento by A. Miller after H. Stevens, 1737 (see P.87).</page><page sequence="35"></page><page sequence="36"></page><page sequence="37">? ( *//'&lt;&gt; * A/////(///&lt; &gt;,.//1) PLATE VII Dr Jacob de Castro Sarmento, 1758 (see p.95).</page></plain_text>

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