Don Fray Francisco de Victoria OP (1540-92), Bishop of Tucumán

<plain_text><page sequence="1">Don Fray Francisco de Victoria OP (1540-92) Bishop of Tucum?n* EDGAR SAMUEL In December 1581 Fray Francisco de Victoria op entered the city of Santiago del Estero and took possession of the first cathedral church in the territory which is now Argentina, being the first bishop to arrive there. Bishop Francisco de Victoria was, so far as I know, the only Portuguese New Christian ever to attain the rank of bishop, and what makes this all the more interesting is the fact that he came from a family with a live tradition of secret Judaism. Two of his brothers, Fern?o Louren90 Ramires and Diogo Peres da Costa, migrated to Turkey and converted to Judaism, the latter being burnt in effigy by the Lima Inquisition in 1601,1 while two others, Dr Jeronimo Nunes Ramires and Luis Nunes Victoria, can be shown to have been crypto-Jews.2 These facts raise a number of interesting questions. I propose to examine four of these: was Fray Francisco de Victoria a Christian? Was he a good bishop? What was his contribution to the development of Spanish America? How far was he typical of New Christians in the New World? Was he a Christian? Francisco Nunes de Victoria was the second son of Duarte Nunes,3 a well established merchant of Coimbra, Portugal,4 where he was born. He was bap? tized in the Church of Sao Tiago on 13 April 1540.5 He received at least some of his schooling from the newly established Jesuit fathers6 and at some point went on to a university education and acquired a Master's degree,7 probably in Spain. He went out to Peru as a young man in search of a fortune and fell on hard times. According to his enemy, the Inquisitor of Lima, he came to Peru as a sailor or ship's boy, worked as a groom in Trujillo de Peru and then as a shop assistant in Lima.8 In 1560, aged twenty, he joined the Order of Preachers in Lima.9 Padre Pedro Lozano, the eighteenth-century Jesuit historian, says that while in his master's shop in Lima, Francisco de Victoria saw a resplendent mitre floating in the air which then descended onto his head, after which he felt the call to join the Dominicans.10 We cannot make windows into Francisco de Victoria's soul and determine his * Paper presented to the Society on 1 May 1997. 15</page><page sequence="2">Edgar Samuel personal beliefs, but we can examine his background and his reported utterances. It is also notable that, although his enemies accused him, with justification, of Jewish ancestry, of contraband trading and of failing to render all that was due unto Caesar, no solid evidence was found to suggest that he was a heretic. Indeed, his letter of 1585 to the Provincial of the Jesuits in Brazil, Padre Jose Anchieta,11 is so fervently Christian in feeling as well as language that I for one am convinced that only a committed Catholic could have written such a letter. The fact that Francisco de Victoria came from a crypto-Jewish family and had brothers who secretly adhered to Judaism in no way precludes him from being a sincere Christian, but it does mean that he had almost certainly received much the same kind of religious instruction in Judaism from his parents as had his brothers and sisters. Cecil Roth has argued convincingly12 that, because Judaizing was a capital crime in Spain and Portugal, and because children could not be trusted to keep a secret, the normal procedure was for the children of New Christian families to be brought up as practising Catholics and to be initi? ated into secret Judaism only at adolescence. Of course, Portuguese crypto Judaism was a rather different religion from normal open Judaism, although its central beliefs were the same, and it was particularly well adapted to win converts from Christianity. Roth quotes one example from the seventeenth-century pro cesso of Gabriel de Granada of Mexico, whose mother told him, at the age of thirteen, that 'the law of Our Lord Jesus Christ', which he followed, 'was not good or true', but that he should follow 'that of Moses . . . because it is the true, good and necessary law for his salvation'.13 Every Portuguese New Christian child was, of course, well aware that he was the descendant of Jews. If his parents had not told him, his schoolfellows cer? tainly did. He was also brought up with a deep and well-founded hatred for and dread of the Inquisition. But is it likely that he would change his religion on such a slender basis as initiation in adolescence? The answer must be that a great many people undoubtedly did so. Here are two more examples; one from Tucuman and the other from Bishop Francisco de Victoria's own family. The first is the famous case of Francisco Maldonado da Silva, who was born in San Miguel de Tucuman in 1592 to a Portuguese New Christian father and a Castilian Old Christian mother. He was converted to Judaism by his father at the age of eighteen, and became so intoxicated by it that he sought to convert his sister, who told her confessor and, on his advice, denounced her brother to the Inquisition of Lima. They imprisoned him for eighteen years and eventually, because he remained an inflexible adherent of Judaism, burnt him alive at the stake.14 The other example comes from the processo of Francisco de Victoria's niece Catarina da Fonseca, who was penanced by the Lisbon Inquisition. She con? fessed that in 1602, when she was fifteen years old, her mother told her in the presence of her brothers and sisters, that: 16</page><page sequence="3">Don Fray Francisco de Victoria OP (1540-92) Bishop of Tucuman She would like to teach them and bring them together, for the salvation of their souls, that they should believe in the Law of Moses, which they should adhere to and keep, in order to save their souls, and God has them for himself, and they should commit them? selves to him. He does not teach it to the Nations. And they should fast in the month of September . . . and should keep Saturdays and leave off eating the flesh of pigs, hares, rabbits and fish without scales, to keep the said Law of Moses and she, the confessant, and her said brothers and sisters answered her that they would do as she taught her, and it seemed good to her that she should do so, and they declared, then and there, that they believed and lived in the Law of Moses and hoped for Salvation in it, and that, to keep it, they would carry out the above ceremonies. The processo goes on to say that the girPs father, Dr Jeronimo Nunes Ramires, who was a younger brother of Bishop Francisco de Victoria, also participated in this teaching session.15 I think we can be fairly certain that, like his niece Catarina, Francisco de Victoria was brought up as a Catholic and introduced to crypto-Judaism by his parents at adolescence. He would have been advised that the Christian Church, its priests and its sacraments had no power to save those of the Hebrew Nation, and that he could attain salvation only by believing in and practising, or intending to practise, the Law of Moses. However, not every adolescent does what his parents tell him to. Some New Christians became sincere Christians, some were sincere secret Jews and many vacillated between the two faiths. But to men and women of the sixteenth century, living in a world of sudden incurable diseases and of frequent untimely deaths, Divine Retribution seemed very near and the selection of the true way of Salvation a serious matter. Most sixteenth-century Portuguese New Christians followed their parents into secret Judaism. But in Francisco de Victoria's case the dedication, enthusiasm and teaching skill of the early Jesuit fathers evidently outweighed any later attempts by his parents to teach him Judaism. By the time he joined the Dominican Order he had decided to believe in the Catholic Faith; but at the same time he remained loyal to his family, sympathetic to crypto-Judaism and hostile to the Inquisition, which was staffed by the brothers of his Order. Was he a good bishop? Modern historians have given Francisco de Victoria a bad press. Roberto Levill ier calls him the worst bishop Tucuman ever suffered.16 On the other hand, the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Jesuit historians, Fathers Nicolau Techo17 and Pedro Lozano18 view him very favourably. From 1574, when he was Commissary, or elected head, of a party of twenty five Dominicans travelling from Spain to Peru,19 until his death in 1592,20 his career is well documented. He was sent to Rome in 1576 as Procurator of the Dominicans of Peru, made a favourable impression on both King Philip II and Pope Gregory XIII,21 and in 1577 was appointed bishop of the up-country 17</page><page sequence="4">Edgar Samuel Argentinian diocese of Tucum?n.22 Like other men he had his merits and demerits, but a great many letters by his enemies have been published and few of his own. This has led writers such as Levillier to accept derogatory remarks about him at face value. The task Victoria had to face as first bishop in an up-country diocese was extremely daunting. He appointed his dean, Father Francisco de Salcedo, to represent him, but the governor of Tucuman, Her nando Lerma, was a despot and the two men were soon at loggerheads. When Hernando Lerma imprisoned Dean Salcedo and five friars of the Order of Mercy and marched them out of the province in fetters, the other clergy fled for safety. A fierce power struggle followed, with both the bishop and the governor trying to get the other dismissed. In the end, it was the bishop who won. After denouncing the governor to the viceroy, the king and the Inquisition, he left the diocese and appeared personally before the Audiencia of Charcas. After a three-year conflict, Lerma was deposed, arrested and sent back to Spain in irons on a charge of having murdered his predecessor, Gonzalo de Abreu.23 In the course of this battle Victoria not only excommunicated the governor but he placed his diocese under an interdict and suspended all sacraments.24 In 1582 Bishop Victoria was summoned to attend the supremely important Provincial Council of the Church at Lima which continued until October 1583. This brought him into conflict with his archbishop who wanted to depose the bishop of Cuzco, a desire which Victoria and two other suffragans vehemently opposed.25 At the same time, the Inquisitor of Lima made another attempt to have Vic? toria dismissed. Whether this was a spin-off from the conflict with Lerma or with the archbishop or a private initiative of his own is unclear. The attempt did not succeed, but it has blackened Victoria's reputation. In December 1582 one of Victoria's priests, Diego Pedrero de Trejo, to whom he had given a canonry in his cathedral, appeared before the Commissary of the Holy Office in Charcas and denounced his bishop for fornication and heretical utterances. The Inquisitor of Lima forwarded the denunciation to the Council of the Indies with a letter disparaging Bishop Victoria. Then, on 1 March, a senior Franciscan friar from Tucuman, Diego de la Vera, was summoned before the Inquisitor in Lima and denounced the bishop for heretical utterances and improperly dissolving marriages contrary to Canon Law. This was followed, on 4 March 1583, by the testimony of the Fiscal of the Provincial Church Council of Lima to the effect that he had heard his father say that Bishop Victoria was related to the New Christian, Piedra Sancta family of Granada. This was wide of the mark, for it assumed that the bishop came from the same Burgos New Christian family as his namesake, the famous professor of Canon Law at Salamanca. He further testified that his father had told him that Victoria was related to a Martin Her? nandez who had been burnt at the stake for Judaizing by the Inquisition of 18</page><page sequence="5">Don Fray Francisco de Victoria OP (1540-92) Bishop of Tucuman Granada.26 This was a curious accusation, because the archbishop of Lima had previously been Inquisitor of Granada and it would have been a simple matter to have checked the facts with him. Victoria was so discouraged by the difficulties of his task that in 1584, after the council had ended, he wrote to the king from Lima and asked leave to renounce his diocese. He had only twelve mendicant friars and five priests to minister to a diocese as large as Castile, inhabited - so he wrote - by 100,000 souls - 75,000 of them pagan Indians - speaking twenty languages, each as different from the next as Latin from Greek, and no revenues, for his stipend was not paid and the tithes were negligible. Moreover, since Santiago del Estero was built on the edge of a swamp, he found the country most unhealthy, and had been seriously ill there, apparently with malaria.27 However, as soon as he had got this off his chest, he set about trying to remedy the difficulties. He took to cattle dealing and trading on a large scale. In 1585 he wrote from Tucuman to the Jesuit Provincials of both Peru and Brazil and invited them to send missionaries into his diocese to convert the Indians; both did so, providing two from Peru and five from Brazil.28 He gave them a new house,29 stipends and a prebend to their leader.30 The Jesuits set about learning the Indian languages and compiling grammars and vocabularies, and then went on systematically to catechize the Indians, which, they claimed, the friars had never bothered to do.31 We can therefore say that, despite great difficulties, Bishop Victoria maximized the revenues of his diocese and cathedral, built up its clergy and founded effect? ive missions by bringing in the Fathers of the Company. Thus far he rates as a good bishop. However, a bishop is expected to provide leadership to his clergy as well as sacraments and spiritual guidance to the Christians of his diocese. In this respect he was far less satisfactory. He can hardly be blamed for the conflict with Gov? ernor Lerma and the actual consequences of his interdict were minimal. Nor was it his fault that the archbishop ordered him to attend the Council of Lima. But there is little doubt that the fact that he was a Portuguese New Christian aroused the prejudices of some members of the Castillian elite who reckoned that he had risen out of his class, and that this hostility made him defensive and combative. His relentless battles with the next governor of Tucuman, Juan Ramires de Velasco, also led to poor service in the diocese. Ramires seems to have been a simple, unimaginative and stubborn country hidalgo. He was deeply upset by the bishop's tendency to excommunicate him whenever they disagreed, and complained that it undermined his authority over his troops.32 He went so far in return as to persuade all the town councils of Tucuman, including the cathedral city of Santiago del Estero, to pass bye-laws making it illegal for the bishop to enter them.33 Apart from his pugnacity, Victoria's other fault was absenteeism. Having started to trade, it became his main interest and activity and he was hardly ever in the diocese. Once the king and the Pope had accepted 19</page><page sequence="6">Edgar Samuel his resignation in 1587,34 he seems to have felt that his moral responsibility to his diocese was limited. He settled in Potosi and devoted himself to trading. It was not his fault that no replacement was found. Francisco de Victoria had the qualities essential to a pioneer. He was courage? ous, energetic, imaginative, unscrupulous and could not be intimidated. How? ever his pugnacity, bad personal relations with his colleagues and his absenteeism made him far less effective than was expected of him. Although a forceful preacher and capable of inspiring loyalty, he was severely rebuked by the king for putting personal profit ahead of his pastoral duties.35 But he deserves the credit for putting Church organization in Tucum?n on a viable and effective basis. The economic contribution Most of our information about Bishop Francisco de Victoria's trading activities comes from Governor Juan Ramirez de Velasco's many letters of complaint, including his complaint that Victoria's life was that of a merchant rather than of a prelate.36 It is from him that we learn that the bishop had an estancia near San Miguel de Tucum?n37 and that he bought 1500 head of cattle and drove them to market in Potosi in 1587 and did the same again in 1588. In order to evade the governor's prohibition against Indians leaving the province, on the first occasion he put his vaqueros into cassocks and claimed that he had ordained them and that, as priests, they were outside the secular jurisdiction.38 On the second occasion he produced a forged licence purporting to be signed by the governor.39 The expedition of 1585 to bring the Jesuits from Brazil was also a major trading enterprise, which may have been financed by other investors too. He sent his factor and the treasurer of his cathedral from Potosi to Buenos Aires and then to Bahia with 30,000 pesos in gold and silver consigned to the governor of Brazil, Manuel Teles Barreto.40 At Buenos Aires they acquired a ship for the voyage to Bahia. For the return voyage they bought a second ship and loaded them with goods said to be worth 150,000 pesos,41 which included a substantial investment by the governor of Brazil. This included eighty Africans for the Potosi mines,42 cloth,43 sugar44 and sugar-refining vats.45 Unfortunately, the ships were captured off Buenos Aires and ransacked by Robert Withrington, an English privateer, set to sea by George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland.46 with letters of marque signed in London by the pretender to the Portuguese throne, Dom Antonio, Prior of Crato.47 Francisco de Victoria claimed to be the first person to discover a trade route from Potosi to Brazil and that this was a great service. However, to the Consejo de Indias and even to the president of the Audiencia of Charcas it was no service at all48 and undermined the tight Castilian trade monopoly. From their point of view there was no reason why all trade between Spain and the New World 20</page><page sequence="7">Don Fray Francisco de Victoria OP (1540-92) Bishop of Tucuman should not be limited to the annual fleet from Seville to Mexico and Cartagena. All goods destined for Tucuman, Assuncion and Buenos Aires would go via Panama and Callao and over the Andes. But to any merchant such a route was quite crazy and opening up the trade of the River Plate, as Bishop Victoria did, was an essential preliminary to the development of Paraguay and Argentina. From 1592-6 the viceroy officially licensed the trade between Buenos Aires and Bahia. Apart from this, Francisco de Victoria imported a sugar engenho from Brazil,49 which makes him the founder of sugar cultivation and processing in Argentina. Another of his ventures was to invest in a pearl fishery on the Island of La Margarita in Venezuela, which he visited in 1591 on his way from Brazil back to Spain. By any reckoning, Bishop Francisco de Victoria's contribution to the economic development of Spanish America was an important one. How far was he typical of New Christians in the New World? The fact that Francisco de Victoria was both a Dominican friar and a bishop makes him unique among Portuguese New Christians, and this, together with his apparently sincere belief in Christianity, distanced him from the crypto-Jewish conventicles which were common among the New Christians in the New World. But in other respects he was not so different from his cousins. New Christians regarded themselves, and were regarded, as a distinct ethnic minority - the people of the Hebrew Nation. Their Jewish origin was a source of inner pride and of danger and hostility from without. Francisco de Victoria made the best of it. By dropping his family surname of Nunes he reused the name of Fray Francisco de Vitoria op (1486-1546), the great Spanish New Christian professor of Canon Law at Salamanca, and even, in his letter to Padre Jose Anchieta sj, Provincial of the Jesuits in Brazil, claimed that his father was a first cousin of Padre Diego Lainez sj (1512-65),50 the second General of the Jesuit Order, whom everyone knew to have been a New Christian. He therefore admitted and boasted his Jewish origin when it was safe to do so, at the same time leading the curious away from his actual family background. He also made the point that New Christians could give first-class service to the Catholic Church: the Catholic orthodoxy of Fray Francisco de Victoria of Salamanca and of Father Lainez, Theologian to the Pope at the Council of Trent, was unchallengeable. As well as pride in his Jewish origin, Victoria showed a deep hostility to the Inquisition, which was not normally to be expected in a Catholic bishop. He made disparaging remarks in public about the Holy Office and said that it was unnecessary. In a remark that appears almost paranoid he complained that the Inquisitors of Lima intended to imprison and burn him; while this was not true, the danger was not entirely imaginary. The Inquisitor of Lima, conscious of his ill-concealed hostility, complained that he was the sort of man with whom it 21</page><page sequence="8">Edgar Samuel was impossible to deal. The bishop was expected to treat the Inquisitors as brothers in Christ and as colleagues in government, but the deep aversion for the Holy Office which he learnt as a child remained part of his mature outlook. The Jews of Spain and Portugal and their forcibly converted descendants were not only a religious minority, they were also a caste of town dwellers who followed certain traditional occupations. Apart from those artisans specializing in silk and cloth manufacture and in metal and leather working, New Christians were the main merchant and professional class of sixteenth-century Portugal. Like Jews in other countries, they combined a mercantile tradition with a high respect for education and for the professions of law and medicine. Bishop Francisco de Victoria was fairly typical in this respect. His father51 and grandfather52 were merchants and he had apparently been a merchant's apprentice or assistant. His younger brother Diogo was a merchant in Potosi53 and he had relatives in trade in Rio de Janeiro.54 In addition to this he was highly literate, not to say eloquent, and a university graduate. When a Portuguese New Christian migrated to the Americas he moved from an overpopulated country of competition, class tension and ethnic rivalry to an underdeveloped, underpopulated territory of great economic potential where careers - for whites - were open to the talents. Moreover, he moved from being a member of a resented and powerless minority in a fairly homogeneous nation, to part of the conquering Iberian race and culture who ruled over the indigenous Indian peoples and the increasing numbers of African slaves who made up most of the population of the New World. Of course, some of the attitudes of the Old World were transplanted to the New, but sixteenth-century Jesuits were fairly free of anti-Jewish racist preju? dice, although it was very usual for all New Christians to be regarded as Jews - as indeed many of them were - and thus to be seen as members of the deicide people, individually to blame for Christ's Passion and deserving of a vengeful punishment. But if religious hostility persisted in the Americas - to be disarmed by furtiveness - the severe social tensions caused in Portugal by the massive immigration of Spanish Jews in 1492 and by their social emancipation in 1497 largely dissipated in the New World. Professor Vicens Vives has written that the Jews of Spain had the mental outlook of merchants, while the nobility had that of herdsmen.55 Fray Francisco de Victoria certainly had the outlook of a merchant and on occasion it got him into trouble. His chance remark in 1582 that he was more interested in complet? ing his journey to Potosi than in going to Heaven,56 which shocked the clergy, seems to me to reflect a Jewish scale of values in which going to Heaven was not unimportant, but in which Potosi came earlier on the agenda. His explana? tion that he meant it Catholically, and that it was better to die a martyr at the hand of savage Indians on the road to Potosi than to return to the comfort of his cathedral, did not satisfy anyone! Spanish dignitaries were shocked by Bishop 22</page><page sequence="9">Don Fray Francisco de Victoria OP (1540-92) Bishop of Tucuman Victoria handling bales of merchandise himself, and he was severely rebuked by the king for bringing merchandise in person for sale at the silver mines.57 Francisco de Victoria rose beyond the rank allotted to New Christians in Iberian society and then encountered widespread hostility from his colleagues in the ruling elite. Part of this was normal, for Europeans in the colonies were a quarrelsome lot, but much was due to his own pugnacity and tactlessness. In part, it was because he was a New Christian and therefore had the mental outlook of a merchant. Perhaps if the bishop had lived by cattle ranching, had paid more attention to ministering to the needs of his spiritual flock and had left trading to his brother, he might have risen higher in the hierarchy. But though he was unique among Portuguese New Christians, so far as we know, in being a Dominican and a bishop, his eventful career tells us something about the role of New Christians in the early colonial society of the New World. Acknowledgements Professor Charles Boxer first drew Bishop Francisco de Victoria to the attention of English-speaking readers in his Salvador de Sd and the Struggle for Brazil and Angola (London 1952) and I have been slowly collecting material about him ever since the book appeared. This study is, however, a spin-off from a research project in which I have been engaged professionally, the history of the Curiel family of which Bishop Victoria was a member, which has been commissioned by some of the male-line descendants of the bishop's younger brother, Dr Jeronimo Nunes Ramires. I should therefore like to thank Mr Marcel Curiel and the Curiel family for aiding this research and for permitting me to use the material discovered in its course. I should also like to thank Dra Alice de Conceif?o de Correia Estorninho and Professor Antonio Maria de Souza e Vasconcelos de Saldanha of Lisbon, and Dr Joaquim Miguel Tomaz Pereira of Coimbra for their help in locating MS sources, Professor Jonathan Israel for criticisms and discussion, and Mgr Jose Russchaert, Vice-Prefect of the Vatican Library, for kindly drawing attention to Fray Francisco de Victoria's memorandum to Pope Gregory XIII. NOTES 1 Lucia Garcia de Proodian, Los Judios en America - sus actividades en los Virreinatos de Nueva Castilla y Nueva Granada (Madrid 1966) 267-8. 2 The descendants of his brothers, Luis Nunes and Jeronimo Nunes Ramires, became Jews. I. S. Revah, 'Estudo e Comment?rio: Relac?o Genealogica de Isaac de Matathias Aboab', Boletim Internacional de Bibliografia Luso-Brasileira II: 2. 3 I deduce this from the dates of his and his brothers' baptisms. The Aboab genealogy published by Revah has Duarte Nunes children in incorrect sequence. See also the genealogy in 23</page><page sequence="10">Edgar Samuel the processo of Bernardo Ramires (Inquisic?o de Coimbra 8921) 84, Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Lisbon. 4 Armando Carneiro da Silva, 'A Sisa de 1567', Arquivo Coimbr?o (Coimbra) 25, 351. 5 Baptismal register of the parish of S?o Tiago, 1510-69, Coimbra. Arquivo da Universidade de Coimbra. 6 Antonio de Egana, Monumenta Missionem Societatis Jesu - Monumenta Peruana (Rome 1961) 556-9. 7 His memorandum to Pope Gregory XIII starts, 'Magr f frncus de Victoria Hispanus ordinis predicatores Provincia del Peru Indiana . . .', Archivum Secretum Apostolicum Vaticanarum, Rome. A.a arm. I-XVIII No. 3459 8 Letter of Antonio Gutierez de Ulloa of 14 March 1583 to the Consejo de Indias, published in Jose Toribio De Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata (Santiago de Chile 1899). 9 Egana, Monumenta (see n. 6) 556, n. 2. 10 Pedro Lozano, Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la Provincia del Paraguay (Madrid 1754) 33 11 See n. 6. 12 Cecil Roth, A History of the Marranos (New York 1974) 174. 13 Ibid. 163. 14 Garcia de Proodian (see n. 1) 341-87; G. A. Kohut, 'The Trial of Francisco Maldonado de Silva', Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society 11, i63&gt;N&lt;i8o. 15 Confession of Catarina da Fonseca cited in the processo of Duarte Nunes Vitoria (Inquisic?o de Lisboa 6172) 14V. 16 Roberto Levillier, Nueva Cronica del Tucumdn (Buenos Aires 1931) 200. 17 Nicolau del Techo, Historia de la Provincia del Paraguay de la Compania de Jesus (Madrid 1897) chaps XXIII-XXV. 18 Lozano (see n. 10) 1:33-40. 19 Andres Mille itiner?rio de la or den dominicana en la conquista del Peru, Chile y Tucumdn y su convento del antigo Buenos Aires 1516-1807 (Buenos Aires 1964) 177-8. In Victoria's memorandum to the Pope (see n. 7) he wrote: 'in anno 1574, quando ego profectus sum Indiam versus . . . detuli mecum viginte et quinque fratres'. 20 Lozano (see no. 10) 38. 21 Ibid. 22 Pablo Pastells, Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la Provincia del Paraguay I: 9. 23 Roberto Levillier, Audiencia de Charcas. Correspondencia de los Cabilidos en el Siglo XVI (Madrid 1921) II: 46-7. 24 Jose Toribio De Medina (see n. 8) LIII LX. 25 Emilio Lisson de Chaves (ed.) La Iglesia de Espana en el Peru collection de documentos para la historia de la Iglesia en el Peru, que se encuentran en varios archivos. Section Primer a: Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, Siglo XVI (Seville 1944) III: no. 2, 266-80. 26 Toribio de Medina (see n. 8) LX LXVIII. The direct evidence given to the Inquisitor by the two priests seems to be truthful, but their hearsay evidence can be discounted as most improbable. 27 The bishop of Tucuman to Philip II, 6 April 1584 (Archivo General de Indias) - summarized in Pastells (see n. 22) 25. 28 Egana (see n. 6) I: 556-9, 717-8. 29 Ibid. 476 n. 30 Ibid. 561. 31 Techo (see n. 17) chaps XXV-XXVI. 32 Roberto Levillier (ed.) Gobernacion del Tucuman. Papeles de governadores en el stglo XVI (Madrid 1920). 33 Roberto Levillier (ed.) Gobernacion del Tucuman. Correspondencia de los cabildos en el siglo XVI (Madrid 1918) 99-113. 34 Pastells (see n. 22) 46. 35 Real Cedula of 28 November 1590, published in Lisson de Chaves (see n. 25) III: no. 15, 556. 36 Levillier (see n. 32) 205. 37 Ibid. 222. 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 259-61. 40 Ibid. 197. 41 Ibid. 214 and 220. 42 John Sarracoll, 'The Voyage set out by the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, in the year 1586 . . . in Richard Hackluyt, The Principal Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Glasgow 1904) XI. 43 Levillier (see n. 32) 209. 44 Sarracoll (see n. 42) ibid. 45 Egana (see n. 4) IV: 182. 46 Sarracoll (see n. 42) ibid. 47 Egana (see n. 4) ibid. 48 Levillier (see n. 23) 321. 49 Levillier (see n. 32) 228. 50 Egana (see n. 4) IV: 558. 51 See n. 5. 52 Arquivo Municipal de Coimbra - Vereac?es, Vol. 6 (1533) 30V-31, and the processo of Bernardo Ramires (see n. 3) . 53 Garcia de Proodian (see n. 1) 54. 24</page><page sequence="11">Don Fray Francisco de Victoria OP (1540-92) Bishop of Tucuman 54 His niece, Branca Duarte, and her husband, Duarte Ramires (m. Coimbra, 1570), settled in Rio de Janeiro, where their sons were merchants. Their third son, Francisco Ramires Vitoria, seems to have been named after the bishop. See Revah (see n. 2) and Jose Goncalves Salvador, Os Crist?os Novos e 0 Comercio no Atl?ntico Meridional (S?o Paolo 1978) 233, 268, 368. 55 Jaime Vincens Vives, Historia Social y Economica de Espana (Barcelona 1957-9) I: introduction. 56 Toribio de Medina (see n. 8) LXVIII. 57 See n. 35. 25</page></plain_text>