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Anglo-Jewish trading connections with officers and seamen of the Royal Navy, 1740-1820

Geoffrey Green

<plain_text><page sequence="1">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with officers and seamen of the Royal Navy, 1740-1820* GEOFFREY GREEN 'Portsmouth is an English Seaport Town principally remarkable for mud, Jews and sailors', wrote Charles Dickens in 1838.1 Since most English towns were dirty, the mud would not have attracted particular attention. But discovering Jews and sailors together seems to demand fuller explanation. I hope to show in this unlikely association an overlooked aspect of the social life of British seamen: their relationship with tradesmen ashore during the classic age of the Royal Navy's achievements. Its significance to the early economic develop? ment of the poor Ashkenazi Jews is that it was in the naval towns that they were first able in any recognizable numbers outside London to set up in business, however small. Significantly, out of the eleven earliest Jewish provincial communities, eight were seaports of various size and importance, including the three main naval towns of Portsmouth, Plymouth and Chat? ham.2 It is worth remembering that the oldest surviving Ashkenazi synagogue in the English-speaking world is to be found at Plymouth in the West Country. In 1740, or thereabouts, the first Jewish settlers arrived in Portsmouth and Plymouth, coinciding with the commencement of the War of Austrian Succession, when the British Fleet of 228 sailing warships was manned by 35,000 seamen and marines.3 The trading potential was recognized by the small number of Jewish immigrant silversmiths, jewellers, clothesmen and petty chapmen, who were fortuitously able to supply simple seamen with just the goods they delighted in. Why should they peddle their wares about the country when a more or less captive customer was to be found in the men-of-war lying at Portsmouth, Plymouth, Chatham and Sheerness? Only the most trusted seamen were allowed ashore, for fear of mass desertion. So to ease this restriction on the freedom of crews, traders were from long usage allowed to board the warships. Traders were even encouraged to enter this market by legal exemption from the annual licence fee of ?4.0.0., under the Hawkers and Pedlars Act. But by 1813 this concession was withdrawn. The number of warship traders was then thought to have reached 2500.4 Discipline on pay day was relaxed to allow women aboard, and with smuggled drink flowing, between decks was soon no place for the prudish. Here also were traders with goods to please the seamen-gold watches and seals, watch-chains, rings, fancy shoes, scarlet and blue silk handkerchiefs, clay pipes and fresh food of every description.5 All was uproar, bargains struck and loans repaid as the seamen received their pay six months in arrears: a landsman, the * Paper presented to the Society on 8 March 1984. 97</page><page sequence="2">Geoffrey Green lowest rating, had sixteen shillings a month; an able-seaman twenty-four shillings, out of which sixpence was deducted as a compulsory contribution to Greenwich Hospital. When a warship returned after a long commission abroad the crew would immediately be turned over to another ship. Those not further required would be put ashore with a wage ticket only encashable by a personal visit to the Navy Pay Office, Tower Hill. Understandably the seamen required their money straight away and preferred not to make the journey to London. Traders were on hand to cash the seamen's wages at a discount. Jews and sailors, therefore, were not an unlikely association. Contrary to popular belief, there was a certain affinity between them; both knew hardship, public disparagement and contempt. Economic circumstances brought them together. Shipboard life was harsh: poor food, floggings, stringent discipline and a far greater chance of dying from disease than at the hands of the enemy. Even when ashore the public saw seamen as uncouth drunkards and of bad character. No wonder that in their petition to the Admiralty at the time of the Spithead and Nore Mutinies of 179 7 the seamen asked, among their other just remonstrations, to be looked upon as a body of men standing in defence of the country.6 As for the Jewish immigrants, mainly originating from small German rural towns,7 they knew nothing of the sea. Eleven were drowned when their boat capsized at Spithead after trading aboard EMS Lancaster in February 1758.8 Their foreign ways, unusual dress and strange religious customs singled them out for harsh prejudices. Contemporary naval literature, caricatures and even some naval historians were at times scathingly anti-Jewish. Bad feeling towards the Jewish and non-Jewish traders in the naval towns was useful for the authorities in distracting attention from their own poor conduct towards the seamen. It must be remembered that after perhaps many months at sea, it was often the Jewish traders with whom the seamen first came into contact. The seamen's reaction would rather have been to indulge in horseplay with the Jews, than to express any real animosity, though they treated any landlubber with a certain suspicion. The main charge against the Jews was that they sold faulty goods at enhanced prices and discounted seamen's wage tickets at a huge profit. Yet other traders were active in this trafficking before any Jews settled in the naval towns.9 There is also the mistaken impression that Jews alone, and in very large numbers, traded with the seamen; an error which arose because anyone who lent money was nicknamed 'Jew' by the seamen. By 1766 in fact the Portsmouth Hebrew community had grown to only perhaps thirty or forty households.10 They tended to cluster together, and a party of Jews in a wherry waiting to board a warship would in itself give the mistaken impression of large numbers. Yet against this background of preconceived opinions the true relationship between the Jewish traders and seamen was somewhat reluctantly admitted by the author of A Naval Sketch Book in 1834. 'It is one of the many odd traits which make up Jack's character that though his dislike of Moses exceeds all the bounds of decorum it is to him he confides his grievances and by his advice most of his actions are governed.'11 98</page><page sequence="3">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy Plate 1 Pay day in port aboard a man-of-war. Seamen and others skylarking with a Jewish pedlar (from an etching by G. Cruikshank). Plate 2 Landing place close to the dockyard of Sheerness. Slopseilers and other shops appear in the centre background. From an engraving by J. Rogers, about 1830, when little had changed since the Napoleonic Wars. 99</page><page sequence="4">Geoffrey Green It has been suggested that some traders assisted the mutineers at Spithead and the Nore in 1797, but I have found no evidence to support this contention. The seamen's conditions were actually slowly improving even prior to the mutinies. In 1792 the seamen on discharge were allowed in future to have the wage tickets that were issued aboard their last ship immediately encashed not only at the Pay Offices in London, but now at Portsmouth, Plymouth, Chatham and at revenue offices near the seamen's homes. This meant that by the start of the Napoleonic Wars the trafficking in wage tickets had virtually come to an end.12 Many seamen had not waited on these wage tickets, but had accepted small sums for their anticipated wages by legal instruments in favour of third parties, and had executed wills in the same way much to the detriment of their families. This practice, in which Jews were involved, although it was carried on mainly by publicans and brothel keepers, was stopped by an Act of 1786 by which all Royal Navy seamen's wills and powers of attorney were valid only if they were executed before and attested by his commanding officer or at the Navy Pay Offices.13 The shameful practice of forcing seamen to sign wills and legal instruments in favour of third parties under the influence of drink was ended. Seamen in 1792 were given the choice of either granting orders to traders or powers of attorney against their wages, provided the sum of ?7 was not exceeded. This had to be attested by a commissioned officer of the seaman's ship.14 One important result of the 1797 mutinies, for both seamen and traders, was the granting of liberty for the seamen when in port, although there was the threat of a flogging round the fleet for desertion, as happened to Ordinary Seaman John Levy in February 1802 at Sheerness.15 Trading aboard warships did not cease, particularly on pay days, but there was now an increased demand for those with shops ashore. The Jewish tradesmen in the naval ports were about to enter an economic boom, as activity increased in the Royal Dockyards, the military garrisons expanded and the Fleets assembled. With all their hardships one can rightly ask how it was that the Royal Navy seamen were about to achieve so much. As the drummers beat to quarters and the guns were run out their privations were forgotten. Was it really very much better ashore? Their confidence returned as they felt they belonged to the foremost sea service in the world, with the opportunity to earn prize money, that greatest of incentives and as old as the navy itself. Or, were the credulous seamen to be deceived yet again and not receive their full share? Bringing a captured prize into port could herald the start of endless litigation. Stringent procedural rules were laid down, with much scope for legal argument, particularly over the seizure of neutral vessels carrying contraband, which became the main source of prize money. A number of prizes could accrue in which those present at the capture were interested, but it often took years before the money was ready for distribution.16 The officers and men were at sea; they could not possibly deal with the legal and financial formalities. Prize Agency developed in the hands of the Admirals' Secretaries, lawyers and particularly merchants with some legal training. Large 100</page><page sequence="5">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy sums of money were to pass through their hands. In Plymouth between 1793 and 1801 nearly 1000 captures were sold off.17 One prize agent abroad alone dealt with ?2,145,000 from about 1400 captures in Jamaica.18 About forty of the main Prize Agents were in the City of London and Strand area.19 The Prize Agents themselves had to take out a bond for ?5000; letters of attorney from captain and crew of a warship had to be registered at the High Court of Admiralty; they had to deal with the prize as it came into port; instruct lawyers; collect evidence and witnesses for the hearing in the Prize Court; and they had to take the case through to condemnation, appeals and eventual sale by auction.20 The Prize Agents kept accounts for their officer clients, becoming in effect bankers. The prize money, after long delays, was then distributed to a set scale, the officers receiving the far greater share.21 Isaac Levy, a merchant of 14 Mount Place, Whitechapel Road, and later of the Minories, was the only Jewish Prize Agent, and then only on a small scale. He acted for the officers and crew of the 325-ton Bomb Vessel HMS Fury22 which was to be quite successful in capturing Danish prizes in 1808 while operating in the confined waters of the Baltic. In one instance Levy travelled up to Berwick-on-Tweed to superintend the Danish prize Corrobata, beached on Holy Island, off the Northumberland coast. The prize and cargo were eventually sold for ?2008, but after numerous outgoings, only ?447 was left for distribution to the crew; from this Levy earned his fee of ?22.6.10., calculated at the statutory rate of 5 per cent plus expenses.23 For another small capture it took three years before Levy was able to advertise on 3 December 1811 in The London Gazette that distribution was to be made at his offices. The Captain of the Fury received ?19.10.8., First Class Petty Officers 14/1., Able Seamen 4/8., and just 2/4. for each boy seaman. The pecuniary advantage for the Prize Agent was clearly with the commissioned officers, not only in collecting his pay and prize money, but also freight money. Unlike prize money, the carrying of specie was governed not by any statutes, but by ancient usage. Only Flag Officers and Captains were entitled to a gratuity. Nathan Rothschild paid \ per cent. For instance he sent ?100,000 in gold coin by the frigate Stag to Viscount Wellington via Lisbon in October 1812. Captain King of the 74-gun Venerable received ?572.10.0. freight money from Rothschild's, for the delivery of specie from Deal to Walcheren during the expedition to the Scheldt in 1809.24 It was rare for smaller warships to carry specie, but when it did happen a lowly Lieutenant in command saw his opportunity to earn a considerable sum. Orders were sometimes disobeyed. For instance when the fast armed cutter Nile sailed from Gravesend for the Elbe on 14 October 1799, her commander, Lieutenant Wood, reported to the Admiralty, 'Having received on board the Bullion from the House of Messrs Goldsmid and Company and there being no post to-day from London I have judged it for the good of His Majesty's Service to proceed'.25 Perhaps it was really for his own good, but nevertheless Wood was reprimanded for having sailed without express orders. The Nile got through, but 101</page><page sequence="6">Geoffrey Green five days earlier the frigate Lutine was not to be so fortunate, shipwrecked off the Dutch coast and her bullion lost, including a consignment from Messrs Goldsmid's. The main incentive for all the officers, seamen and marines was of course prize money. After condemnation the Prize Agent advertised the prize money for distribution, with payment made aboard the capturing ship. Sometimes, if in port, he used sub-agents. Five per cent of the net sum before distribution was paid by statute to Greenwich Hospital, together with all shares unclaimed up to six years from distribution and the shares of the seamen who had deserted.26 Between 1807 and 1811 the unclaimed shares were thought to be worth over ?1,000,000, of which at a modest estimate perhaps one quarter would remain in the Hospital's hands.27 How was it that so much prize money remained unclaimed? Probably because the seamen were serving in another ship when it was advertised for distribution, or they could not get to London on what were known as recall days when the Prize Agents' offices were open to pay past unclaimed distributions. The Prize Agent looked after the commissioned officers as his clients, and for their benefit alone abided by his statutory obligations to advertise and make available the distributions. If the seamen actually obtained their prize money or not was not really his concern, as Greenwich Hospital would then benefit. The seamen were forced to turn for assistance in obtaining their prize money to the only link between themselves and those in authority ashore, the tradesmen in the naval towns. As the commissioned officers had their Prize Agent, so the seamen had their Navy Agent. The Royal Navy was to grow to a peak of 912 sailing men-of-war, including those in dockyard hands and in reserve. They were manned by 174,000 seamen and marines by the beginning of 1814. These were served by over 400 Navy Agents throughout the country.28 About one third of this number were Jews, a major proportion being slopsellers. A Register of Jewish Navy Agents appears at the end of this paper. Slops-the ready-made clothing worn by seamen-were not made to any set pattern. Over they years the exigencies of life at sea, custom and the purser had combined to mould sailors' dress into something like a uniform. Within about ten years of the setting up of the Navy Slop Office in 1756, Abraham Joseph of Barbican Quay, Plymouth, became one of their accredited wholesale slop contractors, who supplied the dockyard stores from which seamen's clothing was sent to the individual ship pursers. Not only was the clothing the purser supplied of poor quality and ill fitting, but the cost was deducted from a man's meagre pay, unless he was obviously destitute on first joining. Here was an opportunity for the small retail slopseller willing to defer payment and satisfy the strong individual tastes of the seamen, particularly as the dress regulations were vague, resulting in a uniform without uniformity. At the time of Trafalgar we find Jewish slopsellers supplying the seamen with their shore-going rig-outs: hats-wide-brimmed, with turned-up rims of straw, leather, or tarred canvas-having gaudy ribbons with the ship's name painted on them; checked 102</page><page sequence="7">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy Plate 3 Seamen ashore about the time of the Battle of Trafalgar, from a water colour by J. Jellicoe. As so often in these scenes the Jewish pedlar is included (at far left). The men's clothing would have been supplied by the slopsellers. 'A uniform without uniformity*. or striped shirts; black or coloured kerchiefs loosely tied around the neck; a short blue jacket with bright buttons and white piping; flowing blue or white striped trousers; white stockings and black shoes with square metal buckles. The slopsellers and other traders were only allowed aboard on pay day from noon, the best period for the seamen. The midday beef had been swilled down with the regulation grog of pure navy rum mixed with three gills of water. The seamen were in a merry mood; the discomfort, boredom and continual fatigue were temporarily forgotten. What better customers could one possibly have! It was incidentally in 1804 that Lemuel Hart of Penzance had started to import rum from the West Indies, bringing his brother Jacob into partnership from 1806, with a captial of ?5000. Moving to London, the firm of Lemon Hart became purveyors of rum to the Royal Navy in 1811. By 1849 they were supplying 100,000 gallons a year.29 The slopsellers would exchange their goods for the seamen's powers of attorney over their wages, without any cash necessarily changing hands. Provided it was voluntarily given and attested by the seamen's commissioned officers, or the ministers of the parish where the seamen lived, these authorities were then lodged with the Navy Pay Office. The pawnbrokers and silversmiths traded in the same way. For the warrant officers the traders kept accounts 103</page><page sequence="8">Geoffrey Green much as the Prize Agents were bankers for the commissioned officers. The practice of naval agency evolved without any official control, and in a dishonest age the whole system was open to abuses, such as the forging of wills, prize orders, letters of attorney, receipts for prize money and impersonating seamen. The Jews came in for criticism, and sometimes with foundation-as when Judah Jacob, a Portsmouth slopseller, was found guilty by a jury in the King's Bench Division in December 1802 of fraudulently converting ?282 prize money for his own use.30 The fourth report of the Royal Commission inquiring into irregularities, frauds and abuses practised in the naval departments and in the business of Prize Agency of 1803, was mainly concerned with the Prize Agents and not with the Navy Agents. It did, however, recognize that many seamen were cheated of their prize money by unscrupulous slopsellers, and in particular publicans and brothel keepers. One result was that from 1805 all Prize Orders granted by seamen to a third party had to be on a statutory form, detailing the prize, capturing ship and with full description of the seaman entitled to the prize money, signed by his captain and one other commissioned officer.31 The granting of loosely worded General Prize Orders, the cause of so much abuse, was ended. It was not until 1809 that the first statutory attempts were instigated to regulate the activities of the Navy Agents, the result of genuine efforts on the seamen's behalf by the Right Honourable George Rose MP, who had been appointed Treasurer of the Navy in 1807. He knew it was impossible to stamp out the abuses as long as a proper Government-run Prize Office was not estabished, because of influential opposition. Many high-ranking naval of? ficers, the Prize Agents, and not least their lawyers, had benefited enormously from the prize money. As for the seamen, they had come to rely on the traders for ready money, and to remove this accommodation could have resulted in considerable discontent throughout the fleet. A repetition of the 1797 mutinies had to be avoided. The admirable George Rose devised a system of licensing which brought him into direct contact with the agents, who he was thereby better able to control. From June 1809 no person could act as an agent for receiving the wages, grants, prize and bounty monies for petty officers, non-commissioned officers, seamen and marines without a licence for three years, renewable by application from the Treasurer of the Navy. A bond had to be given with two sureties, under penalty of ?200, with the Treasurer having wide powers to revoke the licence at any time without right of appeal. Changes of address had to be notified under penalty of a ?50 fine.32 The first list of 174 Licensed Navy Agents for the whole country included about 66 Jews, with more or less half the agency conducted in the naval towns being in Jewish hands.33 The Navy Agents were first.and foremost traders, having by statute to become licensed in order to continue accepting deferred payment for their goods. Living and working in the naval towns gave the traders an advantage in 104</page><page sequence="9">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy Plate 4 Looking across Portsmouth Harbour, from Block House Fort Gosport to the Round Tower and Semaphore Tower. Note the slipways facilitating easy access to the rear of shops in Broad Street and Bath Square, for the slopsellers taking the merchandise out in wherries to the men-of-war lying at their moorings. From an engraving by J. Salmon (from Hampshire by J. Mudie, 1838). Plate 5 An imaginary frolic from The English Spy of 1825, depicting the boatswain's mate of HMS Leander on learning he has just been left a fortune by his uncle. The scene is set in Broad Street Point, Portsmouth, with King James' Gate on the left. In the centre, at number 94, is the slop shop of Abraham and Lewis Moses. Caricatures of two Jews appear in front of the shop. 105</page><page sequence="10">Geoffrey Green knowing warship movements. Word was heard of any prize captures as soon as the ships came to their moorings. The traders, in their capacity as Navy Agents, would go aboard with the blessing of the captain to seek the seamen's authorization to collect their prize money, known as Prize Orders. This entitled the trader, provided he was a Licensed Navy Agent, to deduct 2| per cent commission from the eventual prize money collected from the Prize Agent. All balances had to be paid to the seamen, after the trader had recouped the cost of slops or other goods sold in advance, and had recovered any loans with interest. Prize Orders were executed for each and every capture that a particular ship's crew made, but the same agent was not necessarily involved in each case. The traders thus gave a service to the seamen by providing ready money, shore-going outfits and other goods. In return- although the trader only obtained a small commission in his capacity as a Navy Agent-it enabled him to increase his trade, more often than not as a slopseller. The Prize Orders were immediately deposited by the trader with the Prize Agent whose name and address he obtained from the captain or from The London Gazette. The Prize Agent paid the Navy Agent directly on distribution of the prize money. To take some examples, Abraham and Lewis Moses, of 96 Broad Street Portsmouth, took Prize Orders aboard the sloop HMS Bonne Citoyenne from about half her crew on 9 March 1811, when the ship anchored in Spithead from Halifax after capturing the Furieuse almost two years previously. The Prize Orders were deposited with George Hulbert of Portsmouth, Prize Agent for many North American prizes. Distribution was made by Hulbert the following 24 August, paying ?3411 to the Moses brothers, who then accounted to the sixty seamen for whom they were holding prize orders, deducting the i\ per cent commission and any money lent with interest. Another seaman of the Bonne Citoyenne had been invalided out, and on return home had given a Prize Order to Levy Samuel, Jeweller and Licensed Navy Agent of High Street, Sunderland, for ?51 19.0. This was an example of how traders outside naval ports and London transacted naval agency business. The Prize Order was witnessed by the seaman's local vicar and two church wardens to comply with the 1805 Act, since by then the seaman was no longer serving in the Royal Navy. On another occasion, in March 1814, Lewis Moses took Prize Orders from the whole crew of another sloop, HMS Sophie, against which he recovered ?1090 for slops sold. He paid on average about ?9 10.o. per crew member.34 In 1810 the seamen were paying 12 / 6 for trousers; a pair of shoes cost 8/6 and cotton shirts 5 /-.3 5 The traders did not accept Prize Orders in exchange for their goods or cash until they knew the prize was condemned; this information was obtained from The London Gazette. The Prize Agents holding the Prize Orders informed the Navy Agents four or five days before the prize payments were advertised for distribution. Statements would then be sent annually or on request, with the Navy Agent drawing money at his own convenience. Just one Prize Agent, Ommaney and Druce of London, between 1806 and 1814 paid ?4225 to six 106</page><page sequence="11">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy Fig. 1 Plan of Portsmouth and Portsea showing some locations mentioned in this paper. 107</page><page sequence="12">Geoffrey Green Plymouth-based Jewish Navy Agents.36 Included in the lists for 17 June 1809 was ?2.19.6. paid to Emanuel Hart, a watchmaker of Fore Street, Plymouth Dock, on behalf of Ordinary Seaman Jacob Cohen of the 44-gun frigate HMS Sibylle, this being his share of prize money in the capture of the Espiegle.37 This incentive of ?2.19.6. seems a small amount to an ordinary seaman for a single capture, but was almost equivalent to an additional payment of ten weeks wages. The traders acting as Navy Agents were kept busy with accounts, stock, correspondence, attending distribution payments often aboard ships, and having to travel from the ports to visit the main London Prize Agents with whom they conducted business. It was through the Prize Agents that the Navy Agents, on behalf of the seamen, collected the Government Grant and Prize Bounty made to the participants of every major naval battle. ?300,000 was voted for the whole of the British Fleet after the Battle of Trafalgar. The seamen of HMS Victory each received ?6.10.0.-sufficient for a new shoregoing rig-out.38 Some, like Judah Jacob, employed clerks to deal with the accounts of the higher-ranking warrant officers, and sometimes of the lieutenants in command of the smaller brigs and sloops. As well as selling slops on credit, the Agent would make cash advances to their customers' wives, and pay their rent and other sundries at 5 per cent interest until their wages and prize money were received. Five per cent interest was paid by the Agent on any monies held to credit until the customer returned from sea.39 It was Judah Jacob, and slopsellers like him, who carried out the bulk of the trade, some owning their own boats to carry slops to the ships lying at anchor. Those traders with surplus accommodation would let rooms to naval officers in return for being appointed Agents for their ships' companies. Captains would generally only allow one of the larger and better-known slopsellers to trade aboard in return for Prize Orders, so avoiding clamour and indiscipline. The hawkers and petty traders only boarded on pay days. The best trading position in Portsmouth was on The Point, that neck of land where seamen came ashore at the Sally Port to scenes of all-night revelry in the numerous taverns and liquor shops. Here also were the old-established Jewish traders. Next door to the Blue Posts Inn-the midshipmen's resort immortalized by Captain Marryat in his novel of the period Peter Simple40-at 16 Broad Street, was Levy Isaac, silversmith, one of the original founders of the Portsmouth Hebrew Congregation and their mohel for many years. The house and business passed to his son-in-law, Michael Emanuel, whose father Samuel was the sole survivor of the disastrous boat accident of 1758. In 1809 the lease of 16 Broad Street was sold for ?975,** Emanuel moving to Ordnance Row, Portsea. His descendants were destined to be continuously connected with Portsmouth for about 150 years. There were also the unrelated Emanuels of the Hard, another sought-after trading position close to the Dockyard Gates. Moses Emanuel, originally from Bavaria, purchased the freehold of 3 The Hard from a David Hart in 1816. The premises 108</page><page sequence="13">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy ; .\ ?r hif Onler, ibe aaomi of r.... *^&**?*><&>0y- .? """" ? *l" . - i^j Tbete aic to certify, That we bave examined die aald^^*^' rf ;. e OWm fa onr uiMMBth a?*T ?"'1 who signed the above (?reel io oor umeMttt mI1;,' . "SS-.; *?d Us Aetwm to oor j^e^S^p^^l tcatoe to believe that be was aenriog on board Ike iaM SUp of awkiegtbe Captures above specified,' He says be wat bora at *. ' iotbeCoMtyof - tbafbe years of age, of a tetteCowr/of ? ?gL%4+*t - , tbat i.'?^?^compleaJoo, ^^fc^^eves, aad ?oder ?w Haad* .^Vn Fig. 2 Prize Order of Able-Seaman John Harrison of HMS Bonne Citoyenne for the capture of La Furieuse, granted to Levy Samuel of Sunderland on 28 February 1811. Levy Samuel received ?51 19 0 seven months later, deducted ?16 0 commission, and possibly sold items of jewellery and other goods to John Harrison from the balance. (National Maritime Museum. George Hulbert Prize Agent Papers HUL/41 / AB.) 109</page><page sequence="14">Geoffrey Green were quite large, the shop used as a silversmith's and jeweller's, with a cellar, two floors and an attic. The surplus accommodation was let to naval officers. The house was to remain in the Emanuel family's hands for a hundred years-a landmark to the officers and men of the Royal Navy. The best-known Portsmouth Jewish traders during the Napoleonic wars were the Zachariah family. John became the most affluent, as a silversmith and sword cutler at 69 High Street, the centre of a better class of trade with the naval officers, where Zachariah would exchange their foreign money. The double-fronted bow-windowed shop was an emporium for everything from diamond rings to portable desks, and from gold watches to musical instruments.42 Appropriately, John Zachariah was the first Portsmouth Jewish trader to hold a Royal Appointment. He also had a naval agency business with the seamen. John Zachariah held most of the Prize Orders from the crew of the frigate HMS Shannon, which had conducted one of the most celebrated evenly matched single-ship actions in the annals of the Royal Navy when she took the United States Ship Chesapeake as prize into Halifax in 1813.43 Queen Street, leading to the Dockyard, was the main trading thoroughfare of Portsea. Lazarus Franklin had at one time two shops there as a pawnbroker and silversmith and as a licensed Navy Agent. He moved to Liverpool in 1818. The synagogue was just off Queen Street in White's Row, an area where the middle strata of slopsellers, silversmiths, jewellers and licensed Navy Agents lived and conducted business, generally from a shop having a parlour, kitchen, three bedrooms and a cellar. The synagogue officials were mainly drawn from this quarter. Adjoining, in Union Street and in the nearby roads, the properties were very small with just a cellar, two rooms, a yard, well and pump. Here lived the poorest Jewish slopsellers and hawkers. Of the Jewish Navy Agents appearing occasionally on the Licensed Register between 1809 and 1820, sixty-four were in Portsmouth and Portsea. They traded in the main as slopsellers, pawnbrokers, jewellers and silversmiths. Others included a Philip Barnard, keeper of the Antelope Tavern, 39 Hanover Street, Portsea, who had the advantage that prize money distributions were made on the premises as early as 1803.44 Daniel de Souza, possibly the only Sephardi Navy Agent, was a grocer in Portsmouth. In the same period Plymouth and Plymouth Dock (becoming Devonport in 1824) had forty-four different Jewish Licensed Navy Agents, represented by similar trades as their co-religionists in Portsmouth. Joseph Joseph, of The Barbican, Plymouth, who was the eldest son of Abraham Joseph mentioned earlier, received ?2258 on behalf of seamen over a period of nine years from just one London Prize Agent. Samuel Hart, of 33 Market Street, Plymouth Dock, obtained ?826 from the same source.45 Samuel Hart's son Solomon was the portrait painter and future librarian to the Royal Academy. It was at North Corner and Mutton Cove, Plymouth Dock, that the tradesmen hired watermen to take them out to the men-of-war lying in the Hamoaze. Here the Jewish shopkeepers were close to the Royal Dockyard, with Barrow Moss, the silversmith of North Corner Street, 110</page><page sequence="15">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy Plate 6 Midshipman George Glover's dirk, sold and possibly made by John Zachariah of 69 High Street, Portsmouth, in about 1814. The name 'Zachariah' is inscribed at the top of the scabbard. (Courtesy of Mr R. Hunt.) perhaps the most successful. As the frigate that brought the dockyard workers their wages three months in arrears appeared in the Hamoaze, the bells of Plymouth Dock would ring out. There was dancing in the streets, with Jewish traders hoping to be able to collect their outstanding loans. The Chatham Jewish Licensed Navy Agents were mainly in the long High Street, where they traded as slopsellers, pawnbrokers and silversmiths, totalling fourteen between 1809 and 1820. Some moved on to Sheerness, where twelve Jewish Agents appear at various times on the listings during the same period. Others were as far afield as Edinburgh, Guernsey and Gibraltar. Liverpool had five, with Joseph Joseph, silversmith of 1 Pool Lane, also acting as a privateers' agent. There the in</page><page sequence="16">Geoffrey Green merchant owners fitted out their ships under letters of marque. In 1803 Joseph Joseph acted for some of the crew of the Ainsley, credited with perhaps the most valuable prize of any Liverpool privateer amounting to ?8o,ooo.46 Before any trader was licensed, his fitness to act was investigated by the Navy Pay Office. Any subsequent irregularities or misconduct were referred to the Treasurer of the Navy, George Rose. Between 1810 and 1816 forty-six agents had their licences withdrawn, half of them Jews. Announcements of revocation were made in The London Gazette. Misdemeanours included abusing their trust; changing their place of abode without notification in order to avoid the just claims of seamen; being a minor; and, most serious of all, not accounting to a particular seaman for prize money received. Rose was scrupulously fair in his dealings with the agents, no matter what their religious beliefs, often reinstating an agent after the deception was righted. The main complaint against the Jewish Navy Agents, and sometimes with foundation, was that they forced unwanted slops on the seamen at enhanced prices after obtaining their Prize Orders. On one occasion in August 1810 the licences of Isaac Myers and Henry Hart, of 60 Saint Mary Street, Portsmouth, were withdrawn and subsequently reinstated. It had been proved that slops had been overcharged by some 15 per cent, and a commission of 5 per cent deducted instead of the statutory 2% per cent. Rose received a deputation from Mrs Myers and her mother at the Navy Pay Office, Somerset House, who persuaded him to reinstate the licences, but on an increased bond of ?500 each and only after agreeing to refund to the seamen what they had been overcharged.47 Deceptions were committed not only by agents, as can be seen in contemporary and later naval narratives. The clerks in the Navy Pay Oflfices were known to extract unfair commissions from the seamen and Navy Agents, much against regulations. George Rose knew the seamen sometimes defrauded agents by giving orders for prize money to a second agent after receiving money in advance from a former agent.48 Up to 1819 there was nothing to stop seamen revoking Prize Orders. However, the agent could attempt to recoup any loans and money outstanding for slops sold. George Rose helped Barrow Moss of Plymouth Dock in this respect, but the agent would have lost the 2\ per cent agency commission.49 The biggest risk for the agent was a seaman who was subsequently marked R for 'run' in the ship's muster books, after granting orders to the agent in return for a loan. All the deserter's outstanding wages and prize money would then automatically belong to Greenwich Hospital.50 There was less danger of the warrant officers and senior ratings deserting, so Elias Moss of Chatham was unfortunate in losing ?100 in 1814 when the boatswain of HMS Ranger deserted.51 The traders faced competition among themselves, accidents aboard ship, drowning during bad weather, and even being wounded or killed when attempting to board the warships. Abraham Abrahams, slopseller of The Hard, Portsea, was shot at and killed by a marine sentry in March 1808 after the wherry in which Abrahams was taking passage had been warned to keep away from HMS Mars.52 112</page><page sequence="17">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy The long wars were now drawing to a close. During the three years ending in 1817 the strength of the Royal Navy was reduced from 145,000 to just 19,000. Naval agency was however to continue, as prize concerns were still in course of condemnation through the Admiralty Courts. The Royal Navy's anti-slavery patrols could now be re-enforced with a total of ?318,000 paid to officers and seamen for liberated slaves up to 1822. But the Prize Agents abroad took the bulk in expenses, and a typical example of the rescue of about 150 slaves earned the captain of a small sloop perhaps ?350 and the seamen under ?10 each.53 In 1820 there were still 150 Licensed Navy Agents, but the Jews had increased their representation to about 58 per cent, no less than 20 per cent more than in 1809 when licensing commenced. But the hectic trading days were over; many Jews left the naval towns, taking with them capital and business experience. They mainly went to the mercantile ports, particularly London, where trade had shifted with the end of hostilities. Seamen left the Royal Navy to return to the merchant service. London had always had a large number of Navy Agents; 140 at the peak in 1816, of whom some 25 were Jews, mostly slopsellers. The capital was attractive to seamen because of the Admiralty Pay Office, so the main Prize Agents were virtually all located in London. It has already been noted how Michael Emanuel sold the lease of his Broad Street shop for ?975 in 1809. At the peak of trade with the seamen, by 1811, freehold taverns were expected to sell for ?5000 in Portsmouth.54 From about 1797 to 1812 Benjamin Hart was the keeper of the Navy Tavern, Southside Street, Barbican, Plymouth, where there was also the Navy Post Office.55 But by 1817 a freehold house at 51 Broad Street, Portsmouth, was valued at only ?200 for duty purposes, when the property was left to Solomon Alexander in payment of a debt.56 Solomon Alexander, related by marriage to Abraham Franklin, sold the stock and furniture of his shop at 62 Broad Street in 1816, where he had been a slopseller, silversmith and Navy Agent since about 1799. Included in the sale were sixty gold, silver and metal watches and a library of fifty volumes with paintings and prints.57 The most successful was perhaps Jacob Zachariah, another Broad Street trader, who left ?3000 in 1819.58 It should not be assumed that all young Jewish immigrants and their descendants who settled in naval towns became opulent. The majority were just small dealers in slops and trinkets, not necessarily owning their own shops. Many were never far from contact with the Royal Navy, some in the humblest way and not necessarily by trading. It is possible that some Jewesses took in washing for the fleet, and there are some distinctive but inconclusive Jewish names in the lists of licensed wherrymen taking stores, equipment, traders and bumboat women from shore to ship.59 What is certain is that the Admiralty and the Prize Agents, by abandoning their full financial responsibilities towards the seamen, had unwittingly given Jewish immigrants an opportunity to start small businesses, denied them in their countries of origin. By becoming a Licensed Navy Agent, a Jewish trader 113</page><page sequence="18">Geoffrey Green advanced his status far beyond that of a common slopseller or second-hand clothesman. By securing two bondsmen, usually other local tradesmen, for ?200, rising to ?500 by 1819,60 a petty trader could fairly easily become a Licensed Navy Agent, even though he may have acted for only a small number of seamen. The large number of Jewish Agents did not necessarily mean that all were carrying on lucrative trades. The striving for status has produced the belief that Jews trading in the ports were ship's chandlers during the period under review. Yet this task required a knowledge of boats, seamanship and victualling which they could not have possessed. It just sounded more appropriate and dignified. There is no doubt, however, that the system by which seamen received their pay, prize money and the goods they wished to purchase, suited the literacy and business acumen of some Jews, although these were essentially silversmiths, jewellers, watchmakers, pawnbrokers and slopsellers, or just clothesmen and money lenders. Although derided, they contributed to the interests of the country by supplying seamen with the means of procuring certain necessaries before their wages were paid and the produce of their prizes could be realized. Jews were attracted to the Naval Ports from about 1740 by the trading potential, and for a period of eighty years a small number of relatively poor Jews had for the first time come into direct and continuous contact with the wider indigenous population by trading with the officers and seamen of the Royal Navy. One of Anglo-Jewry's oldest trading connections was not to end in 1820. A tradition started by pedlars, slopsellers and others has continued uninter? rupted for nearly 250 years to the present day, albeit very much reduced and under different guises. NOTES 1 The Letters of Charles Dickens, Ed. M. House and G. Storey, (Oxford 1965) vol. 1,423. 2 Dr C. Roth, The Rise of Provincial Jewry (1950) states Birmingham (possibly 1730), Fal mouth (1740), Penzanee (possibly 1740), Ips? wich (possibly 1741), Portsmouth (1746), King's Lynn (1747), Liverpool (1750), Norwich (about 1750), Chatham (about 1750), Ply? mouth (1752), Bristol (before 1753). 3 Sch?mberg Isaac, A Naval Chronology, IV (1802) 25 and Clowes W. L., The Royal Navy 1900 III, p. 5. 4 Hampshire Courier, 7 December 1812. 5 For descriptions of pay day aboard a man-of-war see Captain Marryat, Peter Simple (London 1834), Chap. 11; W. Robinson, Jack Nastyface. The Memoirs of a Seaman (Wayland Publishers 1973) first published as Nautical Economy 1836, and John Masefield, Sea Life in Nelson's Time (London 1905) Chap. 11. 6 Petition of the seamen given on board HMS Queen Charlotte by the delegates of the Spithead Mutiny, 18 April 1797. Annual Regis? ter 1797. State Papers 380. 7 I am indebted to Dr V. D. Lipman for his unpublished paper 'The Origins of Provin- eial Anglo-Jewry to 18 3 7'. 8 The Gentleman's Magazine, 1758^.91. 9 W. C. Gates, The Illustrated History of Portsmouth, (Portsmouth 1900) 325, 328-9. 10 Dr C. Roth, 'The Portsmouth Commun? ity and its Historical Background', Trans JHSE Xin, p. 166. 11 Naval Sketch Book: or The Service Afloat and Ashore, II, Second Series (London 1834), Anonymous, 37-8. The author was Cap- tain William Glascock, a contemporary of Marryat. 12 32. George III Chapter 33. Section 14: 'An Act for the encouragement of seamen employed in the Royal Navy and for establish? ing a regular method for the punctual frequent and certain payment of their wages_' 114</page><page sequence="19">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy 13 26. George III Chapter 63. Section 1: 'An Act for the further preventing of Frauds and Abuses attending the payment of wages... on board any of his Majesty's ships.' 14 32. George in Chapter 34. Section 7: 'An Act for the further preventing of Frauds and Abuses attending the payment of wages... on board any of his Majesty's ships.' 15 Public Record Office ADM1-5360. Min? utes of the proceedings of the Court Martial of John Cook (alias Levy), 3 February 1802. 16 The main statute governing prize money was the Cruisers Act of 1708, later consolid? ated with other Prize Acts in 1805, under 45. George III Chapter 72: 'An Act for the En? couragement of seamen, and for the better and more effectual Manning of his Majesty's Navy during the present war.' 17 Crispin Gill, Plymouth, a New History, (David and Charles 1979) 100. 18 Evidence of Henry Devis, Clerk to Prize Agents, Messrs Willis and Waterhouse. Fourth Report of the Commissioners enquiring into irregularities frauds and abuses practised in the naval departments and in the business of prize agency, 1803. 19 Regular lists of Prize Agents appeared in Steel's Navy Lists from 1791. 20 The main source for a Prize Agent's function can be found in the evidence of James Maxwell before the Fourth Report of the Commissioners enquiring into irregularities frauds and abuses practised in the naval de? partments and in the business of prize agency, 1803. 21 Laid down in the Prize Proclamations at the outbreak of war. Altered in 1808, when the seamen's share was raised and that of Flag Officers and Captains reduced. 22 Public Records Office HC A 30-51. Auth? ority by Officers and crew of HMS Fury for Isaac Levy to act as their lawful attorney in all prize matters, 19 May 1808. 23 Public Records Office HCA 2-334. Accounts of HMS Fury for capture of Corro? borate. 24 N. M. Rothschild Archives. Lucien Wolf Papers TWA7 and 49. 25 Public Records Office ADM1-3195. Sec? retary's In-Letters. 26 45. George III Chapter 72. 27 Public Records Office ADM 15/1. Piece 276. Letter dated 19 January 1811 from George Rose, Treasurer of the Navy, to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. 28 William James, The Naval History of Great Britain, VI (1878) appendix 3 and annual abstract 22 for 1814. The Navy Lists from 1809 carried lists of Licensed Navy Agents for inferior officers, seamen and marines. 29 Guildhall Library. City of London Arch? ives reference 10-622. Jewish Chronicle, 31 August 1849, and supplement, May 1933, p. 4. 30 The Times, 13 December 1802. 31 45. George III. Chapter 72, section 92. 32 49. George III. Chapter 123, sections 35 to 39. 3 3 Navy List for December 1809. 34 National Maritime Museum. George Hulbert Papers HUL/41 /a,b. 35 Public Records Office ADM 49-72. Accounting Department (various). See charges of Hart and Myers of 60 St Mary Street Portsmouth. 36 National Maritime Museum. Prize Pap? ers of Ommaney and Druce PR2 / 2 / 5. 37 Ibid, and Public Record Office, Muster Book HMS Sibylle, ADM3 7-144. 38 A. Broadley and R. Bartelot, The Three Dorset Captains at Trafalgar, (London 1906) 273-85. 39 Public Records Office ADM 49-72 pieces 248-253. Accounting Department (var- ious). The accounts of Judah Jacob with Robert Tinnion August 181 o. 40 Captain Marryat, Peter Simple, chap. III. 41 Portsmouth City Records Office, CD6/ 24/7a-b. 42 Hampshire Courier 30 October 1815. 43 National Maritime Museum. The Hul? bert Papers HUL 26. Petty Agency Accounts, and Public Record Office ADM 238/10. 44 Portsmouth Telegraph 18 June 1803. Advert of prize distributions by Prize Agents Mottley and Grout. 45 National Maritime Museum. Prize Reg? ister Messrs. Ommaney and Druce PRZ/2/4 and 5. 46 Liverpool City Record Office. Miscell? aneous Business Records 380 MD/44, and G. Williams, History of the Liverpool Privateers (London 1897). 47 Public Records Office ADM 15/1 piece 235. Letter dated 16 August 1810, from George Rose, Treasurer of the Navy, to Commissioner George Grey at Portsmouth. 48 Public Records Office ADM 15/2 piece 104. Letter dated 21 July 1813, from George Rose to John Barrow, second secretary of the Admiralty. 49 Public Records Office ADM 15/2 piece 122. Letter dated 5 October 1813, from George Rose to Barrow Moss. Prize Orders made irrevocable by section 11 of 59 George III c 56. 50 Section 85 of 45 George III, Chapter 72. 51 Public Records Office ADM 1-4440 piece 115</page><page sequence="20">Geoffrey Green 243- Secretary's In-Letters, i April 1814. 52 Hampshire Telegraph, 14 March 1808 'The deceased was of singularly inoffensive manners and his unfortunate death is much lamented'. 53 M. Lewis, The Navy in Transition (London 1965)234-5. 54 Hampshire Courier, 28 October 1811. 55 Piggots Directory, 1797; Holders Direc? tory, 1809: Picture of Plymouth, 1812. 56 Public Records Office. Estate Duty Office Papers IR 26-612, and Will of Moses Hart PROB.il/1557. Bridport 356. Solomon Alex? ander was Moses Hart's son-in-law. 57 Hampshire Courier, 4 December 1815. 58 Public Records Office. Estate Duty Papers IR 26/806. 59 Portsmouth City Record Office. Register of Licensed Portsmouth Wherrymen, PUH 7/ 8o-82. In 1814 Boat Number 442. Thomas Abraham of 1 Haslar Row, Gosport. In 1814 Boat Number 553. Joseph Hart of East Street, Point. In 1814 Boat Number 623. Robert Lyons of Hard- ings Yard, North Street, Gosport. In 1814 Boat Number 732. Joseph Abraham of 5 Green Lane, Somers Town. In 1815 Boat Number 393. James Lyons of 2 Strong Buildings, Portsea. In 1816 Boat Number 3. Benjamin Phillips of 4 Sandwich Street, New Buildings. In 1816 Boat Number 325. Thomas Daniel of 1 St Georges Square, Portsea. 60 In 1814 the Agents' Licensing Bond was increased from ?200 to ?300 by section 48 of 54 George III Chapter 93, then to ?500 in 1819 by section 4 of 59 George III Chapter 56. u6</page><page sequence="21">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy I il Ii ?1 g 00 < ! cd c ? c3 S3 ? 2 "8 ? 5 s S ?i iS 11 s ? ! g? S. o O CO iiS I g ! 2 ?j a 3 3 a a 3 r* fd cd C co d -ill ? I o 2 ?>3 o 3 ? S S ? S h ^ h aj a o II I S ? g? s < & i a I < J2 ?? 55 2 O oo 2 H 2 l, c? ? 00 00 i I i o O o H H fl 00 oo oo oo <g aal =g t^oo ^ N N ^ 00 00 QQ H H 00 H 00 H 00 H 0.0 u u pi? ftfl D< a q, a ? ?3 MMI ?Ii* N N u H s 2 * * 00 CO CO & & K 15, ^ cr> o> o o 00 00 2&& <2 c ?8 I O O O h O o ? 9:U S3 1 &?s 1 s Sil ? 8 P ? ? T3 a C? C? SI > u ) < > ? h| ? < h 3 u I1! 22 g 8 ? ?2 <page sequence="22">Geoffrey Green o , 00 ( o Z I ^ ? t> 00 00 00 o> o> ^ - o o " 00 00 05 o ^ 00 ?? H 00 00 H W H^oo^S O H 00 00 H H cx cx 57 cx^> 00 00 00 00 00 2s oo oo Z < < & Z * oo oo oo " H H H CO <f o t1" oo oo o Z ON Ii-, W (s H 0> ?? h m ^ h ?? oo oo 00 oo oo -oo oo h h *~' h h ^ Illicit ^ ck tL ? q. j cj 00 00 oo ? oo 00 00 t-i >-i M l-i " M H ISIS IH VO 0> ^ W H H 00 00 0? M H H III m h h 00 oo 00 H H w S> u > OSO Z Q Z 00 H IT) <7s IN. H XS I m 00 o 00 H 1? ? - 3 ?<3 13 is h re co co ?. cd co P P T3 CO p ? ? c - Jbs c? cfl S 3 ^5 ^ si xs h o> w ? o CO U <T> 00 cr> Z 118</page><page sequence="23">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy o ? 1! ?* ? 0B* 05 1 <2 H O ?? o ? oo oo 00 g M ? ^ ? ? <N LT, 00 oo s a c3 >, q Di o< y o o<t3 U - ^ A oo 00 ?o 00 00 QQ cL Q, ? 9 ?> K, SP 9 >> ? O ? O ' * i Ol -O i o w 8 I ? l H CT> Tf CO <N .s ? i l|| CO CO h &h cq oa n 00 h ?3 ^ st ! U8 T3 'S 11 Ii 11 3 1 II If IS I gl 13 & ii9</page><page sequence="24">Geoffrey Green ??J? gl S??9S S-t VJ t? ? ? C o efl ? a +j 00 ll o ? lit 5 3 *3 O co 15 t3 4) J-i o ? DO ?.a ? 8 CO X) T3 a I 3'S III CO B 00 CD CO O 8 < h 3; ^ o ^ oc? h rs 00 oo I: 00 00 ^ h h ^ h h oo o> <s r h ' ,i "? h h h h 00 3 CO CO O CO (5 (5 0> H h h qq in h m h o oo 2 o 00 00 h ? 00 h h O h 3 13 o a* p ll P-i OQ CO ? ?0 I lt) O h Cm 3 00 oo n h h 00 oo oo CD 3 ? h h h < cr\ ? fa o H o d o 00 00 00 h 00 M ? CD CX CD CD oo oo oo CO O CO CO 1 1 I 5 co EC "5 3 i I 120</page><page sequence="25">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy 3 1 o 2 t5 o O ? u o 2 ? w bo J3 I 11 ?5 ? ?8 a 00 ^ ''s ? 5 ?i 1 * -f3 CO 2 a s 1 1 IN. ? 2 ? G a X3 a cr\ <x\ H H 00 00 I ?? co "35 OS H 00 CTs In " 00 00 " ? " <^ O 4) ^ ^ oo ?o ' ? " o H w o 00 oo oo oo 00 oo si o ? 8 ?5 I li oo oo oo oo oo ? 00 N pi H - ? m 3 SSS3???S?tS t h h h h 2 H I 1 53 u cS 00 0> J oo 0> Ln o> ^ ?S Soo^cSSoo^^H HHXj??HHH oooooooooooooooooo Sl^illlt a cd Si H <N III 1 I S ? s fi tf ? I if o I 8 ? ? ? a 065 fi a 8 S xs a ? 2 2 2 3 ? u CO CO OQ O N ? > O Ln O CO H N > v?> IN. Tt 5 I SS s 11 Sa S ? ? 5 I ? a ? & * 8 co co ? g w ? a 3 3 I ? 3 co M ? 15 ? ? tN ia u-^ PO D .-St bit I f I o o Hi v 'S ? a Pi o . o 3 o ? a a co co O H <N ^- "* 00 CT? O Tt ^ ITS 121</page><page sequence="26">Geoffrey Green ?c a ?s* ja-a Ill ? CO K Oi 5! I ^3 00 & 8' a cd I S1 is -3 2 ! h <n 8.l I a > "2 co ?a 2 1 ?* a ~ ? a a CD _ ? -5 -a 1? & .2 d d s ?? ? a 2 2 ? 1 8 t ? ? ? 5 8.3:83 c 'S s s " I IUI >>JS2 o o O mx M N N O 00 00 00 co h h h 00 h n pi n 00 00 00 ,2 o ^ oo oo cococo^S ?f in. h 00 In. S3 <N ?J oo H 00 ?? <? h oo ? h is h m o 0> 2j lo oo oo oo h h h It d T 1 CO O CO III! o a o t5 a, ? Pu p 8 ? 8 S 11 1 er? ro oo CQ m oo 1 g 's ? s d I -2 J2 ? i CO 1 3 1 o 1 ? i I ! o ?s s ?s-s II la 11 5 fa d < 6 3 CO CO 122</page><page sequence="27">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy C. u * sill! W H PL, S 3 S ?a 2 o 1 00 ?? 00 H H H ?fr 0> > >> > O "2 O Bi 2 2? ? g ? s o o a 3 * ? o\ H " H QQ 00 00 III f**5 ?r m H H H 00 00 00 ill 4 -S M j t5 o o S. o 8 Ii CO ? oo II ?a d 00 H H 00 00 & It 00 00 00 4J J>? 81 0* CO M H 00 Sill 1 i PIP! JliSsl Z Cl. 2 CXh ? 3 ? ? ? III 123</page><page sequence="28">Geoffrey Green oo 05" . g 00 x n 4) h m > _ co f!i -S 8 i ? ? B m ill ? 5 & S|2 1^1 = 3 i a 3 00 g 3 o xj I ? h v cd 8 n S 00 dl H ?a <? II Et? il CO o ? o C in CTi CTi m h h in 00 00 00 h h h 3 3 ? <T\ IT) o H ^j 00 00 00 m h h a ?3-3$ a 1 a in Q m m tf ? ik 00 00 Is 8 & u?> 8 a 00 00 00 00 00 oo 2 <l w w Z 00 h >? 3 T m h 00 oo 5. 1^ so ?o w 00 ^ 00 00 ?2 h ^ h 00 h h w <? ?P ? ? 7 <? T slslltm o ? cd XS ? S3 a? 1-3 cd co ? 0-1 23 < < J3 ?3 3 1 s .S ? 3 M < S ? S o 2 124</page><page sequence="29">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy o 00 > ? H 2 r w 3 O X3 J2 s ll 3 IT) *3 tN 125</page><page sequence="30">Geoffrey Green o 00 ? ? < oo X! U II si1 2 ? * a ? w CD O -? s a ^ J2 XJ I? ?2 oo < h I o 2 o q X! XJ m _ ca x> i < s ?& ?11 ? o XJ fj vw ? a^fjxi rt ? - ? ? o .a ciS < ? ?s 2 s q q to 3 C? q CO C? u a I 1 cr> o h n m Tt 126</page><page sequence="31">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy a c2 a 1 11 I II Oh IB > o 3 I ? o u & & 'o ? 9 co > 5 00 00 ?? h h "t in oo h h h m ' ' 00 00 ?o oo x h h h l_| h lit II oo <? h m liiaii I I 8 8 z ? J M U U X 00 m oo oo oo 00 7^ h h h u ^ a. "S- a >, M O? 00 00 00 00 5 +1 H H ^ II !Z H a II w a w 13 w >? ? o w 5 ^ JS; 127</page><page sequence="32">Geoffrey Green ?1 ?4-1 o a I? 1-8 O co > N d ? O ^ o c S3 S 2 t 00 JH a as S 22 d S d S 45 I CO O M "a ? ? d S o >? S PL. >> S 2 8 B 5 o E oo < ? CO d d d jb S o 5 p 2 CO ? j> CD "tS life ? o 8 || 2 h * 00 ?? ^ IT) 0> 00 h T I T i h ? CO Ctf S3 +e 13 eu co d ?3 < co tj- u ?2 h 0 h <n _ ^ 8 m " 2 H r? 00 00 ^ O H ? N 'S oo oo cx cx co co ^ u a cx cx excx Q Q co co ? co co coco ! ? frS - i * s -S S w ! J 5 55 "? ~ ^ >'S H ~ I 8 o S ? * I w ? s I *S co 00 c3 fro -C ' K K ^ O 00 ) (n h 73 xi U <n ca cd , O O 1 00 13 ? u O u i X ? , < ? co cu "SI CO S CO O h d ^ n 8 I ? J -o d u 3 ? P-. < < 00 O h N CO rj- rj- lO u-i m iTi 128</page><page sequence="33">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy 00 d Q O J CO 2 2 ii > > o o -a IJB 2 13 CO > I R q h 18 CO <*H h 525 S 00 ? o Is 00 * 9 h ? o z ? H 2? <^ H M h 00 oo 00 H H H > X> >> O 3 -=J O i 1 IT! ^ N !?( u^^l <T\ * ^ ^ CT\ t-v ^^oooooooooooooo??oooooooooo ft a ** 5 hhhmh^mh^hhOO^h^ H 2 5 ?5?S < ?&X> ? >> ft ft -s a 00 ?fr \T> h j*< 00 oo -51 ? ? w ww yu H H H O > O CJ o g o u u u r> n ? ? ? 5 5 co co co Z Z d CO >>T3 ? ? S co g C? ? <2 ? co ^ 4 o 1 ? H O * rj- o .3 *53 fS U POM M CO i_J CO fa 5 ? ! 1 i co c w co CO X o I s d a JM < < a d 2 X3 CO CO Z ?S il 129</page><page sequence="34">Geoffrey Green co ^ d o eg *0 'S Pm to ^ S 111 - Id ?B % I ? o Ph > 5 .S3 s S xj 2 co XI s 5 3 M ? I x i2 -1 i 3 O Ph 2 S is ? ti o x) o Pm 2 x> * d a . 8 ? xj o p 2 u ? *~ r3 ?T 11 o o 2 S , 1 a 11.8 M Ph U v. _ o o 5? n Ti t3 X3 u 1 u B ft c? ? S3 O ft -I 2^ ^ GO 00 ' ' ' ' r ^ 00 00 00 00 ?r<?sPsP cx a >> o >> 00 (N 2 00 O H (N en <s m cn 00 00 * 00 00 00 g- ft ct & ft o ft 2 'S ?3 ? 3 ? ? H M W x> ft +* X? 1 W +j CX CU ? U j>> rv +j +j CX +-? b * 5 'S ?g a m 1 v a ^ ?a 2 g pu ?3 ? a a*! g?l 2 ^ H H ? ? 00 <? X3 oo <g H o 8 ? ? ? 111 |l ft 5 X3 -C CT\ H O 00 00 ft ft cj> op II I" 5 d = 1 i ? ^ h 00 o ??S? ' 2 oo bp^ ?3-8 3d 2 I Si X? * x3 Z PL. 130</page><page sequence="35">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy h ? o CO *g 5 fa CO c? ? ffl -s ^ 1=11 a 111 p o o 43 43 o p 00 00 00 ft ft ft 43 43 > > o o o ? I 5 g 'S .2 "O T3 ?O 43 43 ti > > moo a co I >i ft c/2 ft ??-> T3 43 f 4? ft f lit > a ? * 2 T n ? o 2 3 "o b Sil ? s I 'S 'S f Ifl i J b| CO ? CO ? 0> ?"> (N ?C 00 00 00 00 h h ^ h m ^ fO ^ N M fj o ' u H ^ H IS oo oo oo oo * h h MM 00 00 oo 00 oo ^ hi h h h h CT? > >i q ^5 1 43 3 43 ft ft ft ft 43 43 43 43 T ?P *P "P q N N N fO (v-s 00 00 00 00 ^ H h h m y ft ft ft ft w "o "ob -75 43 --. 1 t>? H (S (N CO CT Q 153 III ? s r ??3 III 53 43 S? op a ^ m ^ ^ CO j DC O 3 ? 00 a O ' ?> tu 43 . ts ? ? o to 06 43 43 as CO CO 43 43 Q O-i 'S 6 a) O > < s 288 ? Om 0* S'S'S a > > 43 O O ISS 3 s 'S > d fj Ii g ^ DO ^ < 9 00 00 oo ^ 00 <N h oo 00 O h 00 00 0s* <3> U ft 43 ft ft ft ft Tj 4) 43 43 4j 43 43 CO^COcOcj. . . H N <S hj o H H aoocoooooooo?ooo< 00 1 H IT) U 00 IT 00 oo ?x>fttiaj^ftft^?x>?>ft?t1 ^ ft ft li ? d co m i ft4 o 2 tT co i so E n oo h I H E?I H CT\ H 0) fj ^ 1 sag8i w ^ s K 5 in h K p_i m CD 73 p T3 cO CO w i P E d S 6 CO CO ? ^ ? CQ PQ -g -g ? 'S g 6 9 ? ? X) XJ > CO co 43 co CO <3 cq <3 q ??S ?a ?a, 'XS ft -5 d ft 55 S2 SO tv 00 CT? O N N M M m h (N 131</page><page sequence="36">Geoffrey Green 8 Q si 2 S ? E 8 P o o o I? f s p d CU ed 6 B P 9 13 T3 O O s 2 >>.5 'S - 0 fi * a 1 a 00 CD II ? to > 3 3 'S _ ?1 ? 32 o d to n lJ5? "8 ? 'S US U U IT) CO ss ^ 2 m n oo <n iT h oo oo ^ Tt ^ oo oo h"1 +j 4-> m h h u o ft ^ 5J cu X1 oft <g ?? <2 5<S^<g<goOa1 h h * " h h w h >>>4_? u a ffl u o ? -m f 9 -3 ? 2 S i 2 3 cd 51 H U a 5 m <Th 2? cri in H H ? M N 00 00 ?? 00 00 ^ m TJ" h m h on on , a 2 00 ~ 00 00 m hwhhh hm"h cj > o S ft ft -*-> - co j SI' gl si s ' ?0 ft tu <s 00 h & i1 00 sis -i ? 8 c en oo 3 2 5 o o Is, co o to c od co ( cd ?S b i ?1 co * ?i-gl II Ibis co ^25 cd B tJ 132</page><page sequence="37">Anglo-Jewish trading connections with the Royal Navy -c -2 ? I o eg is, ats Iii? ?S3 ? 5? H <? _ as 1 * a 2 O 4 H ?5 - sT\ O H 6 so q q co ? in so h? ? l-H co * 1? a * u 5 3 ? ? n o O _K> ^? n _d & O Cm Cm S3 U .S ? 8-a II o 133</page></plain_text>

Anglo-Jewish trading connections with officers and seamen of the Royal Navy, 1740-1820

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