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Amerian Elements in the Re-Settlement
Lucien Wolf
<plain_text><page sequence="1">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. By LUCIEN WOLF. Some twenty years ago Dr. Garnett called my attention to a curious and very learned work, in which it was argued with much show of anthropological and philological research that the historical drama of the Pentateuch was, from first to last, enacted in America.1 I learnt from this remarkable book that the Garden of Eden was in the South Seas; that Noah lived in Cuba; that Nimrod reigned and hunted first in Florida and then in the Cordilleras; that Esau was a native of the Brazils; and that the passage of the Bed Sea was performed on the ice of the Behring Straits. I could not help thinking of this book last night as I turned over my notes for the present paper, for, as I looked at them, it seemed to me that it was quite within the range of possibility that one of these days some member of the American Jewish Historical Society might arise and startle us with a theory not less revolutionary. I pictured him coming over here and telling us that we were mistaken in imagining that our community stood in a parental relation to that of the United States; that, as a matter of fact, we were a mere offshoot of the American Jewry; that we owed our re-settlement in this very city to American influences, and that the first steps in our emancipation were accomplished in what was then an American corner of the British Empire. Of course these statements would not be altogether true; but, strangely enough, there is a great deal which an ingenious person might find to say in favour of some of them. The fact is that American history really played a very considerable 1 Pal?orama: Oceanisch-Amerikanische Untersuchungen u. Aufkl?rungen, &c. Erlangen. 1868. 76</page><page sequence="2">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 77 part in bringing about the return of the Jews to this country. It was in America that Religious Liberty won its first victory. The cause had been valiantly sustained in the Mother Country and in Holland, chiefly by the Baptists and the Brownists, but not until these sec? taries reached American soil were they able to give practical effect to their doctrines. The pioneer in this great work was Boger Williams, the preacher and founder of the Colony of Bhode Island, whose life has lately been admirably written by Mr. Oscar S. Straus, the President of the American Jewish Historical Society.1 The administration of the colony of Rhode Island was based on religious liberty. "We agree," ran one of its laws adopted in 1641, "as formerly hath been the liberties of the town, so still, to hold for the liberty of conscience."2 During Williams's Presidency, between the years 1655 and 1657, a number of Jews settled in the colony, and became the nucleus of the once wealthy and influential community of Newport. They enjoyed absolute freedom, and their political rights were equal to those of their Christian fellow-citizens?whether for the first time in Anglo-Jewish history I shall discuss presently. Long before this period, however, Roger Williams's agitation had given a perceptible impulse to the solution of the Jewish question in the old country. As far back as 1614 the Baptists had included the Jews in their scheme of religious liberty,3 and in the early days of the Civil War, when the question of toleration was much discussed through? out the country, frequent references were made to the Jewish claims. In 1643 Boger Williams visited England in order to obtain a charter for his colony. He found the interests of his countrymen divided between the Civil War and the Toleration controversy. The West? minster Assembly of Divines was considering the demand addressed to it by the five dissenting brethren for a limited toleration, and the pulpits and printing-presses were pouring forth a deluge of discourses for and against the proposal. As soon as Williams had obtained his charter he wrote a pamphlet on the topic of the hour. "The Bloody 1 Straus : " Roger Williams, the Pioneer of Religious Liberty." New York. 1894. 2 Ibid., pp. 109, 110. 3 "Tracts on Liberty of Conscience" (Hansard Knollys Soc), pp. 28, 47, 71, &c.</page><page sequence="3">78 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. Tenet of Persecution for cause of Conscience discussed in a Confer? ence between Truth and Peace." It was a vigorous defence of Church and State freedom, and contained a generous passage on behalf of the Jews.1 Widely read and angrily combated, it gave a distinct impulse to the whole movement. The question then slumbered for some years, but in 1647 it was taken in hand again by another preacher, the famous Hugh Peters, who had learnt a measure of toleration in America, where he had succeeded Williams in his pulpit at Salem. In his pamphlet, " A Word for the Army and Two Words for the Kingdom," he advocated a scheme of reforms, in the course of which he demanded that " strangers, even Jews [be] admitted to trade and live with us." 2 This seems to have stirred the specifically Jewish side of the Toleration controversy, for in the following year the Council of Mechanics at Whitehall voted for "a toleration of all religions what? soever, not excepting Turkes, nor Papists, nor Jewes," 3 and the printing presses again sent forth a number of Toleration pamphlets this time devoted exclusively to the question of the Re-admission of the Jews. The new agitation culminated, in 1649, in the formal petition presented to Fairfax and the Council of War by the Cartwrights of Amsterdam, praying for the repeal of the Banishment of the Jews.4 No record is extant of any decision taken on this petition by the Council of War, and it is probable that the agitation would have languished again for a time, but for another very remarkable impulse it received from America. In the very year that Boger Williams wrote his "Bloody Tenet," a Jewish traveller named Antonio de Montezinos arrived in Amsterdam with an extraordinary story of the discovery of Jews of the tribe of Reuben among the natives of South America. He related his story to Menasseh b. Israel and embodied it in an affidavit executed under oath before the leaders of the Amster? dam Jewish Community. It is needless to inquire here whether Montezinos was wilfully deceiving his co-religionists or had himself been deluded. The important point is that this narrative made a profound impression on the Dutch Rabbi, who in common with many 1 See edition published by Hansard Knollys Society, 1848. 2 "Harleian Miscellany," vol. v. p. 573. 3 "Mercurius Pragmaticus," Deel. 9-26, 1848. 4 See appendix (Document No. I.) to the present paper.</page><page sequence="4">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 79 other mystics of his age was looking earnestly forward to the restora? tion of the Jewish Kingdom and the coming of the Messiah. Two conditions were necessary, according to the prophecies, for the realisa? tion of this dream. In the first place Judah and Israel had to be re-united; in the second the Dispersion had to be complete throughout the world. Now the story of Montezinos helped forward both these conditions. It showed that there were Israelites in America and that they were of the Lost Tribes. It was consequently a valuable addition to the narratives of other travellers who had pretended to find similar races in Tartary and China, for it enabled Menasseh to locate, as he imagined, all the remnants of Israel and to ensure their accessibility when the Messianic moment arrived. It also showed, according to the limited geography of the time, that the Dispersion was complete except in one particular. That particular was England. If, then argued Menasseh to himself, the Jews could only return to England the Messiah would come. Moreover as Menasseh's wife was an Abar banel of the seed of David, there was a chance that the ideal King might be recognised in the person of one of his own kinsmen. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the spon? taneous movement for the re-admission of the Jews which had manifested itself in England, was watched with eager anxiety by the rhapsodical Rabbi of Amsterdam. He sat himself down and wrote a book on the subject, the " Hope of Israel,"1 which he dedicated to the British Parliament and the Council of State, and in which he expounded his whole idea. Menasseh had friends in England, not only among the liberal Baptists, but also among the mystical Saints, and they took care that the Latin edition of his book was widely read. John Sadler, John Dury, and Sir Edward Spenser wrote in support of his views, and Moses Wall translated them into English. Thomas Thorowgood and Sir Hamon L'Estrange further stirred public interest by a spirited controversy on the probabilities of Montezinos's narrative. The dis? cussion was at its height in 1652, when Roger Williams paid another visit to England, and threw himself energetically into the fray. The question of toleration had not been solved by the Assembly of Divines, 1 For editions of " Hope of Israel" and the controversy to which it gave rise, see "Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica," pp. 48, 49.</page><page sequence="5">80 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. and that body had been succeeded by a Parliamentary Committee of which Cromwell was a member. The problem with which it had to deal was no longer the old choice between Uniformity and limited Toleration, but between limited Toleration and absolute Voluntaryism. Williams, with the support of Major Butler, Charles Vane, the younger brother of Sir Harry Vane, and others, clamoured for the unrestricted system he had tested in America. He demanded openly that the Jews should be permitted "to live freely and peaceably amongst us," and argued the question out under seven different heads.1 Not content with this he published another pamphlet, " The Hireling Ministry, none of Christ's," in which he declared that "all consciences (yea, the very conscience of the Papists, Jews, &c.) ought freely and impartially to be permitted their several respective worships, their ministers of worships and what way of maintaining them they freely choose."2 Other pamphlets were published, and the pulpits rang again with the controversy, but still no decision was taken by the Government. So much for the first two impulses which the Toleration move? ment received from America. They did not stand alone. A third soon came from the same remote source. It was of a far less lofty character than the other two, but it brought the solution of the Jewish question within the bounds of practical politics. In the middle of 1654 the Portuguese conquered the Brazils from the Dutch, and ruined the flourishing Jewish communities of Pernambuco?Becife and Bahia. From Becife alone five thousand Jews were expelled. The fugitives fled partly to Surinam, then a British colony, and partly homewards to Amsterdam, whither they wended their way under the guidance of their rabbi, Isaac Aboab. Some few straggled to other points on the Guiana Coast, and distributed themselves in the West Indies, while others crept along the Atlantic seaboard as far north as New Amsterdam. It will be observed that, with the exception of those who returned to Amsterdam, almost all the Jewish colonists sought a refuge under the British flag. Now this occurred at a very critical moment in the struggle for commercial and colonial supremacy between the British and the Dutch. In 1651 the Long Parliament had passed the Naviga 1 " Straus," pp. 172-174. 2 Page 27.</page><page sequence="6">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 81 tion Act, which shut out from the London market all merchandise and produce which was not shipped to England direct, and without the intervention of the great distributing centres on the Continent. The Act was chiefly aimed at Amsterdam, then the counting house of Europe. In order to comply with it a great many Dutch merchants? largely Jews who dissembled their religion?having commercial relations with co-religionists in Jamaica, Barbadoes, and other British colonies, had already settled in London. The loss of the Brazils and the expul? sion of the Jews was a terrible blow to the trade of Amsterdam and a corresponding gain to England. In the British colonies to which the Jewish refugees flocked, trade took a great bound forward, all to the profit of the London market. The question of the re-admission of the Jews to England consequently became a matter of the highest practical importance to the Jews of Amsterdam, for unless they were to lose all their commercial relations with their relatives and brethren on the other side of the Atlantic it was necessary that they should establish houses, or settle themselves, in London. Hence it was resolved to make a direct appeal to Cromwell. With that object a visit was paid to London by a distinguished Dutch Jew, Manuel Martinez Dormido, alias David Abarbanel. He was himself in the Brazil trade, and he had been ruined by the sacking of Pernambuco. His two sons were still in America seeking to rescue some of the family fortunes from the hands of the Portuguese. Dormido was a brother-in-law of Menasseh Ben Israel, and he was accompanied on his journey by his nephew, Samuel Ben Israel. I have already told the story of Dormido's mission,1 and hence it is unnecessary to repeat it here. Suffice it to say that his petitions were received with the utmost cordiality by the Protector, who referred them "in an especial manner ... to the speedy consideration of the Council." That body, however, rejected them, and it was then that Dormido sent for his relative, Menasseh Ben Israel, to try the effect of his better-known personality on the Government of the Commonwealth. The story of Menasseh's famous mission I need not recapitulate. The only point in it that I desire to emphasise now is that without its American impulses it would probably not have occurred, or at any rate would have occurred differently. 1 "The Re-Settlement of the Jews in England." London, 1888. See also documents in appendix to present paper (Documents II. and III.). VOL. III. F</page><page sequence="7">82 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. So far I have dealt with materials with which the historical student is more or less familiar. Before I conclude, however, I have a little discovery to submit to you. In the Egerton MSS. in the British Museum is a volume numbered 2395 and entitled "Collection of official papers relating to English settlements in America and in the West Indies, chiefly documents submitted to and issuing from the Committee of Trade and Plantations, 1627-1690." The eighth document in this volume runs as follows :? Privileges Granted to the People of the Hebrew Nation that are to goe to the WlLDE C?ST. 1. That thei shall have Libertie of Conscience with exercise of their laws and writes and ceremonies according to the doctrine of their Ancients without anny Prohibition, and that thei shall have a place apointed for the Building of their Sinagoga or Sinagogas and Schooles, as allsoe sutch ground as thei shall make choice for their Burring in a separattes places according to their fashion, all according to the use and Fashion thei doe Possesse in Amsterdam. 2. That on the day of their Sabbath and the Best of their fectivicall dayes thei shall not be obliged to apeare in the court upon anny sutte at lawe or cause, and that what deligence or Acts that shall bee made against them or Past, on the said dayes shall bee given voide, and without force, and thei shall be excused of going to the Garde, except if (which God forbid) should bee urgent necessitie. 3. That all The Hebrews shall bee admitted for Burgezes as The People of the Province of Zeelancl that shall live in the said Corte and that they shall with them enjoy, all the Previledges which thei shall enjoy. 4. That thei may make choice among themselves of sutch number of Persons as thei shall think convenient to Governe their Sinagogues, and to Administave the Causes of their nation, butt it is to bee understood that the execution shall be made of the officers of the Justice. 5. An whereas the intension of the said Hebrews is to Preserve them? selves Peasibly, it shall be granted to them that if their should be among them anny Person or Persons of badd Proceedings and that should give them anny scandall, giving his or their names to the governour or to the justice whom it shall apartaine, with the knowledgement of the cause, shall imburgue sutch Person or Persons for those Provinces, or for sutch Place as the Deputies of the said nation shall apointe. 6. That at all the generali meetings concerning the generali and comerse the said Lords commis3iones shall be pleased to order that 2 of the Hebrews</page><page sequence="8">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 83 be called to Represent the body of their Nation that with the rest of the Burges, thei may allsoe serve the Rublick with their advise. 7. Grannting to anny Persons of anny Nation anny Previlledges the Hebrews shall enjoy them allsoe. 8. That what constitutions and Customes that the Hebrew nation shall make among themselves, them that shall goe to live there, of their nation, shall be oblidged to observe them. 9. That not one may be opresed nor putt to Lawe for debts caused in Brazil or in other Kingdomes and States, except for them that shall bee caused in the said Provinces or on the said Oust. 10. That sutch as shall bee willing to goe shall have free Passage, as well in the States ships as in them that shall be fraighted for the Purpose, with their Bagage and their Provisions, as allsoe of their matterialls for their land and building of a house for his famillie and thei all shall carrie sword and moskett. 11. That as soone as anny bee aRived at the said Oust shall appeare bee fore the Governour or Comissioner, whome shall apoint each one soe mutch Land as thei cann Comand and Purchase. 12. That each one shall Posesse as their owne the lands which shall bee appointed and given to them, and that thei may dispose of them that shall succede them, for ever, as well as by will as by contract, or obligation, or other wayes, in the same manner as each one may dispose of their owne goods in those Parts. 13. That every one shall have Libertie to goe to hunting and fishing each one in their Lands and Rivers, for even as allsoe in the Mountains that are not subjected and in woods and open sea. 14. That every one shall bee, for the time of Seaven yeares, free from all taxes, and customes, and duties, or anny other charges that cann bee named, hee that shall make a Plantation of Sugar with 50 negroes shall enjoy 12 years of the same Libertie, hee that shall make a Plantation of Oxen, with 30 negroes, 9 yeares, and if it be less?accordingly, butt after the said time thei shall Pay the tenth part of thei fruttes. 15. Each one shall injoy for the time of five years the same Liberties of the Mines of Gould and Silver and Precious Stones allsoe of the fishing of perles and Corall, butt after the 3rd yeares?thei shall Pay the fift Parte of what thei shall gett, or the Pallen of it, at allsoe it shall be Lawfull to Trade with the Indians. 16. That each one may freely goe with anny ships as well Their owne as fraighted from those Parts with sutch goods as thei shall thinke good, as allsoe to the Cust of Guiny to Transport negroes to the said Coste, and trans? port them where thei shall think fit. 17. That each one shall be provided of the wherehouse (which shall bee lett at the said Cust) in the first six months of all Provisions, Clothes and</page><page sequence="9">84 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. instruments for their lands, at a Racsonable Ratte and thei shall make the Paiment of the first fruttes of the Coutri.? 18. Allso it is Grannted to anny Person to have there in their service all kinds of shipping which thei shall neede. A Rulle In what Manner and Condition that the Negroes SHALL bee DELIVERED in the WlLDE CuST. 1. That there shall bee delivered in the said Cust soe many negroes as each one shall have occasion for, The which shall be Paide heere shewing the Receipt, in ready money at one hundred and fifty guilders for each man or whoman. 2. Children from eight to twelve years thei shall counte, two for one piece, under the eight yeares three for one the breeding goeth with the mothers. 3. hee that shall advance the Paiment beefore the Receipt comes shall enjoy the discounnte of Tenn ?Cent. 4. To all them that shall Paye and buy for Ready mony if thei will thei shall have sutch number of negroes. Trusted to Pay within five years and after them shall Pay for each man, whoman or child as above the sume of two hundred and fifty and he that shall advanse the Paiment shall have dis? count of Tean Per Cent a yeare and them that shall buy for ready money shall bee ingaged for the Paiment of the others. Now, to what order of events does this important document belong ? The British Museum cataloguer has suggested an emendation of the title so as to make it read, " Privileges granted to the people of the Hebrew nation that are to go [from Holland ?] to the Wild Coast [of Brazil 1"] He has also suggested, in the absence of a date, that it belongs to "late XVII. Cent." Two at least of these suggestions, I am afraid, will not stand a careful examination. The idea that these privileges were intended for Jews goiug to Brazil is, indeed, negatived by the document itself, inasmuch as it says (Article 9) that the people to whom it was granted should be exempt from prosecution for debts incurred in Brazil. From this, too, I think it is obvious that the recipients of these privileges were fugitives from Brazil, and, as the volume in which the document appears, is chronologically arranged, and it is placed between a letter dated 1648, and a pamphlet dated 1653, I think we have strong presumptive evidence for associating it with the events of 1654, when the Portuguese drove the Jews out of Per</page><page sequence="10">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 85 nambuco. These then are probably privileges granted to Jews expelled from Brazil and who were anxious to settle on the Wild Coast. Where was the Wild Coast ? Any one who has had to do lately with the Venezuela Boundary Question and has been compelled, as I have been, to study the early documents and maps relating to the colonisation of Guiana, will have no difficulty in answering this question. The whole of the coast-line of Guiana was called the Wild Coast by the early English navigators; but, after 1650, when Surinam was conquered, the name was specially used in England in connection with that colony. The conclusion then at which I arrive?somewhat tentatively, I own? is that these privileges were granted by the Commonwealth to the Brazilian Jews who settled in Surinam in 1654. I do not, of course, ignore that there is an alternative theory. It is just possible that the document I have read is a memorandum of privileges granted by the Dutch themselves to the refugees from Pernambuco who were willing to settle on other points of the Guiana coast under the Netherlands flag, and that it had been communicated to the English Committee of Trade and Plantations merely for their information. In that event, however, I think we should have heard of these privileges before, especially as the history of the Jewish settle? ments in Dutch America has been very voluminously and minutely recorded. The Dutch references in the document which would seem to support this latter theory may be accounted for in another way. Cromwell took a deep personal interest in Dormido's mission to England, and he manifested his sympathy for the Jews expelled from Pernambuco by writing personally to the King of Portugal on behalf of Dormido's sons.1 Now it is exceedingly likely that negotiations took place between the Protector and the Dutch merchant for the settlement of the Pernambuco refugees in Surinam, and that with that object Dormido was invited to draft the charter to be granted to his Surinam co-religionists.2 In that event we can easily understand the references to the privileges of the Jews of Amsterdam and of the Zeelanders already settled on the Guiana coast as affording a model 1 See Document No. IV. in appendix to present paper. 2 For the part played by Jews in Cromwell's colonial policy see paper by present writer, "Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers." London, 1891. Also Documents Nos. VI., VII., VIII. and IX. appended to present paper.</page><page sequence="11">86 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. for the concessions to be granted to the Jews settling in the British Colony. I am further supported in my view that these were Surinam privi? leges by the fact that when, after the Bestoration, another Charter of Privileges was presented to the Jews of Surinam, it embodied all the points referred to in the document under discussion.1 You will, per? haps, ask me how it is that these important privileges have been forgotten, and that even in Surinam itself their memory has not been preserved 1 For the same reason, I answer, that until a few years ago the majority of historical students imagined that the Jews in England received no privileges until Charles II. came to the throne. When the Commonwealth was swept away it was dangerous for anybody to admit that he had been favoured by the Lord Protector and his Government, and consequently every one hastened to obtain fresh privileges from the monarchy. Thus for many years the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation in Bevis Marks had a special ritual for the commemoration of the re-admission of the Jews under Charles II.2 In the same way the Jews of Surinam were doubtless induced to date their history from the privileges granted them by the British Monarchical Government in 1665, rather than from the Charter they had received from the Usurper eleven years before. In any case this is a document of the very first importance to Jewish history. If my theory be correct it marks the first attempt at complete emancipation known to Anglo-Jewish history, for it was not until the following year that Jews settled in Boger Williams's colony and benefited by its undiscriminating laws. If, on the other hand, it be a Dutch grant its importance is not thereby impaired?it is only transferred from us and the Americans to the Dutch and the Americans. It is, however, to be remembered that even without it the honour of first practising Jewish emancipation belongs to British America, for the Surinam privileges of 1665 were quite as sweeping as those of 1654, and the first Jewish Naturalisation Act passed by the Imperial Parlia? ment applied only to Jews settled in the American and West Indian Colonies. How this legislation re-acted on the Emancipation struggle 1 Appendix, Document No. V. 2 " Order of Prayer," &c. 1810.</page><page sequence="12">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 87 at home is " another story," which I hope to tell on some future occasion. In illustration of this paper, and also of other minor American factors in the Re-settlement to which I have not specifically referred, I have the honour to submit the following documents to the Society for publication in the Transactions :? 1. The Cartwright petition. 2 and 3. Dormido's two petitions. 4. A Latin letter from Oliver Cromwell to the King of Portugal on behalf of Dormido and his two sons. 5. The Surinam Privileges of 1665. 6. Petition of the brothers De Caceres to the Queen of Sweden. 7. Simon de Caceres's scheme for the conquest of Chili submitted to Cromwell. 8. Simon de Caceres's proposals for revictualling and fortifying Jamaica after the conquest of the island. 9. Simon de Caceres's memorandum on the administration of the Navigation Act in the West Indies. DOCUMENTS i. The Petition of the Jewes for the Repealing of the Act oj Parliament for their Banishment out of England, presented to his Excellency and the Generali Councell of Officers on Fryday, Jan. 5, 1648, &c. London. Printed for George Roberts. 1649. [The only copy known of this rare pamphlet is in the possession of Mr. A. I. Myers.] To the Right Honorable, Thomas Lord Fairfax (his Excellency), Englanes Generali, and the Honourable Councel of Warre, conveaned for Gods Glory, Izraells Freedom, Peace, and Safety. The humble Petition of Johanna Cartenwright, Widdow, and Ebenezer Cartwright, her son, freeborn of England, and now Inhabitants of the City of Amsterdam Humbly Sheweth, That your Petitioners being conversant in that City, with and amongst</page><page sequence="13">88 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. some of Izraell's race called Jewes, and growing sensible of their heavy out cryes and clamours against the intolerable cruelty of this our English Nation, exercised against them by that (and other) inhumane exceeding great Massacre of them, in the Raign of Richard the second King of this land and their banishment ever since, with the penalty of death to be inflicted upon any of their return into this Land that by discourse with them and serious perusall of the Prophets both they and we find that the time of her call draweth nigh whereby they together with us shall come to know the Emanuell, the Lord of life, light and glory, even as we are now known of him. And that this Nation of England with the Inhabitants of the Nether-lands shall be the first and readiest to transport Izraell's Sons and Daughters in their Ships to the land promised to their fore-Fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, for an everlasting inheritence. For the glorious manifestation whereof, and pyous meanes thereunto, your Petitioners humbly pray that the inhumane cruel Statute of banishment made against them may be repealed, and they under the Christian banner of charity, and brotherly love, may again be received and permitted to trade and dwell amongst you in this Land, as now they do in the Nether-lands. By which act of mercy, your Petitioners are assured of the wrath of God, will be much appeased towards you, for their innocent blood shed, and they thereby dayly enlightened in the saving knowledge of him, for whom they look dayly and expect as their King of eternall glory, and both their and our Lord God of salvation (christ Jesus). For the glorious accomplishing whereof, your Petitioners do, and shall ever addresse themselves to the true Peace and pray, etc. This. Petition was presented to the generali Councell of the officers of the army under the Command of his Excellency, Thomas Lord Fairfax, at White? hall on Jan. 5 [1649]. And favourably received with a promise to take it into speedy consideration, when the present more publike affaires are dispatched. II. Petitions of David Abarbaael Dormido. [British Museum MSS. Egerton 1049, fs. 6, et seq.] To his Highnese Oliver, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of england, Scotland and Ireland, and the Dominions thereto Belonging. Manuel Martines Dormido Alias David abrabanel hebrew by nacion, wishing with a faithfull minde and with the harte of Loyall subject, for the increase of this most noble Commonwealth, by way of Arbitrament of states politica, I doe represent unto your highnese, that which ye Kingdomes of</page><page sequence="14">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 89 Spaine and Portugall doe stand against, with the Rash Judgement of the inquisition upon pretext of Reducing soules to the faction of theire Apostolicall Roman church they willing with theire Violent powers to Judge the hidden interiours oneley reserved to God Creatore and Universall Lord over his creatures, Violating exteriously the mindes of peoples with cruelty and tirany taking from them theire estates in whose defence many doe Loose theire Lives, of which it comes yt severall of my nation thereby doe awaken themselves of theire forgetfulnese, god soe permiting it thereby yt they may retire themselves from that Idolatry and grivous yoake, with which oppres? sion from thence doe continually come in to other kingdomes and countries innumerable famillies where they are well entertained, esteemed and treated equaly with theire subjects by Reason they have alwayes binn faithfull and true patricians, origining new traficks and comerses, and increasing those allrady comon and acustumed, with greate benefitt to the peoples and increase ment to the States Revenues and with a particular divine providence, ye word of god his acumplished in that blessing promissed to his chosen people Israel, and to ye countries and peoples where they doe abide and amongst whom they live, for whose peace and quietnese and that of theire princes, governours and magistrats and for timely Raynes, Dew, and good times we are bound to pray for continually, the which carefuly wee doe observe for which the notorious experience to all nations is a suficient proofe, wherefore (Illustrious Lord), the Supreame and moste high God having endowed your highnesse with such a Vallerous minde, cleere Understanding consumate talent & heroyke Vallour, wherewth, admirably yr. highnese doth protect and governe this moste noble Commonwealth of england wherein secretely is disserned that your highnese is favoured wth his divine asistance, being likewise secred and Respected of other nations who seekes wth new aliances the Peace and quietenesse of theire countries by speciall ay de of god whom wth a particular providence hath mercifully domminion over this moste noble Commonwealth. Lett therefore in it, that true and infalliable states Pollicie bee admited opening the gates to my nation to the ende they may (Under the Divine protection and that of yr highnese) freely use theire exercise in the observance of their most holly Lawes given by god on mounte Sinay, graunting them Libertie to come wth theire famillies and estates, to bee dwellers heere wth the same eaquallnese and conveniences, wch yr inland borne subjects doe enjoy, Wherewith busines will increase and your com? merce will become more oppulant with yr continuall navegations by seazes to the confines of the nearest and farthiste Countries, prospering those allRady conquered making theire habitations more eazy and atchining others of more importance and of greater Benefits and thereby increasing the Revenues of Custumes and excize, and all such officers and people who by theire Labour doe seeke theire advansements will have continuall opportunities to attaine and get in to it by many Imployments and negotiations of theire</page><page sequence="15">90 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. manufactures dwelling in all this Commonwealth with their contentement of injoying theire intents, And in summe it will become yr Richest moste poppulous & oppulent monarky in the whole world, Assuring unto yor. highnese (wth the Afect of a pure and single good Will moved by a particular affection and simpathy to which my good inclination doth Leade mee) that true effects thereby follow thorough the meanes of the Divine grace, yr highnese graunting that which by many efhcaz Reasons ought to bee Con desended unto, for the which accumplishment I doe offer with a Vigilant Care and speciall Delignce to Lett it know to those of my nation in all places where at present they have theire abidings as in ye kingdomes of Spaine & Portungall to the ende without touching at any other place they may come directley In to this Illustrious Commonwealth where all wee will pray Unto god for its Concernation and Augmentation and that of ^or. highnesse to whom I moste humbly supplicate to graunte mee that grace and favour which yr. highnesse shall thinke fitt, of what Benefitt shall Rezult to ye increase and augment of this state through the goode effects of this my Proposition thereby that I may substaine myselfe with honour in yor. highnesse servise & of this Illustrious and noble Commonwealth graunting meeal soe, the name and title of Consull of my nation in whose Be and excersize I shall imploy my Personn, Dedicated to yor. obedience as being Yor. Highnese moste humble subject and servant Manuel Mnez Dormido. Alias David ABrabanel. Friday the third of November 1654. Endorsement. His Highnes is pleased in an especiall manner to recomend these two annexed papers to the speedy consideracion of the Councell that the Peticion may receive all due satisfacion & withall convenient speed. J. Sadler. Ill To his Highnes, Oliver, Lord Protector of the Comonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland and The Dominions, thereto Belonging. Manuel Martines Dormido, Alias David Abrabranel hebrew by nation, and one of that Posteritie native of one of the principall cities in Spaine, in the province of Andaluzia, and sonne to an honest & Rich father having behaved my selfe in ye space of my life wth that Luster, modesty & humanity due to my profession and quality, having taken to my wife one of the Like, in another of ye noblest cities of Castilla, where I hadd to my charge severall places of dignity as Alderman of my citie, perpetuall treasurer of the cus</page><page sequence="16">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 91 tumes & Royall Revenues & divers others offises of greate importance imposed on me by ye King, of whose administration I gott much honour & advancements, God of his mercy gave mee foure sonns, I being well-beloved and gracious wth all men, using equity with all, and having aboundance of temporall Richesse and many opportunities of greater improvements, To ye ende I should experimentely know the Litle or noe establishement there is in those of fortune and in the Inconstant quietenese of Life & estate weh I then injoyed, God was pleased by Reason of my sinns that an inquisitor should come to ye generali examination of that country, in whose eyes I was odious I having binn one of the Consistorie Assembly of oure citie who stood against, hee should bee accompanied & bee brought into it, it being a seremony onely used with the Royall person, wth out any cause hee made oprossese against my house & familly, & on sight thereof hee caused my wife & her sister to bee put into ye inquisition to whose Judgement Seate I applied my selfe wth Letters Recommedatory from ye elect Archbishopp, from ye corporation of ye cathedrall church & from my citie to ye ende they should wth all brevity dispach mee, but wth greate passion & mallice frustrating my good hopes they cauzed mee Likewise to bee putt in to ye inquisition wherein they kept mee, my wife & her sister five years induring greate penalties, miseries and troubles ; and after ye sight of owre cauze and having putt us to ye cruell torments of the Rack, God was pleased to give Us strenght to Resist them & soe wee were putt at Libertie wth Restitution (though wth greate charges) of my estate and offices to whose excersise I Retorned wth the same or more gratitude weh I had always founde in the generality of that people, butt finding my selfe bounde to a Vow I had made to God (praying that his divine majestie would deliver me from theire hands) that I would gett owt of soe greate an Idolatry and abominations, soe Unquiete in my selfe wth these considerations & the grivous yoake of ye inquisition wch in yt Kingdome doth opresse ye greatest couradges, Laying my firme confidence in the supreame high God, I Rezolved to come owt from soe many perrills & confusions & soe Leaving my younger brother in my house and offices, wth some parte of my estate I came in to France, having had my Rezidance in ye citie of Bordeaux for the space of 8 yeares indeouring to gett ye Rest of my estate owt of Spaine, weh I could not effect by Reason of ye earley death of my brother, my Rezolution being not to Retourne any more into Spaine, where all my Estate Remained Loste in the possession of strangers, I took then a new Rezolution to pass into Holland where I arrived ye first of Apprill 1640 & have lived in the citie of Amsterdam, where ye burgamasters thereof favoured mee much, making mee a free denison of yt place, and being there much esteemed & Respected as well of strangers as of those of the countrie & allsoe much accepted to those of my nation having binn one of the elected for theire governement, and being much desirous to improove my sonns in some bussinesses, I sent 2 of them into Brazill in May 1641, with great</page><page sequence="17">92 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. cargazons of goods, of whose proseedes I did looke for above 500 chests of suggars wch they had to send mee in the yeare 16^6 wth ye tenths of Goyanna & tamaraca, for wch purposse they had taken them, itt hapned foure months before yt the Portungalls & dwellers in ye country of Per nambuco did Rize, amongst whom were my debtors & possessors of my estate against all Reason & Justice, the siege of Pernambuco was delayed untill January of this prezant yeare 165'4. that ye King of Portungall sent his Armies thether, upon wch all was surendered and allthough that accord? ing to the capitulations and articles, the Right of debts was Reserved as at Due and Just neverthelese I could Recover nothing my sonns having assisted there during the time of the siege with the burthen of Armes & in Sundry apparent perrills of theire Lives they Continually being in ye guarde and defence of that state, having there spent what had Remained them) in that Long and painefull siege, and Lefft severall houses of theire owne & 150,000 guilders owing them by divers Portuguezes dwellers in ye country of Per? nambuco, and in those partes thereabouts, the 84,000 guildrs whereof being owed us by onely three owners of plantations from whom we have sufitient writings to proove the debt, soe they came home destitued of wealth at the ende of 14 yeares Pilgrimage wth such an unprofitable imployment of theire yong yuth and Losse of all theire estates having butt onely the hopes Lefft us of Recovring it againe. Therefore considering the present estate wherein I finde mee, through these cauzes with extremity of mizeries and nessesities wch I hide as much as in mee Lyeth as I owe to my quality & to yt honour wherewith I was borne & bred & ever did observe, I came away from those of my nation & from others particular friends in Holland, determining to conje owt of that citie (invoking the ayde & assistance of that blessed God of my fathers, Abraham, Ishack and Jacob, in whom firmely I truste) To this Illustrious Comonwealth of England and citie of London where through his mercie I arrived the first of the month of 7ber, and by his divine assistance hoping (moste Illustrious Lord) to finde in yoR highnesse feete yt protection & entertainment wch my adversities and travells doe Require, and that through yor Benignity and greatenesse I shall attain to yor good Liking & obtaine the grace of the previledge of burdges and Lisence to Leeve in this citie and wth ye Ayde and protection of yoR highnesse Use the excersize of my Profecion, modestly, favouring mee as yoR highnesse subject with yoR moste ymportant intervention, to the ende that the King of Portungall may give order for satisfaction to what his subjects doe owe unto my sonns Solomon and Daniel Dormido, in Brazill, of the proseedes cauzed by the negotiations of my goods there, as hee ought to doe, adminis? tering Justice, wch I hope in the divine God, hee will doe, and moove his harte that good effect may thereby follow^, it being the moste efficaz Remedy for to attaine to that, of owre Restauration with the ayde of God, and yoR highnesse favour in whose acknowledgement, Perpetually I and all my famillie</page><page sequence="18">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 93 shall pray for the Preservation and Augmentation of yoR highnesse & yoR moste Illustrious house, settling it in the most supreame degree very Long Ages, Making yor highnesse moste fortunate in all yor conquests and inten? tions in ye wch may succeede those Happy branches of so vallerous and unconcord stock acknolledging ever to the Author of Life for first moover and supreame Lord of heavens, earth, seas and of what in them breatheth ye speritt of Life in whom wee hope hee will prolong yor highnesse, taking you for an Instrument to acte his secrets and all Ready foretold workes, for his honour and glorie and that by them yoR highnesse may be Applauded and Respected by the nations of the world and specially of mine, who are the continuall oratours for the Peace, Life and state of Yor highnesse, as Likewise is Prayed by YoR Highnesse, humble subject and Lowest servant Manuel Martines Dormido. Alias David ABrabanel. IV. Letter of Oliver Cromwell to the King of Portugal in behalf of the Dormidos. [Rawl. MSS."A. 260, fol. 57.] To Portugall in favour of S. et D. Dormido for severall debts due to them. Serenissime Rex,?Quod his literis nostris Majestatem Vestram hoc tempore interpellemus, id facimus precibus et rogatu Davidis Abrabanel natione Judsei, qui cum gratiam nostram pro vestr? humanitate et benevo lenti? plurimum apud Vos Valituram confideret, nobis supplicavit uti pro eo literis nostris apud Majestatem Vestram intercedere ne gravemur, quo scilicet subditis Vestris apud Pernambuck, cseteraque loca sub ditione Vestr? in Brasilia habitantibus, efncaciter mandare Velitis, ut debita ea quaa Solomoni et Danieli Dormido filiis suis ab ipsis debentur bona fide redderent. Nobis enim significatum est quod licet munimentorum eo loci facta fuerit deditio, nihilominus tarnen debitorum pacta est reservatio eaque ex contractu et capi tulatione solvenda erant. Quocirca rei sequitate expens?, multumque cupi entes ut dicto supplici regia Vestra dementia extendatur, pro bona ilia quse inter nos intercedit amicitil nupero confeederationis Vinculo roborat?, Majes? tatem Vestram rogamus, uti efficacem aliquam rationem inire velitis, quo dicta debita Juxta contractum Veraciter et quamprimum exsolvantur. Quod quidem nobis erit gratissimum, qui hoc benevolentiae officium paribus gratse propensseque Voluntatis indiciis libentissime compensabimus. Deus Opt. Max. Majestatem Vestram incolumem diu servet. Dab. ex Aula nostra West monasterii 26to Februarii Anno 165|.?Vester Bonus Amicus Oliver P. Serenissimo principi Johanni 4to portugallise et Algarviorum &c. regi.</page><page sequence="19">94 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. V. Privileges of the Jews of Surinam, 1665. [Printed in Lindo's " History of the Jews of Spain and Portugal," pp. 381-3.] Whereas it is good and sound policy to encourage as much as possible whatever may tend to the increase of a new colony, and to invite persons of whatsoever country and religion, to come and reside here and traffic with us, and whereas we have found that the Hebrew nation, now already resident here, have, with their persons and property, proved themselves useful and beneficial to this colony, and, being desirous further to encourage them to continue their residence and trade here, we have, with the authority of the governor, his council and assembly, passed the following act:? Every person belonging to the Hebrew nation now resident here, or who may hereafter come to reside and trade here, or in any place or district within the limits of this colony shall possess and enjoy every privilege and liberty possessed by and granted to the citizens and inhabitants of this colony, and shall be considered as English-born ; and they and their heirs shall in this manner possess their property, whether real or personal. It is also hereby declared, that they shall not be compelled to serve any public office in this colony, and that we receive them under the protection and safeguard of our government, with all the property they now hold, or shall hereafter possess or import from any foreign place or kingdom abroad. We also grant them every privilege and liberty which we ourselves enjoy, whether derived from laws, acts, or customs, either regarding our lands, our persons, or other property, promising them that nothing of what they now possess, or shall hereafter acquire, shall be taken from them or be appro? priated among ourselves, by any person of whatsoever rank, but that, on the contrary, they shall have full liberty to plant, trade, and do whatsoever they may consider conductive to their advantage and profit, on condition that they shall be true subjects of our Sovereign Lord the King of England, and shall obey all orders already issued by him, or which he may hereafter promulgate. It is, however, to be well understood that none of these orders shall be contrary to what is herein contained. It is also hereby granted and permitted, in the most ample manner possible, to the Hebrew nation, to practise and perform all ceremonies and customs of their religion, according to their usages; also those relating to their marriages and last wills or testaments, and that the acts of marriage made according to their rites and customs shall be held valid in every respect. It is also hereby declared that they shall not suffer any let or hindrance in the observance of their sabbaths or festivals, and those who shall trouble them on that account shall be considered disturbers of the public peace, and shall</page><page sequence="20">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 95 be punished accordingly. Also that they shall not be bound to appear, on the said days, before any court or magistrate; and that all summonses and citations for the said days shall be null and void. Neither shall their refusal of payment of any claim made against them on these days prejudice them in any way, or diminish any right they may have. The possession of ten acres of land at Thoxarica is also hereby granted to them, that they may build thereon places of worship and schools, also for the burial of their dead. They shall, moreover, not be compelled to do personal duty, but shall be permitted to send a substitute, except in case of war, when they also shall be bound to come forward with the other inhabi? tants. Permission is also hereby granted them to have a tribunal of their own ; and that in cases so litigated, the deputies of their nation may pronounce sentence in all cases not exceeding the value of ten thousand pounds of sugar. Upon which sentence, pronounced by the said deputies, the judge of our court shall grant execution and issue; and they shall keep registers and records of the same according to custom. When an oath shall be required, it shall be administered in conformity with the customs of the Hebrew nation ; and such oath shall be deemed valid and have all the force and effect of a judicial oath, notwithstanding any law to the contrary. That all this may be fully known I have, by order of his excellency the governor, his council and assembly, signed the present on the seventh of August, 1665. John Parry, Secretary. VI. Petition of the brothers Be Caceres to the Queen of Sweden, with the Queen's endorsement. [Rawl. MSS. A. 26, fol. 388.] Madame,?Simon et Henricque de Carieres marchands et negociants depuis plusieurs anees es Isles Barbadas et autres subiectes a la republicque d'Angleterre suplient a votre majeste en toutte humilite les vouloir proteger et fauoriser teraoignant au Sr ambassadeur extraordinaire milord Witlock que votre majeste aura du contentement si auxdits supliants est accorde par la susdite republicque, ou a leurs facteurs et substitus, permission et licence pour pouuoir enuoyer aux susdites Isles Barbadas et autres voisines apellees Caribas troix nauires estants les maitres d'iceux nauires Zuedois et prennant leurs charges a Gottenbourg, Hambourg, Duncquerque et Ostende et en cesdites places charger touttes sortes des marchandises, notament touttes sortes des vins, brande uins, viandes salees, farines, draps, bats, souliers, et touttes autres marchandises qu'ils trouueront bon et que lesdits nauires a leur retour des susdites. Isles y puissent charger les fruits qu'elles produi sent ou autre quelconcque marchandise et les aporter aux lieux d'ou ils seront</page><page sequence="21">96 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. sortis ainsy et de la meme facon que sont accoustumes de faire les marcliands subiects et vasseaux de ladite republicque payant au parauant, les taux, droits, ou imposts que lesdits marcbands subiects et vassaux payent, moyenant quoy seront et de meureront les susdits Simon et Henricque de Carceres et leurs seruiteurs ou Substituts libres, a leurs persones et biens passants et repassants par mer ou par terre, sans aucun empechement ny detencion soubs quel pretext que ce puisse estre, ce qu'esperent les supliants de pouuoir obtenir par la protection, grandeur et bonte de votre Majeste. [Endorsed :?] A la serenissme Reyn de Zuede, etc. J'ay oublie de vous recommander ce papier. C'est pourquoy je vous Penvoie vous priant de favoriser le suppliant en sa demande. VII. Simon de Gaceres's scheme for the conquest of Chili. [Rawl. MSS. A. 30, fols. 151, 152.] The humble proposition of Simon de Casseres. 1. That his highnes would prepare foure friggats or shippes of warre, together with foure victualling shippes ladden with provisions of food and ammunition, and about 1000 souldiers to bee imbarqued in them. 2. That these bee commissioned to saile into the south seas through the straites of Le Maire, or rathe the south of it, where it is vast sea, and roome enough. 3. That they saile after theire entrance into the South Sea, directly to the coast of Chili, particularly to the towne of Baldivia, from whence the Spaniards have been chased long agoe. 4. That they goe to the isle of la Mocha, that lyes not many leagues from it, where they may have provisions of maiz, and other food from the Indians at easy rates, and where they may attempt to make a small fort if need bee, to secure their landing, and riding in safety under the island, where there is good anchorage, and which, if it seem good, may serve for ? place of good retreat and rendevouz for our ships, whilst in that sea and coast ; for there are noe Spaniards, but only Indians, mortall enemyes to the Spaniards. The benefites of such an expedition :? 1. The countrey of Chili is unquestionably stored with gold beyond Peru, or any countrey in the world, there being few parts of it but yeeld it, among which principally are Baldivia aforementioned. 2. That countrey hath in it a wholsome and well-temper'd ayre, abound? ing in fruites, corn, cattle, fish and fowle for the life of man. 3. There is in this people an irreconcilable hatred against the Spanyards</page><page sequence="22">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 97 for theire former cruelties,, and will side with any people for the rooting of them out; and are the most warlick of all the Indians. 4. Besides these things, the fregatts will serve to scowre the whole south sea, upon the West-Indie coast, and to take the Spanish treasure (as hath bene formerly advised) from Chili to Arica,, and thence to Panama, by Lima, and Guavaquil. 5. They will serve to seize the two ships, which use yeerly to come from the Philippinas unto Acapulco, laden with the riches of the East-Indies of incredible value. 6. Thereby the Spaniard being assulted on both sides and seas at once, will be utterly dismaied and broken, and that by far re sooner, then by falling on him only by the north sea-side. In order to this, it is further offered :? 1. That I, S. C. goe forthwith into Holland, and deale with some of those, who went with Brouwer in his expedition to Chili ; and under pretence of goeing to Rio de la Plata, (not telling them how far beyond) to ingage them by good promises of pay and purchase, to goe such a voiage. 2. That I shall engage some young men of my owne nation, and promise to conduct them in my owne person, by the Lord's permission ; and if it seeme good unto his highness, negotiating all this with the greatest secresy. 3. It is offered alsoe with submission, that I goe in person eyther as chief in the action, or next unto him, that is chiefe therin, and upon equit? able and honourable termes, as his highnes shall judge meet. 4. That the bulk and body of the officers and company bee English ; and that those of my nation, or others that shal be admitted, shall goe all upon an English account, and as Englishmen,, and for his highnes service only. Note, that (which should have been premised) it was fully resolved by the Wgst-Indie company in Holland, upon perfect information, that noe countrey could more easily bee gained from the Spaniard than Chili ; and that noe countrey would be more gainefull then that in the whole Indies, which was the ground of Brouwer's expedition thither, where he was possessed of Bal divia ; but dying there, his men being of severall nations, and wanting a head, came home, and quitted the place, and left it for a noble English reso? lution. VIII. De Caceres's proposals for revictualling and fortifying Jamaica. [Rawl. MSS. A. 30, fol. 299.] A note of what things are wanting in Jamaica, by Simon de Casseres. May it pleas your honour,?The fortification of the harber cannott bee strong, without it bee made of stone, or bricke; therefore such kind of vol. iii. g</page><page sequence="23">98 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. artificers should bee sent, with order to obey the captaine Hewes, whoe is a mathematicion, and sufficient in fortification, whome I left in the same poynt of the harbor fortifieing, when I came away. There is greate store of stone and lyme ; which may easely bee made within two miles. The workemen to bee sent as massens or bricklayers, in my oppinion, ought to bee under the commaund of the said captaine Hewes, least by other bisnes that worke bee retarded. As for the island, it cannott bee fortified in all places ; but if your honour please, you may commaund a faire foorte to be built on the Sevana by the towne, in which may be a faire maggasen to hould all your stores ; the said fortte to be builded of earth, the ground being good for that purpose, and even for many miles. The things necessary at present for fortifying are as following :? 1500 of shovells & spades. 1000 pickackeses. 100 whealebarrowes. 100 weddegs of iron to breake stone. The things necessary for planting :? 5000 falling ackeses, the former being verey bad. 5000 broad & narrow hookes. 1000 hand billes. 2000 hatchetts. 200 whorte saws. For cloths for the officers, etc. Store of tosted holland & fine demetye, with thred, and some plenty of lynnen for sherteing and handcerchers, with stockings & handsome shewes. For the solgers, Store of shewes and corse stockens, with the ordinary sorte of cloth to make them drawers & waistscotts with sherteing. Plenty of brandey wyne, with some portion of it to bee allotted to capt. Hewes, as an incou redgment to his men in fortification. For the phesetions and chirugions, according to this invoice, that they have sent. It is humbly requested, that your honour would laye your commaunds on the commaunders in that island, that captain Hewes at lest may alwayes have two hundred men imployed in the worke of fortification, & likewise that hee may never bee without sufficient stores of victules for his men, which shall bee so imployed. As also, that the admirall may contrebute his helpe in such boates, as shall bee required by the said Hewes for the carriage of stone, tymber, & lyme, which is most necessary in the worke of fortification. That the forte, which shall bee built upon the Sevana, the contrivance in laying out of the lynne to bee by the direction of capt. Hewes.</page><page sequence="24">AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. 99 IX. De Oaceres's memorandum on the administration of the Navigation Act in the West Indies. [Rawl. MSS. A. 60, fol. 131.] The humble proposicions of Simon de Casseres, presented to His Highnesse the Lord Protector, &c. 1. That it is the custome, and practice of all Princes and States to increase theire reuenues by incouraging the trade of theire owne Dominions, and restraining Strangers from making advantages to the prejudice of theire own Subjects. To passe by Examples of other kingdomes, I shall only instance in Spaine, and Portugall who haue prohibited strangers in the East, and West Indyes, and Brazile, as alsoe the States of the United Provinces, who neuer would yeeld that any other Nacion besides theire owne shall trade in theire conquests and plantacions in Brazil. 2. And wheras the Act for Navigacion is not obserued according to its intention, for that many English shippes goe laden and fraughted from other Countreys to English plantacions and coming back to those Countreyes againe to the great benefitt of strangers, and prejudice of the Revenues of England, and its merchants. To prevent this, it would be enacted that all Vessels going for Barbadoes directly, or indirectly, shalbe entred and registred for that place, and soe to return back againe to England, or any other English plantacion ; for hereby strangers wilbe excluded, as in other countreys is accustomed, commerce advanced, and noe just complaintes by any, noe not by Masters of ships, for want of imployment; for though they bee not fraughted by strangers for those places, yet they may bee imployed at home for the same purpose. 3. And wheras great quantityes of Sugars are made in the Barbados, and brought thence the customes may be increased to strangers with moderacion, without any scandall; for the most part of the Sugars and goods of those plantacions are transported to Holland, Hamburg and France where they wilbee then sold the higher. 4. Moreouer it being just and profitable to increase Navigacion to which not only Subjects and natiues, but strangers alsoe help to contribute, my humble opinion is that Entry being made and Licence given by Commis? sioners appointed in that behalf, English shippes may be fraughted by any persons for the Barbados or other plantacions with Commodityes condicionally they giue sufficient Caution and Security here, for payment of accustomed Dutyes to Commissioners appointed, as well for Commodityes carryed out, as for those they bring back, and ouer and aboue for those goods they bring to any other place, both English and strangers in such case to pay the one third, or half more then the vsuall rates and Customes, then those shall which come</page><page sequence="25">100 AMERICAN ELEMENTS IN THE RE-SETTLEMENT. directly to this Commonwealth, of which strict notice is to bee taken both here and at Barbados, and other plantacions by Commissioners, under paine of for? feiture and Confiscation, vpon default discouered, of such goods as shalbee miscarryed, after orders and Constitucions made in that behalf shalbee published. 5. By the tender of the premises to his Highnes, with due Consideracion had theron, I take freedome to intreat that recompense which in my first generali peticion was hinted ; which although in other places it amounts to one fourth part of the increase on that account by way of reward to the In? ventor or first proposer, yet I shall humbly expect but the one fifth of such customes only which arise from goods brought from foreigne countreyes to Barbados, and carryed thence againe to other countreyes. Humbly praying his Highnes if it seeme good to admite mee one of the Commissioners in that behalf, as being capable aboue many of discouering the practises of the Ham? burgers, Hollanders, and other strangers concerning the premises. [Endorsed] Simon de Casseris project.</page></plain_text>