Stanislaus Hoga—Apostate and Penitent 

By Beth-Zion Lask Abrahams

Paper read before the Jewish Historical Society of England,
11th April, 1943.

Stanislaus Hoga, apostate and penitent, cannot claim to be among
the better known characters that have passed across the stage of
Anglo-Jewish history. Until only recently he was but a fleeting
figure, emerging but now and then as some literary product, some
dramatic change in his circumstances or vocation served to throw a
brighter light on him. His is a story heavy with contrasts of light
and shade, gathering within itself the tribulations, the anxieties, the
conflicts of body and soul sustained by myriads of other Jews in that
tense period when medievalism was dissolving in centres of Jewish
population in Eastern Europe. Hitherto, whatever was known of
Hoga comprised little more than a set of disjointed cameos that had
not been brought together. The task of achieving this resolved itself
into a kind of quest, a successive unearthing of incident and detail.
It was indeed an adventure, and I feel I could follow no better course
in presenting the story than in trying to convey by the same sequence,
the gradual building-up of the man Hoga, until he stands before us
a creature of flesh and blood, so that even his apostasy seems but a
prelude to his return to the fold, an old man who had tasted the
sweets of the outer world, and had come back to warm his cold bones
at the ancestral altar.

I am indebted for my first knowledge of Stanislaus Hoga to my
father, Joseph Cohen-Lask. My father had long made it his interest
to collect, among other books and documents, conversionist litera-
ture, regarding it as a valuable source of Jewish history. The
missionary periodicals, such as the Jewish Intelligence, published

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reports from missionaries in various parts of Europe and outlying
parts of Asia and Africa, and from the mass of tendentious
narrative it is possible to glean facts and sidelights on Jewish life not
otherwise obtainable. It was the journal, called the Voice of Israel,
described as “Conducted by Jews who Believe in Jesus of Nazareth
as Messiah", and edited by the conversionist Ridley Herschell, the
father of Lord Chancellor Herschell, that contained a lengthy review
of a pamphlet entitled, The Controversy of Zion, A Meditation
Between Judaism and Christianity, by Stanislaus Hoga. It should
be borne in mind that the Voice of Israel was frankly the production
of a group of Jewish converts to Christianity. It was one of the
instruments for persuading the non-Jewish patrons of the Christian
missions to the Jews that the work of converting Israel was going
forward briskly, and that the funds and efforts poured into the task
were bearing fruit. All the more surprising therefore that it should
have printed an unusually long review that disclosed the fact that all
was not well with the spiritual life of the so-called Hebrew Christians,
that there were qualms and doubts, and that one of the most illus-
trious among the converts, widely known as the official translator
for the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews,
had published a dissertation that threatened to cut the ground from
under the feet of the Society. Obviously, the apostates felt their own
security assailed, and could not maintain silence. I cite but a brief
extract from the Voice of Israel's review of the pamphlet, but it
suffices to show the confusion into which it had thrown the camp of
the apostates. Says the Voice of Israel, Ist September, 1845:

A little work with the above title has recently been published by Mr.
Stanislaus Hoga. Had it been possible for us to overlook such a work,
we would gladly have done so. It is very painful to us to speak with
disapprobation of the writings of our converted brethren. . . . But a
publication by a man of Mr. Hoga's talents, by one, moreover, who is
known to the public as a translator officially employed by the London
Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, cannot be thus
passed over. . . . Though it is but a small pamphlet, a large volume
might be written on it. Our object at present . . . is to repudiate on
our own behalf and that of many of our converted brethren, any

participation in the feelings under which it appears to have been
written; and to record our dissent from certain extraordinary state-
ments, made apparently with perfect sincerity and a firm conviction
of their truth. There is something in the whole work calculated to
induce both Jews and Gentiles to believe that the feelings it betrays,
and the sentiments it expresses, are common, in a greater or less degree,
to the majority of converted Jews; and that Mr. Hoga honestly speaks
out what rankles in the breast and lingers in the mind of a great many
of his believing brethren.

Who was this Stanislaus Hoga? Whence had he come? What
were his activities, his influence, and what course did his life run
after throwing this bombshell? It was obvious that this was no
isolated instance, and curiosity was aroused.

An examination of the Anglo-Jewish periodicals of the time, the
Voice of Jacob and the Jewish Chronicle, revealed also that in the
Jewish camp Hoga's pamphlet had not passed unnoticed. In its issue
of 18th July, 1845, the Voice of Jacob contained a lengthy review of
the second edition of the Controversy of Zion. In the very opening
paragraph of this review was the surprising intimation that in two
previous numbers, those of Ist March, and 15th March, 1844, more
than a year previously, notices of this very work had already
appeared. It was plain that the group of apostates had maintained
silence all that time about Hoga's pamphlet, refraining from refer-
ring to it in their publication, hoping perhaps that their patrons
would not appreciate the sharp weapon which one of their own
number had forged against them.

It was a most unusual step for a Jewish journal to give space to the
production of an official of a missionary society. But the editor of
the Voice of Jacob knew what he was about, as he explains in his
review of this pamphlet, “because we think that it ought to have an
extensive circulation among Christians, we willingly give it such
notoriety as our columns afford." Hoga's bombshell came at a time
when the apostate Margoliouth was in full cry, vilifying Jews and
Judaism on every possible occasion. Hoga had in his pamphlet,
drawn on a fund of deep Talmudic learning and Christian and
Jewish literature, and had presented the view that conversion should

on no account go hand in hand with the abandonment of Jewish
practice. It looked as if the conversionist movement would be riven
from top to bottom by a public disputation in which convert would
contend with convert and in the result lay bare the falsity of the con-
versionist position. Not without reason did the Jewish reviewer say
of Hoga, “. . . His heart still yearns towards the communion of his
kindred and the pure faith of his fathers. We may yet see him ere
he die claim the readmission into the pale which we, his fellow
sinners, dare not deny him. Would that he were indeed independent
of his sordid tie! and yet it can only be by a sacrifice of worldly
advantage that his penitence might be manifest to the world."

The facts so far were intriguing. A search for Hoga's previous
productions in England revealed that in 1834 die London Society
had published a selection of English and German Christian hymns
with a Hebrew translation by Stanislaus Hoga, entitled Songs of
Zion. This book is of some interest in view of Hoga's later return
to Judaism. The introduction points out that “the difficulty of pre-
serving the metre has prevented, in some instances, a literal transla-
tion". But an examination of the Hebrew translation shows that,
in a number of striking instances, Hoga takes more than the ordinary
translator's liberty with the original text. I have not made a thor-
ough comparison, but a few examples may serve to demonstrate that
Hoga felt it particularly repugnant to render into Hebrew passages
from the hymns that might be regarded as slighting to Jewish
dignity, or which a doubting convert might hesitate to put seriously
before his former co-religionists. I give but a few of these com-
parisons:

But more striking than all is the following stanza which shows a
complete departure from the Christian phraseology of the original.

This striking departure from the original is not constant through-
out the Hebrew hymn book, but it is sufficiently frequent to give it
significance.

In 1840, Hoga published a grammar for teaching English through
the medium of Hebrew. It is an able piece of work, and apart from
the fact that Hoga's own knowledge of English was obviously largely
gained through the study of the English Bible, there are only two or
three indications that the book was issued under the auspices of the
London Society. For example, he consistently translated Beth
Tefilah as Church, and Meshiach as Christ.

In 1843, he published a pamphlet entitled Eldad and Medad. I
have not been able to find a copy of this work, although I have
traced a reference to it in a review in the Voice of Jacob, 4th August
1843. This review describes it as “a factitious dialogue between a
converted Jew, and a modern or new fashioned one; being a very
ingenious attempt to prove a necessity for the Christian scriptures,
in order to elucidate our Bible, provided only—that Rabbinical
authority be repudiated". The review goes on to say, “we have
noted several passages which, however designed, are eminently cal-
culated to reconcile a sincere Jew to his yoke". It will be seen that
already in 1843, a year before the publication of the Controversy of
Zion, Hoga was undergoing a spiritual crisis.

In 1844, Hoga published a Hebrew translation of Bunyan's
Pilgrim's Progress. His name is not on the book, the brief Hebrew

introduction appearing over the Hebrew signature Acheecho haivri
(thy Hebrew brother). It is a scholarly translation, in an easy style,
reproducing Bunyan's simplicity. Hoga was obviously proud of the
translation, for in the introduction he expresses the conviction that
it would be remembered long after he was forgotten.

This brings us down to the year 1845. From the Jewish Chronicle
of that period we learn that Hoga had influenced a significant move-
ment in Christian thought. His attack in the Controversy on the
tendency to draw Jews to Christianity by vilifying Judaism had
gained support from such influential persons as the writer Charlotte
Elisabeth, editor of the Protestant Ladies Magazine, and the Rev.
John Oxlee, both of them prolific writers on Christian topics.
Reviewing Oxlee's pamphlet entitled Three more Letters to his
Grace the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury on the culpability and
unauthorised Presumption of the Gentile Christian Church in requir-
ing the Jews to forsake the law of Moses, the Jewish Chronicle
reviewer, 16th May, 1845, writes:" . . . very recent times have
witnessed the proposal of a plan . . . for effecting an approximation
between the Jew and the Christian. Within these few years, and in
this country, the Rector of Molesworth (Oxlee), Charlotte Elisabeth,
and Stanilaus Hoga have laboured for Jewish conversion, speaking
in the same tone of kindness towards the Jewish people, of respect .
for the law of Moses, and of reproof against the measures heretofore
resorted to for weaning the Israelites from the religion of their
fathers. Whereas, formerly, the vilification of the Mosaic law and of
Jewish observances was considered the most approved means where-
with to instil an attachment to Christian principles." Referring to
the cutting irony of Hoga, the review adds that it resulted “from
an unfortunately correct knowledge of the world as it is", and
the admission that there “is not one insignificant line in his
Controversy of Zion".

So characteristic of Hoga's line of thought is this last-mentioned
work that it is no digression to deal with it more fully. The British
Museum Library has the only copy known to me. It is the second
edition, published in 1845, a year after the appearance of the first.

During that brief space Hoga had moved forward notably on his
pilgrimage; for this second edition includes a lengthy introduction
absent from the first, which so lays bare his soul that it must be
regarded as autobiographical in the strictest sense of the word. The
original pamphlet, priced at one penny, had clearly produced such
tension in the circle in which he moved that he now felt that the
break could not be long postponed. He writes in the introduction :

I hate even a short-living lie and would for no price tell a lie which
should survive myself . . . There are many authors who . . . aspire
after fame, for the sake of their nation, country, language, friends and
relations; but none of these can be a stimulation and spur to me, for
I am so very isolated, solitary and alone in the world, that there is
not one of these subjects of which I could properly say, it is my own.
I run perhaps the risk, through this pamphlet, to lose in the eyes of
some of my acquaintances the little regard which they have hitherto
kindly borne towards me. I would, indeed, be much grieved to sustain
the loss; but I can nevertheless truly say that I have by this small per-
formance gained in my own estimation a little better opinion of myself
than I had formerly . . . I wish nothing more ardently than to finish
my life in such an employment which shall preserve me from being
remarkable on the defective side. . . . I have written this pamphlet
[Hoga continues] in the hurry of one who rather too late writes his
last will . . . every expressed sentence is but an epitaph of a volume
which still remains buried in my heart. “If these bones will live or
not, O Lord God, thou knowest."

Before dealing with the subject of his pamphlet, Hoga adds : 

I love England . . . and I bless the Providence of God for the liberty
of telling publicly the truth contained in this pamphlet: it is the only
advantage which I have from my sojourning in this country.

Mentioning the insurmountable rampart dividing Jews from
Christians, Hoga declares that if the truth of his pamphlet is
accepted each would convert the other side. But who shall make
the beginning? Certainly not the Jews, he decides, for they never
trouble about the salvation of other people's souls. This work must
be left to Christians, but first Hoga defends and vindicates the honour
of his pious and holy ancestors. Though outside the pale of his
people, he assumes their defence.

This apostate, this so-called Christian and official of the London
Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, then argues that,
though it may be possible for a Jew to believe that Jesus was the
Messiah, yet this does not imply abrogation of the Law of Moses.
Among other subjects, he defends the Cabala, scoffing at those
ignorant converts who, in order to curry favour with their patrons,
ridicule it. He hits out vigorously at what he calls “the honourable
gang of Jewish reverend hypocrites", then flourishing as ministers
of the Christian faith; he writes with vigour against the tendency
of “new-fashioned Jews of our age, and especially of some so-called
Rabbis in Germany who wish to be not Jews but Germans", but,
declares Hoga, the covenant of God and Israel is for all time and
cannot be abrogated.

Ironic in the light of events to-day are Hoga's fervent words: 

“Blessed be God. . . . We behold with our eyes a great change in
the moral character of the world; in our age, not only are there many
nations truly better disposed towards Jews, but even those who still
remain in their former prejudices are forced to treat them with
humanity. . . ." He rejoices that Jews are acquiring the knowledge
and the literature of the nations, that scientific institutions are being
established for the use of the London community, “science being,"
he declares, “the only object in which a Jew may excel to the satis-
faction of the whole world ".

In the text of the Controversy Hoga indulges in dramatic situa-
tions, introducing the two churches—the Jewish and Christian—
quarrelling like the women before Solomon; he imagines the return
to earth of Jesus after 1,800 years in the same form, bearded, wearing
fringes and phylacteries, the typical Rabbinic Jew, and his reception
on earth. Most remarkable, however, are the passages of the meeting
in Hell, where Satan resolves to send out his missionaries to prevent
the reign of Christ on earth, for he saw clearly that the religion of
Christ would comprise in itself, according to the design of the Divine
Saviour, a firm belief in the Law of Moses. “It is vain," Hoga
urges, “to think of the conversion of the Jews to Christianity before
Christians themselves are converted to Judaism. . . ."

This very remarkable Controversy, acceptable to Jews for its warm
advocacy of Jewish law and practice, was a menace to those apostate
Jews who thought, by conversion, to relieve themselves of their
religious burden. The effect it had on its contemporaries may be
gathered from the reviews quoted before.

This is the decisive period in Hoga's life. He had burnt his boats.
That introduction gave notice to his employers, the London Society
for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, that their official trans-
lator had thrown down the gauntlet. What actually happened, how
the break finally came about, is not known. That same year the last
publication from Hoga's hand for the London Society made its
appearance, the Hebrew translation of The Old Paths, by Dr.
Alexander McCaul, a slanderous and bitter misrepresentation of
Judaism, It is certain, in view of what occurred later, that Hoga's
translation was completed a long time before this date, for it is incon-
ceivable that he would have translated McCaul's work in the frame
of mind that he had reached in 1845. All we know is that
henceforth wherever we meet Hoga we no longer find the Jewish-
Christian controversialist trying to balance himself between Judaism
and Christianity, but an outright and passionate Jew, writing
proudly and vigorously defending the faith that he had formerly
left.

The Jewish Chronicle of 1847 contains frequent letters and con-
tributions from his pen on such subjects as “The Unity of the Jewish
God", “Moses and Plato", “The Jewish Belief in God",
“Exposition of the Angel in Scripture", the “Nature of the Word
Elohim", etc. His return to Judaism must have been complete
by now, for that periodical would certainly not have given space
to a known apostate. There can be no doubt that Hoga was now a
Jew and universally recognised as such.

One of the most interesting of Hoga's contributions to the Jewish
Chronicle is the first part of an article entitled “Jewish Emancipa-
tion and the Conversion Society", dated 8th September, 1847. In it
we find Hoga on the offensive against his former associates, whom
he describes as hypocritical converts. He bitterly attacks Dr. McCaul,

I 

quoting from The Old Paths, only to refute it, tilting at the church-
men who strain after the fruits of this world, and mercilessly attack-
ing the perverters whom he does not hesitate to speak of as enemies
of the Jews. He appeals to all good Christians to abandon the idea of
Jewish conversion, but to live in peace and charity with Jews as
they are. Hoga had, indeed, re-entered the fold.

But these fugitive letters were not sufficient for Hoga. He could
not rest. The burden of his sin lay heavily upon him. He seems to
have lived under the consciousness of the brevity of life, and the
need to do something quickly to compensate for what he regarded
as his heinous contribution to the work of the conversionists. Having
lived and worked inside their camp, he now regarded himself as a
spiritual soldier of Israel. It was in this state of mind that he pro-
duced the remarkable pamphlet entitled The Faithful Missionary,
which appeared in December 1847. An advance notice was first
published in the Jewish Chronicle on 20th August, 1847. There
were to be Hebrew, French and German versions which were to
be published in Jerusalem, Paris and Leipzig respectively. A com-
mittee seems to have been established in London for promoting the
circulation of the pamphlet, which appears to have enjoyed the
material support of the. Jewish Chronicle.

The pamphlet comprises 48 octavo pages, priced at one shilling,
bearing the full title of The Faithful Missionary, a monthly
periodical illustrating the value of Judaism with the view to opening
the eyes of some deluded Christians in England to the doings of
the (so-called) London Society for Promoting Christianity among
the Jews. It bears as its motto in Hebrew and English the words
“Arise, O Lord, and let thine enemies be scattered and let them
that hate Thee flee before Thee". The work is notable both for its
fearless and frank exposure of the wiles of the missionaries and the
unhappy Jewish condition on which the conversionists battened, and
for passages which must be regarded as reflections of Hoga's own
personal life. That this is so will be seen later when this Paper comes
to deal with his earlier years before his own apostasy. The Jewish
conditions in which conversionism flourished during the first half

of the nineteenth century well deserve study nowadays by those who
are concerned with a similar outbreak of conversionist activities at
the end of the present war. Hoga's words in The Faithful Missionary
point a moral which cannot be overlooked.

If you reflect on the miserable condition [he writes] of Jews in
some countries; if you reflect on their bad education concerning all
worldly matters; if you know how cruelly they are persecuted there;
if you know how unhappy some of them are in their domestic life,
through early marriage; how some are obliged to run from their native
places to other countries, and are there treated by die police as
vagabonds because they are not provided with passports; if you
represent to your mind such a Jew running about in the world without
any fixed purpose, without the knowledge of an art or trade by which
to procure for himself some living; if you look at him and see how he
is pulled and peeled, pulled by his beard by Christian persecution and
stripped of his clothes by abject poverty; if you add to this the most
ardent desire of such a Jew to learn some useful language and some
trade, and above all his bitter conviction that his most miserable con-
dition is the result of the apathy and neglect of the Jews in those
countries to introduce a better education among themselves; if you
picture to yourself a Jew thus abandoned and in such a condition, you
will not at all be surprised at his weakness in not resisting the tempting
bait held out to him by the missionaries of the London Society. He
sees an English gentleman with the Bible in his hand, condescending
to address and speak to him more friendly than ever did a Christian
peasant in his own country, and lastly he offers him his services to
procure for him a passport and money for travelling expenses to go
over to England.

Can one be surprised, Hoga asked, at his not resisting the bait
held out to him? A graphic, pathetic picture is drawn of the poor
Jew, friendless, penniless, arrived in London with no place to go,
who, approached by the missionaries, is soon admitted to the London
Society's Operative Institute.

Hoga's very heart is laid bare: 

Ought I not to tell the world who and what I am? [he asks, answer-
ing, however, with a quiet finality] Alas, the secrets of my heart must
remain in it entombed for ever. I shall never be justified in the eyes
of men ! I have, it is true, very grievously sinned before God; still if

men could know my whole heart they would rather pity my lot than
condemn it. I have sinned to God alone, and not to men; it is not for
them to pronounce a sentence upon me, but for the Righteous Judge
who alone knows the heart of men. I am unable to sketch any
biography of my life; I can only tell my Jewish brethren, in the words
of Achan to Joshua, “Indeed, I have sinned against the Lord God of
Israel, and thus and thus have I done". And I expect no other answer
of them but in the words of Joshua to Achan, “Why hast Thou
troubled us? The Lord shall trouble thee this day". I have against
mine own wish contributed most effectually by my writing to the
foundation of falsehood, and to the widely outspreading in distant
lands, of a treacherous net to seduce and ensnare many unwary among
Israel, by hypocritical apostasy. I therefore most ardently wish, before
I go from hence, to undo what I have done, and to contribute to the
happiness of my nation. . . . This is the last act of my life. O, Lord
God, remember me, I pray Thee, and strengthen me. I pray Thee
only this once! . . . I am feeble and alone.

In one part of The Faithful Missionary Hoga in sarcastic vein
deals with McCaul's The Old Paths. It has been contended by Jewish
scholars competent to judge that Dr. Alexander McCaul could have
been only the nominal author, for this work displays extensive
knowledge and the peculiar stamp of the Talmudist who has been
brought up on tie Talmud and is familiar with its intricacies from
childhood. Hoga, too, with perhaps a more direct knowledge of
the facts, suggests doubt of McCaul authorship. He declares: “How
heartily must the author of The Old Paths laugh in his sleeves at the
simplicity of his silly votaries. . . ." It will be recalled in this con-
nection that the Hebrew translation, published in 1845, was by Hoga.
In view of this known connection it is interesting, therefore, to find
Hoga express himself as follows: “The Hebrew book adapted to
and which he unjustly calls a translation of his English"—this is
certainly more than an expression of doubt of McCaul's authorship.
A pity, indeed, that Hoga failed to give the facts as he knew them.
Especially as many Jewish critics, among them the late Nahum
Sokolow, have described him as co-operating with McCaul in The
Old Paths.

Limit of space forced Hoga to break off in the midst of his spirited 

refutation. A note on the cover announced the continuation in the
next number of The Faithful Missionary, timed for ist January,
1848. Search for the next number which, like the first, was adver-
tised in the Jewish Chronicle, was fruitless. With this confession of
error, his public penitence and declaration of faith in Judaism,
Jewish law and the Jewish nation he passed from public notice. In
vain the attempt to trace him in Jewish and Christian periodicals.
Reference books such as the Jewish Encyclopedia provided no help.
Even the date of his death was unknown.

What had become of Hoga? Material or information regarding
Hoga's life after 1847 being apparently unavailable, the only course
that remained open was to try and piece together biographical
material, particularly for the period before his arrival in England.
The first clue was provided by the Reminiscences of Mrs. Finn, a
daughter of Dr. McCaul, and wife of James Finn, British Consul
in Jerusalem from 1846-63. Dr. McCaul had been an agent of the
London Society in Warsaw from 1821 to 1832. In her book Mrs.
Finn, dealing with the translation of the New Testament and the
Liturgy into Hebrew by the converts Reichardt and Alexander,
writes: “They were helped by Mr. Stanislaus Hoga, an accom-
plished Hebraist, who was a Roman Catholic converted from
Judaism in Poland and who came to London. He was an interest-
ing man with considerable scientific attainments."

Hoga, then, derived from Eastern Europe. The indications were
that he had become associated with Dr. McCaul while in Warsaw,
and that conversionist had been quick enough to see in the keen-
brained Polish-Jew a useful instrument for the mission field. In a
Yiddish book entitled Meshumadin in Poland, by E. N. Frank,
published in Warsaw in 1923, there is a lengthy and gratifyingly
full account of Hoga's early life under the heading of “Chaskel
Meshumad". This study from his birth until about his fortieth
year provides invaluable material for an understanding and apprecia-
tion of Hoga's life and conduct as well as an explanation of his
apostasy. Frank derives the material of his essay from oral sources
still prevalent among the Chassidim of Lublin, where members of

the Hoga family were living up to the outbreak of war; and from
MSS. of Jacob Tugenhold, who acted as Government censor of
Hebrew books in Poland, and it would seem also, from State
archives.

Hoga was born in the year 1791, in the small Polish town of
Casimir. His Hebrew name was Yecheskel Aryeh. His father,
Abraham Hoga, Rabbi of Casimir, renowned for his learning, was
a keen Chassid and devoted follower of the Rebbe of Lublin. Hoga
received the intense Rabbinic training of the period, reading Hebrew
at the age of three, learning Talmud at four. It is related that at
the age of six no teacher in Casimir could teach him more. Many
are the anecdotes told of his high-spiritedness, wit and fondness for
practical joking.

Hoga's fame as wonder-child soon spread, and, in the way usual
at that time, he was betrothed at the age of ten to the daughter of
the wealthiest merchant in Casimir, marrying at thirteen. His bride
was then twelve. Both resided with his father-in-law, who as dowry
had undertaken to give perpetual board. About this time he became
acquainted with the philosophical works of Maimonides. But his
circle remained narrow and Chassidic. It was a Danzig merchant
who, noticing his aptitude for study, persuaded his father-in-law
to let him learn modern languages and himself sent him books for
the purpose. Soon the young Hoga was the talk of the whole dis-
trict, a wonder to the local educated Poles who deplored the fact
that such a gifted youth had no means of going beyond the Pale.

On his estate at Pulawy, not far from Casimir, there lived at that
time Prince Adam Czartoryski, a renowned liberal Polish statesman
who was distinguished for the part he played in the movement for
equal rights and emancipation of Polish Jewry. Hearing talk of the
boy wonder, he went himself to see the lad. Hoga, who was fright-
ened by the Prince's visit, on being asked what he knew best,
answered, “That which I know best is understood only by Rabbis;
and of that which the Prince has knowledge I know nothing."
Pleased with this reply, the Prince suggested that Chaskel be allowed
to go to Pulawy, where he would arrange for him to study; and, in

deference to the lad's objection, he agreed that at Pulawy he would
lodge with Jews and retain his Jewish garb. A month later he was
in Pulawy, studying foreign languages in the world-renowned Czar-
toryski Library. On his return home, he began to show the results
of his “enlightenment" by scoffing at the more superstitious Jewish
customs, continuing, however, his visits to the Chassidic Rebbe of
Lublin.

Stories are told of the practical jokes he played on the Rebbe, to
the horror of the loyal followers, until at length his visits were no
longer allowed. His horizon broadened; his visits to the Czartoryski
palace continued. There he met educated Poles, and he developed a
fondness for walking. “To hear," he told his father, “the language
of the trees; each grass, as the Midrash says, an angel hits on the
head and says, 'Come, grow out '."

In the years 1807-9, when Napoleon's army was in Poland, Jews
suffered great hardship owing to the language difficulties. At this
juncture Hoga came to the rescue in his district, acting as mediator
between Jews, French officers and Poles. On 9th May, 1808, Joseph
Poniatowski issued an order for general conscription, the Jewish com-
munity having to supply its quota. This caused alarm among
observant Jews, but Hoga, through his connection with Prince
Czartoryski, was able to free the community from service; the only
award he claimed for this was his greater licence to make merry at
the expense of Chassidim. It was about this period that he adopted
European dress and cut off his earlocks. From this time persecution
commenced; for the community was no longer in need of his services.
He was dubbed Chaskel Meshumad, apostate, even before conversion
had probably ever entered his mind.

Conscious of his superiority to the rest of the Casimir community,
Hoga went to Pulawy on a visit to Prince Czartoryski, who was a
close friend of Tsar Alexander I, Emperor of Russia, and had accom-
panied him to Vienna on 25th May, 1815, where the New Con-
stitution of Poland was to be drawn up. It was expected that the
Prince would be appointed the Tsar's Deputy in Poland, and there
was the usual rush on the part of the Jewish community to secure

favourable mention in the Peace Treaties. The Emperor received
deputations through Prince Czartoryski only, and, as Hoga was in
the favour of the Prince, he was once again fawned on by the com-
munity. But Alexander soon changed his policy, Prince Czartoryski
lost the imperial favour and another was appointed Deputy in
Poland. The Prince returned to his palace, and with him fell Hoga
who once again became the butt of his town. Life at home became
impossible; tears there were in plenty and there was talk of divorce
because of his laxity in religious observance. At this time Hoga now
24, was the father of three children, his eldest son being eleven years
old. He was agreeable to divorce, but his father, Rabbi Abraham,
was set sternly against this, contending that it was wrong to part a
father from his family, further declaring that things would right
themselves, and that his wayward son would yet be a luminary of
the Torah and do penance, as had been foretold by the Rebbe of
Lublin when Hoga had ridiculed him to his face. In the midst of
these tribulations Hoga vanished from Casimir. Enquiries at Pulawy
resulting in no news; surrounding woods were searched, but un-
successfully. At the same time it was noticed that Yitta, the beautiful
orphan of a tailor with whom, to the horror of his neighbours, Hoga
had often been seen to walk, was also missing.

This point marks one of the stages in Hoga's life story. He is next
met with Yitta in Warsaw, in 1817, where, armed with letters of
introduction from Pulawy, he called on Adam Chalmelewski, Pro-
fessor of Hebrew and Rabbinic Literature at the Warsaw University.
Hoga was welcomed, Chalmelewski declaring he had come at the
right time, when the Polish Government was in need of the services
of a person of his attainments. Chalmelewski himself was specially
in need of him as, in according freedom to the general Press, Alex-
ander I's Constitution had not extended it to the Jewish Press. It
therefore became necessary to appoint a censor for Jewish publica-
tions. Chalmelewski, though official chief censor, needed an assis-
tant. Hoga was appointed to this post and received permission to
live in districts from which Jews were excluded. Hoga's post in a
Government office became known to the Warsaw Jewish community

through the incident of a French actress, the favourite of the Polish
High Commissioner, being hissed by the audience of a Warsaw
theatre. The High Commissioner issued an order forbidding public
disapprobation in theatres. A Polish journal, The Daily Gazette,
condemned this order. The journal was suppressed and a censor-
ship imposed on all papers, inland as well as foreign. Hoga, as a
recognised linguist, was publicly appointed a Jewish censor together
with the well-known Hebraists and scientists, Abraham Jacob Stern
and Jacob Tugenhold. It will be remembered that it was from
Tugenhold's papers that Frank derived a great deal of the biographi-
cal material for his essay on Hoga.

The community thus became aware of Hoga's position and popu-
larity in Government circles. At that time the Polish Diet was
engaged in discussing the Jewish problem. There was consternation
among the heads of the community, for fear of the possible new laws
and the influence that might be wielded by this unknown Jew, who
had been two years in Government employ in Warsaw without their
knowledge. A plan to establish ghettoes, thus depriving Jews of the
privileges granted to them by Napoleon was suspected by the com-
munity. Berek, son of Samuel Zibidkower, reputed the wealthiest
Jew in Poland and the founder of the well-known Bergson family,
called on Hoga, and, on Hoga's replying in Yiddish to his Polish
introduction, expressed his surprise that the Jewish official had not
hitherto called on him and thereupon invited him home. Hoga
called the very same evening, unburdened his heart about the
projected decrees, and, in the old-style Jewish politics, became the
Shtadlan (representative) of the community, indicating who was
to be approached and influenced. He became a constant caller at
Berek's house, amusing himself as formerly, at the expense of
Chassidim.

In 1819 an Italian priest Chiarini, on the recommendation of the
Tsarevitch, later Nicholas I, was appointed president of the Com-
mission for Jewish Writings and Publications and, though he had
no knowledge of Polish, was also appointed Chancellor of the
Warsaw University. Hoga became his deputy. In 1822, Hoga pub-

lished two works in Polish: one a translation of the Hebrew prayers
for children, and the other on Jewish laws and ceremonies.

About this time the Cracow community denounced Chassidism
to the Government as a subversive movement. As the Jewish expert,
Hoga was asked to report. This was an opportunity after his own
heart. Despite his habitual ridicule of Chassidism he prepared a
spirited refutation of the charge. The Misnagdim, the term applied
to the opponents of the Chassidim, opposed Hoga's intercession on
behalf of the Chassidim, and pressed the Government to curtail their
activities. Tamara, the wife of his friend Berek, herself a devotee of
Chassidism, was informed by Hoga of the imminent danger, and,
acting on his suggestion, she approached the President of the Com-
mission with a plan for a disputation between Chassidim and their
opponents. On 3rd August, 1824, the disputation took place, Hoga
acting successfully as spokesman for the Chassidim. The result was
that it was decreed that there being nothing subversive in Chassidic
practice, there be no hindrance to their prayer and private meetings.
There was jubilation in the Chassidic Bergson household where
Hoga, garbed in Gentile clothes, was the hero of the kaftanned,
girdled, bearded and fur-hatted Chassidim.

Hoga's fame spread and reached the small town of Casimir. His
father set out to see him, hoping to reconcile him with his wife.
They met at the Warsaw tollgate, the son in a fine carriage, the
father on foot carrying a small bag containing his phylacteries and a
change of clothing for the Sabbath. I cannot forbear giving the
picture of the scene as related in the Yiddish: Seeing his son, he
cried “Chaskel, Chaskel", and on the instant recognising his father's
voice, Hoga jumped from his carriage and ran to him in greeting.
“Chaskel", enquired the father, “where have you your this
world?" “Why?" rejoined the son, “Can't you see how well off
I am in this fine carriage", but Rabbi Abraham shook his head and
returned “This is your world to come that your are now enjoying,
but what of your this world?"—a saying that has become an idiom
among Polish Jews.

Hoga who lived outside the Jewish quarter with Yitta and his two 

children could not ask his father home. Instead, he took him to
Tamara's, and there for the first time, Warsaw Chassidim became
aware of Hoga's family in Casimir. The father was unsuccessful in
his mission of reconciliation. Hoga pleaded for agreement to divorce
his wife. But here Tamara sided with his father, declaring with
passion that husband and wife should live together again for the sake
of the children, brushing aside Yitta as a worthless creature. In
despair Rabbi Abraham left Warsaw, refusing to allow divorce,
although it seems that Hoga's wife was not averse to it. Tamara
was, however, bent on the triumph of respectability. She employed
men to spy on Hoga, and these followed him home and located Yitta
and the children. Armed with this knowledge, Tamara threatened
Hoga that unless he returned to his wife, she would inform his
employers of Yitta.

This was the turning point in Hoga's life. Fearful of the conse-
quences of having falsely registered his illegitimate children, resulting
in certain loss of employment and possible imprisonment, he called
on the head of his Department and unbosomed himself. He was
shown accusations that had already begun to stream in. In profound
pity for the tortured man his superior officer advised him that there
was but one way of evading the consequencies, immediate accept-
ance of Christian baptism. At his wit's end, Hoga followed the
proffered advice, and the name of Yecheskel Aryeh was replaced by
the baptismal name of Stanislaus. Yitta and the two daughters were
also baptised, the mother being given the name of Anna, and the
daughters the names of Julia and Antonina.

Hoga's baptism produced a sensation, not altogether pleasing to
the Government who had looked on Hoga as an agent for Polon-
ising its Jews. It felt that as a convert his writings would be spurned
by Jews. The authorities withdrew from circulation his two works,
the Prayer Book in Polish for Jewish children, and the book on
Jewish laws and ceremonies, issuing them later without his name.
Hoga was also removed from the Censorship Commission. The
Warsaw Jews feared the effect of Hoga's conversion, bearing in mind
the cruelties Jews had, in the past, suffered at the hands of their

renegades. He, however, remained friendly with the Community,
and it has nowhere been charged against him that he manifested any
spite towards his former co-religionists.

On 13th July, 1825, Tsar Alexander I, set up a Commission for the
improvement of the conditions of the Jews in Poland. Hoga was
appointed secretary to the Commission, which was composed of non-
Jews. There was also set up an advisory committee, composed of
Jews. This committee was soon bombarded with letters from Jews
in all parts of Poland, offering advice and making demands. Most
of these were in Hebrew, which Hoga undertook to translate into
Polish, for the secretary to the committee, Gliksberg, knew little
Hebrew and less Polish. Hoga suggested that the non-Jewish com-
mission should make contact with the Jews in the provincial districts,
as the advisory committee was composed mainly of Warsaw Jews,
a useful proposal although it was not adopted by the authorities. All
this served to raise once again Hoga's prestige, and he was once
more to be met with as a guest in Chassidic houses. In the meantime
the central Government in St. Petersburg began to regard with ill-
favour the Commission's tendency to propose for Polish Jewry even
greater privileges than were enjoyed by the St. Petersburg com-
munity, and ordered its dissolution as soon as possible. Chiarini, the
Italian priest, was sent to replace Hoga, pending the winding up of
the Commission on the ground that “even converted Jews are not
to be trusted". About this time Chiarini published an article in
Polish purporting to be an exposure of the Talmud, and proposing
the establishment of a Jewish Press under Government control, for
publishing approved Jewish religious books based solely on Scripture.
The Talmud and all Other Rabbinical books were to be seized.

Once again Polish Jewry had recourse to Hoga, and he came to
their rescue without hesitation. Tugenhold and Abraham Stern,
members of the Jewish advisory committee, published brochures
exposing Chiarini's ignorance of the Talmud and Rabbinical litera-
ture in general. Chiarini retaliated by publishing a scurrilous
pamphlet in French entitled, Theory of Judaism, that aroused fears
of the revival of the dreaded Blood Accusation. A copy was sent to

St. Petersburg, and the Tsar rewarded the priest with a gift of money.
Jew-hatred was fanned to a flame. Passover 1827 witnessed the arrest
of twelve Jews on suspicion of ritual murder. Fortunately letters
sent to the press by Tugenhold, Stern and Hoga had the effect of
allaying the excitement among the non-Jewish population.

In 1830, Hoga published a book of 175 pages concerning the
Talmud and anti-Jewish calumnies. The tide was the Talmudic
expression Ta Chazé (Come and See). This work, brightly written,
refers to his own conversion. I have not been able to obtain a copy,
so can only refer to it from Frank's mention of it. On 28th March,
1830, the Jewish advisory committee petitioned the Commission to
restrain Chiarini from publishing a Polish abridgement of his Theory
of Judaism, on the ground that it would serve as a direct incitement
against Jews. The work was banned by the censor's office, and it
never saw the light. Chiarini died on 28th February, 1832. At the
Tsar's request his library was acquired by the Warsaw municipality,
and an agreement was drawn up, providing for Hoga to use the
library and to translate the Talmud into Polish on the same terms
as had been agreed with Chiarini.

It was soon after the conclusion of this agreement, which would
have given Hoga 12,000 Guldens for each tractate, that Hoga, Yitta
and the two children disappeared. Hoga was sought high and low.
Imperative demands for the first copies of the translation came from
St. Petersburg. But the search for Hoga was unavailing, and soon it
became the general belief that he had gone abroad so that he could
return to Judaism.

Frank's account of Hoga does not end with the disappearance
from Warsaw. He relates how some years later a Hebrew copy of
McCaul's The Old Paths reached the Warsaw censor's office. This
work was not approved by Tugenhold, the Jewish censor. In answer
to a protest by the Warsaw branch of the London Society for Promot-
ing Christianity among the Jews, that a work proving Christianity's
superiority over Judaism should be rejected—by a Jew!—Tugenhold
declared that he had had to reject the work in the interest of Cathol-
icism as against Protestantism. Investigation followed, particularly

regarding the authorship, as the work bore no author's name. The
reply by the Warsaw branch, dated May 1845, stated that the author
of The Old Paths was an Irishman, McCaul, and that the Hebrew
translation was by Stanislaus Hoga.

Frank further states that in his papers Tugenhold tells that
Warsaw Jews, returning from America, had informed him that they
had seen Hoga in New York, an old man with a long grey beard,
selling newspapers in the streets. They spoke to him, and he had told
them that now, in poverty, he felt freer and happier than when an
apostate enjoying a good salary. In 1850, Tugenhold in a report to
the Polish authorities stated that Hoga was living as a Jew in New
York and could produce witnesses to this effect.

So far Hoga in Poland. It seems characteristic of the man that his
life in Poland should break off with the same abruptness as, we have
seen, occurred later in England.

It will be recalled that I have introduced him already as a man of
some forty years of age, when he was established in England as the
official Hebrew translator of the London Society for Promoting
Christianity among the Jews. Hoga, according to a statement
in James Finn's unpublished papers, became acquainted with
McCaul in Warsaw, and we may deduce that it was that
contact that brought him to England. We also begin to
understand some of the spiritual pangs of the man, his feeling of
isolation among the other apostates, his yearning for fellowship with
his own kin and, above all, his condemnation of child-marriage
among East European Jews and the sufferings that it sometimes
entailed. Frank in his essay tells us that, when Hoga finally left
Poland, Yitta with the two children she had borne him also departed.
In Poland it was taken for granted that he had left together with
Yitta and the children in order that they might all freely re-enter the
Jewish fold. Nevertheless, we find no reference anywhere to the
presence of Yitta and the children in England. On the contrary, time
and again Hoga bemoans his loneliness. Nowhere is there any men-
tion in this country of the family that was presumed to have left
Poland with him, except, perhaps, for a statement by S. L. Citron,

the Yiddish writer, in Aweg von Volk, published in Warsaw, who
says on no known authority that one of Hoga's daughters had
married an English General in London.

We left Hoga in England at the beginning of 1848, after the
appearance of the pamphlet The Faithful Missionary. He disappears
then as completely as he had done previously in Poland. Jewish
writers interested in Hoga solved the problem for themselves by
assuming his death in 1850, leaving the place of death open to doubt.
This date is given among others by Nahum Sokolow in his History
of Zionism and by Frank in his essay. The Jewish Encyclopedia
gives no date, while the more recent German Encyclopedia Judaica
gives 1850.

I am indebted to Dr. Roth for bringing to my notice an interview
with Professor D. W. Marks (1811-1909), Minister of the West
London Synagogue, in the Jewish Chronicle of nth January, 1907.
It provides an explanation of the original source of the date given
for Hoga's death. Professor Marks was over ninety years of age at
the time of the interview, had known Hoga personally, and there
was only one person alive then, so far as I know, who could have
corrected Professor Marks. I refer to Mrs. Finn, the daughter of
Dr. McCaul, who was well acquainted with Hoga when he
collaborated with her father; but although she added to some of
Professor Marks' reminiscences, she gave no indication that there
could be any doubt of the fact that Hoga had died in the year
generally accepted. I can do no better than reproduce Professor
Marks' own recollection of Hoga. After telling of another Jewish
apostate, the Christian Minister the Rev. Henry Joseph, who had
begged him to secure him Jewish burial, Professor Marks goes on:

The other apostate was a still more remarkable man. About the year
1844 there came to London one of the greatest Hebrew scholars in
Europe, Stanislaus Hoga. In Russia he had been appointed by the
Government censor of the Hebrew Press, and on his arrival in London
he had been taken hold of by McCaul and converted to Christianity.
It was he who co-operated with McCaul in writing The Old Paths and
translating the work into English. He edited a missionary organ
called The Faithful Missionary, and he rendered into Hebrew the

English Church service and Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress. The
London Conversionist Society paid him a salary of £600 a year.
Professor Theodores had introduced him to me, and from time to
time he called on me. On the day before Passover, in the year 1848,
he came to me, and begged that he might be allowed to come to the
Seder. He added, “I can bear my hypocrisy no longer, and hence-
forth I shall live as I was born, a Jew." “But what will you do for a
living?" I asked. “I shall starve," he said, “and that shall be my
atonement." I told Sir Francis Goldsmid, who had been a student
of Hoga's works. Sir Francis offered to support him, but he refused
all help. Towards the end of 1849 I heard that Hoga was very ill and
lodging in a miserable place at the back of the Middlesex Hospital.
I went to see him. It was a bitter winter's night. He lay in a garret
on a truck bed. I shivered with cold, and offered him money to pur-
chase fuel. He refused to be warmed. Mrs. Marks sent him food and
various comforts, but they were all returned. And so the wretched
man died. Let us hope he atoned for his apostasy.

This interview evoked a reply in the following number of the
Jewish Chronicle from Mrs. Finn. She wrote:

Sir,—The reminiscences of the venerable Professor Marks, given in
your issue of the 11th, have interested me exceedingly, and you will,
I feel sure, allow me to make a few remarks upon points within my
personal knowledge as to my late father, the Rev. Dr. Alexander
McCaul, and Mr. Stanislaus Hoga, whom I knew well. When Mr.
Hoga came to England from Warsaw, he informed us that he had
been baptised in the Roman Catholic Church in Poland, and he cer-
tainly had not received any religious instruction from my father. He
received no salary from any Christian mission, his income being
derived from a very different source. He translated Bunyan's
Pilgrim's Progress, but neither he nor anyone else assisted my father
in writing The Old Paths. I was almost always in the room with my
father while he was at work on each weekly number, and have a vivid
recollection of him with his huge Hebrew volumes around him. Mr.
Hoga afterwards translated The Old Paths into Hebrew. . . . Mr.
Hoga pursued various scientific studies, and I well remember his
exhibiting his invention for signalling at night by means of coloured
lenses.

It will be seen that the letter contains two striking points: firstly,
the denial that Hoga had taken any part in the original of The Old
Paths, although the contrary belief was widely held; secondly, that

Hoga had received no payment for his services although there was
every indication at the time that return to Judaism would be fraught
for him with penury. Moreover, it is contradicted by the published
lists and reports of the Missionary Society, which describe Hoga as
official translator, although the Society would certainly have been
happy to exhibit the phenomenon of a converted Jew doing such
work in an honorary capacity.

In actuality, however, it is the most trivial of Mrs. Finn's recol-
lections in her letter which turns out to be the most valuable. I refer
to her mention of Hoga's scientific interests, probably in the nature
of a hobby, during his period of office as translator.

While piecing together these references in the Jewish Chronicle,
I looked for confirmation for the date given for Hoga's death. The
records at Somerset House, however, yielded no result for the years
1848 to 1852. I was faced with the alternative of concluding either
that Professor Marks' memory was at fault or that we were once
again confronted with a disappearance on the part of Hoga, and
the assumption of some new shape or office elsewhere.

I went back on Hoga's life and the various known details in order
to see what new fact or new interest could be drawn from them.
There were two facts that seemed to have some inter-connection:
the mention by Mrs. Finn, both in her letter and in her
Reminiscences quoted earlier in this Paper of Hoga's scientific
interests; and a mention by Frank in his essay that Nahum Sokolow
had related to him that Slonimski, editor of the Hebrew Hatzefira,
himself an inventor of some note, had met Hoga in London about
1845. This Slonimski was the son-in-law of Abraham Jacob Stern,
the renowned mathematician and inventor, with whom Hoga must
have been closely acquainted in Warsaw, where they were both
Hebrew censors at the same time. It occurred to me that our Stanis-
laus Hoga may have been pursuing, parallel with his literary
activities, scientific interests which may have left some record where
one would not, in the ordinary course, look for him.

With but little hope of finding anything I decided to make a
search at the Patent Office, the Mecca to which most inventors

K 

eventually direct their footsteps. In the index of patentees for the
year 1858, eight years after his supposed death, I found, to my utter
astonishment and gratification, applications for three separate patents
in the name of “Stanislaus Hoga, gentleman". For the preceding
years, 1852 and 1857, there were five applications. The patents,
some of which proceeded to completion, while others did not go
beyond the initial application, related to such diverse matters as
“Coating the surfaces of the cells of galvanic batteries", “Apparatus
for generating electricity and transmitting current from place to
place", “Electric telegraphs", and “Improvements in separating
gold from ore". Two of these patents, those dealing with electric
telegraphs, were applied for in conjunction with a Mr. Septimus
Beardmore and a Mr. William Peter Piggott. Here was proof,
indeed, that 1848 had marked, not Hoga's death, but a further dis-
appearance. He emerges, no longer as a literary man or master of
polemic, but as a full-fledged inventor complete with patents and
partners.

The year 1858 was the last year in which the Patent Office records
provide any mention of Hoga. He had either given up his scientific
pursuits or had died about that time. I again consulted the register
of deaths at Somerset House, and this time found that the death of
Stanislaus Hoga was registered as on 21st January, i860, in his
seventieth year. A copy of the death certificate, which I obtained,
adds the following details: He died at 98, Charlotte Street, London,
of low fever. The person present at his death is named as Mary
Currie, probably a landlady or neighbour. His status is given as
“Polish Refugee". He died alone, away from his family and people.
Owing to the inaccessibility, at the present time, of the Jewish burial
records of the period, I have not been able to discover where Hoga
was buried, or if, indeed, he received Jewish burial. The Chief
Clerk of St. Paneras, the borough in which he died, was good
enough to make search of the St. Paneras Cemetery registers, and
reports that there is no record of his burial there. Nor is there any
will in his name at the Probate Registry although he held patents
which he may have regarded as valuable.

Such is the story of the pilgrimage of the man known variously
throughout the stages of his life's journey as Yecheskel Aryeh, as
Chaskel Meshumad, and as Stanislaus Hoga. His was a journey
of escape from life: out of Chassidism to the allure of enlighten-
ment, thence to refuge in apostasy, only to seek peace of soul in
repentance and the Judaism that he must have loved all along.

Professor Marks tells us that Hoga was resolved to bear the burden
of poverty and loneliness as a penance for the evil he had done and
the souls in Israel whom he had helped, by his writings, to mislead.
It may well be that the last eight years of his life were a self-imposed
separation in which he shrank from facing either the world that he
had given up or the world to which he had returned. There were
no more escapes left for him, and so he passed out for the last time
in the study of science, filling his active brain with dreams and
marvels.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Hoga was the chief assistant in the 1838 translation of the New
Testament into Hebrew, a work that has not been superseded. He also
assisted in the translation of the Anglican Prayer-book into Hebrew.

Letters, Etc.

Jewish Chronicle, Vol. Ill, No. 12, 19th March, 1847. Full-page letter on
the word “Elohim”.

Jewish Chronicle, Vol. Ill, Nos. 17-18, 28th May to 11th June, 1847.
Lengthy article on “Jewish Belief in God and Exposition of the
‘Angel’ of Scripture”.

Jewish Chronicle, Vol. Ill, Nos. 25-27, 20th August to 17th September,
1847. “Jewish Emancipation and the Conversion Society”.

Jewish Chronicle, Vol. IV, No. 6, 12th November, 1847. “The Fortieth
Psalm”, also “Moses and Plato”.

list of patents