THE DEBTS AND HOUSES OF THE JEWS OF
HEREFORD IN 1290.
–––––¨–––––
By B. LIONEL ABRAHAMS.
When the history of the Jews of England before the Expulsion comes
to be written, it will probably be found to derive its chief interest not,
like that of the mediæval Jews of southern Europe, from the literary
and philosophical importance of the period dealt with, nor, like that of
the Jews of central Europe, from stories of the daring and suffering of
martyrs who died for their faith, but rather from the comparative ful-
ness and clearness with which the historian will be able to describe
the relations of the members of the Jewish communities to the people
around them and to one another. Mr. Joseph Jacobs and Mr. M. D.
Davis have accomplished much work that will help our future historian
to do justice to his subject, and I trust that the documents which I am
now enabled to publish may serve, in some slight measure, towards
the same end.
First of all it is necessary to explain how the lists of the debts
and houses of the Jews of Hereford came into existence. When the
Jews were expelled from England, all the properly that they left be-
hind them fell into the hands of the king. It was of two kinds, firstly,
houses and tenements that they had held in fee or for a terra of years,
and secondly, bonds for money or kind tat had been executed in their
favour by Christians. Some of this property the king granted by way
of gift to his friends; some he expressed his intention of using for pious
purposes; the greater part, no doubt, he intended to keep for himself.1
But, in order that he might know the exact amount at his disposal, he
issued, a few months after the Expulsion, writs ordering the sheriffs of
the counties in which Jews had been residing to send to the Treasurer
and Barons of the Exchequer at Westminster the official chests in
which counterparts of Jewish bonds had been preserved, and to
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 Tovey, Anglia Judaica, 235. Public Record Office, Exchequer, Q. R
Miscellanea. Jews, 557. 9.
the debts and houses of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 137 |
require the chirographers, or keepers of the chests, to attend at
the Exchequer in person, bringing with them any bonds or deeds
relating to the Jews which they might have in their custody, even
though the counterparts of them were not contained in the official
chests. The sheriffs were at the same time to inquire what houses
and tenements were in the possession of the Jews of each comity at
the time of the Expulsion, under what tenure they were held, and what
was the value of them to the king, now that the rights of the Jews in
them had reverted to him. When they had collected all the informa-
tion on the subject that they could get, they were on the king’s behalf
to seize the houses, to let them to new tenants on the most favourable
conditions that could be obtained, and to send to the Exchequer a full
report of their proceedings. Lastly, to ensure that nothing that had,
through the expulsion of the Jews, become the king’s property should,
fall into other hands, the sheriffs were to proclaim throughout their
counties that whoever had in his possession any goods or chattels
belonging to a Jew should bring them to the Exchequer on the same
day on which the chirographers were to appear there ; and any one
who failed to do so was to be declared liable, on conviction, to the loss
of his life, his limbs, and all his property in the kingdom.1
No doubt, in ail the counties in which Jews had lived, the king’s
orders were duly carried out, the proclamations were made, the houses
were seized by the sheriffs, and the chests were duly sent to West-
minster. At any rate, there are preserved in the Public Record Office,
at the present day, the returns concerning the houses of the Jews in many
of the towns in which they had lived, and the lists drawn up by the
officers of the Exchequer of the bonds presented by the chirographers.
The extant lists and returns relate to the following places: Bedford,
Bristol, Cambridge, Canterbury, Colchester, Devizes, Exeter, Hereford,
Ipswich, Lincoln, Northampton, Norwich, Nottingham, Oxford, South-
ampton, Stamford, Winchester, York. I have chosen for immediate
publication those which relate to Hereford, because of the Jewry of
that town, as of the others of the West of England, no connected
account has been written, though the information concerning it is, in
spite of its scantiness, of considerable historical interest. 1 do not
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 | Exchequer, Q. It, Miscellanea, Jews, 557. 9. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
|
138 |
the debts and houses |
undertake to give with any completeness all that there is to say about
the Jewry of Hereford, but I wish to show, partly from the accom-
panying documents and partly from other sources, what kind of infor-
mation about its history and the lives of its inhabitants is at the
disposal of the historian.
The Jewry of Hereford seems to have come into existence at the
end of the twelfth century, There is every reason to believe that at the
accession of Richard I. it was small in numbers and of recent foundation,
if, indeed, it existed at all. For in the accounts of the attacks which
were made on the chief Jewish settlements in England at that time, it
is not once mentioned. And when, in 1194, the Jews of England had
to make a general gift to the Exchequer, the list of the contributions
from Hereford contained the names of only twenty persons, who
among them, gave £31. 3s. 10d., the amount of the whole gift being
£1,803. 7s. 7d., and the number of contributors being 271.1 The
neighbouring Jewry of Gloucester was evidently much more im-
portant, since forty-five of its members gave £237. 15s. 4d; it was
also much older, and had enjoyed as early as 1168 the distinction
of producing a boy-martyr.2
The Hereford Jewry, however, must soon have attained to a
certain importance, since, when we next hear of it, it is the subject
of an interesting quarrel between the royal power and the Bishop of
the diocese.
The Bishops of Hereford possessed from very early times
extensive jurisdiction over what was called the Bishop’s Fee, a
district including nearly half of the city and a considerable portion of
the suburbs.8 Within that district they had the right of trying
offenders, and of committing them to the episcopal prison. The Jews,
of course, being under the special protection of the king, were not
subject to any local jurisdictions; but the Bishop of Hereford,
irritated, like the authorities of many of the towns, by the existence
of a privilege which diminished his power and dignity, attempted to
exercise the same jurisdiction over the Jews as over the other
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
|
1 |
J. Jacobs, Jews of Angevin England, 162-4. |
|
2 |
Hart, Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriæ, I., 21, |
|
3 |
Duncumb History of Hereford, I., 293-4. |
of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 139 |
inhabitants of the Bishop’s Fee. What measures he took we do not
know, but in the writ which, at the beginning of the reign of
Henry III., was sent to the Sheriff of Hereford, as to the other
sheriffs of counties, ordering him to protect the Jews in his county
from violence, the king’s guardian showed their determination to
uphold the royal claim to the exercise of undivided rights over the
Jews. “You shall proclaim,” says the writ, “throughout all the
district under your charge that we have assured to the Jews our
peace. No action to the contrary taken by the Bishop of Hereford is
of any effect, for our Jews are no concern of his. . . . You shall
not permit the Jews to be impleaded in any ecclesiastical court oh
account of any debt. All these things you shall do as they were
done in the days of our father John.”1
The Jews, apparently, came to no harm from the interference-
of the Bishop. Probably the lay magnates of the neighbourhood
were their friends and sometimes took part in their business; for
though there is no extant record to prove this, there is, among the
decrees of a synod held in the neighbouring diocese of Worcester, a
denunciation by the Bishop of the conduct of those Christians who,
while not practising usury under their own name, entrusted their
money to Jews for the purpose, and acted as sleeping partners in
their business.2 The Earl of Gloucester is known to have bought
from one Jew, apparently of Gloucestershire, the right to collect the
debts due to him.3 What happened in Worcestershire and in Glouces-
tershire happened no doubt in Herefordshire as well.
At the time of the Barons’ Wars, the Jewry of Hereford, unlike
many others, escaped attack. To a certain extent, indeed, its position
must have been improved by the events of the war, for the Jewry of
Worcester, its neighbour and no doubt its rival, was attacked and
plundered in 1263, and never recovered from the loss that it suffered.4
In 1275 the staff of registrars and the chests for the deposit of bonds
which liad hitherto been maintained at Worcester, were removed by
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 | Tovey, AngliaJudaica, 78-9. |
2 | Wilkins, Magnæ Britanniæ Concilia, I., 675-6. |
3 | Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281 to 1292, p. 84. |
4 | Annales Monastici, IV, 449 |
140 | the debts and houses |
the king’s orders to Hereford,1 a measure which completed the
destruction of the Worcester Jewry, by the absorption of what remained
of it in that of Hereford.
Till the end of the reign of Henry III., the richer Jews of Here-
ford were, as far as we have any means of knowing, all money-lenders,
lending occasionally to tradesmen in the city, but usually to land-
holders and farmers on the security of their land. They, no doubt,
received regular interest so long as the money due to them was unpaid,
and they had no reason to be dissatisfied with the chance of ultimate
realisation of their debts, since in default of payment they could obtain
possession of the land pledged to them as security.
But the accession to power of Edward I. completely changed this
state of things. Even before his father’s death Edward had helped to
secure the passing of a statute which imposed on Jewish money-
lenders conditions so stringent as to make it all but impossible for them
to carry on their trade; and in 1275 he carried to its natural issue
the scheme of legislation thus initiated by forbidding usury altogether.2
Some years later he revoked in part the statute of 1275, and allowed
money-lending at interest to be resumed, but again under very strict
conditions.3
The list of the Hereford bonds shows very clearly the effects of
this legislation. The bonds of the old chest, all belonging to a
period before 1277, are almost all for money lent at usury. The
greater number of those of the new chest are ostensibly for the delivery
of corn or wool. It is, of course, possible that the bonds of the latter
class all represent genuine trading transactions. In that case it would
follow that the richer Jews of Hereford took to trade when usury was
forbidden, and kept to it when, though the actual prohibtion was
removed, it was made by Edward’s legislation much less profitable
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 Papers of the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, pp. 187-8.
2 See The Expulsion of the England in 1290, now appearing in
the Jewish Quarterly Review.
3 The partial revocation of the Statute of 1275 is contained in the Chapitles
tuchaunz le Gywerie, first printed by Dr. Gross in Papers of the Anglo-Jewish
Historical Exhibition, pp. 219-224. The date of it is in all probability shortly
before 1283, the year in which the new chest was opened at Hereford. New
chests wore oponed at several other towns about the same time.
of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 141 |
and safe than it had ‘been. No doubt this really happened to a certain
extent, and the existence of some of the bonds for corn and wool is to
be explained by the supposition that the Jews, according to the
practice of the time, paid in advance for specified quantities of
produce to be delivered to them out of the yield of a future harvest.
But it will be noticed that many of these bonds were executed as
early as 1285, whereas the contracts of which they were the instru-
ments, were, as is proved by their presence in the chest after the
Expulsion, still unfulfilled in 1290. The delay seems extraordinarily
long, and therefore it may be conjectured that bonds for the delivery
of corn and wool may, in some cases, have been used as a means of
enabling Jews to lend money at interest in defiance of the conditions
imposed by the law, and that the intention of the contracting parties
was that repayment should ultimately be made in money.
Whatever may have been the nature of the business to which the
entries on our list refer, the persons who on either side were parties
to it were certainly of good position. Among the Christians we find
Miles Richard, sheriff of the county in 1300; Walter Hakelutel or
Hakluyt, sheriff in 1308; E. de Chaundos, sheriff in 1312; John le
Balun, lord of the manor of Marcle; Henry de Hereford, knight,
owner of many estates and benefactor of abbeys; William de Bliss,
knight; John le Bran, who married the heiress of the manor of
Sollers Hope; Nicholas de Trillec, bearer of the same name as a
bishop of Hereford in the fourteenth century; Eichard de Kynardesley,
whose father, Hugh de Kynardesley, had been sheriff of the county in
1240; and, in addition to these, members of the families of
de Penbrugge, de Burghill, de Sollers, Rossell, Caple, de Siptune,
de Hurtesle, le Archer, Devereux, Gernun, Elmerugge, Mucegros,
de Furches, de la Mere, all of which were of the land-holding class,
some of old descent and many of high standing in the county.1
On the other side it is evident that the creditors who are
enumerated were nearly all members of the aristocracy of the Jewry,
which, as we know, was of some importance, and had social as well as
business relations with the Christians of the city. For in 1286 one of
the chief Jewish families of the city gave a wedding feast with
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 | Duncumb, History of Hereford. Phillot, Diocesan History of Hereford. |
142 | the debts and houses |
“displays of silk and cloth of gold, horsemanship or an equestrian
procession, stage-playing, sports and minstrelsy,” all in so magnificent
a style as to induce many of the citizens to attend it, though Bishop
Swinfield had threatened to excommunicate any Christian who should
be so impious as to accept the hospitality of Jews.1 A glance at
our list will be enough to show how small was the Jewish aristocracy,
and how great a portion of the wealth of the Jewry was in its hands.
Now, when it is remembered that the Jewish population of
England at the time of the Expulsion was more than 16,000;2 that
the number of the towns in which Jews were living at the time was not
more than twenty, if as many; and that Hereford was, in the wealth,
and probably in the number, of its Jewish inhabitants, among those of the
first rank, it becomes clear that in all probability there was, in addition
to, and far outnumbering, the families of which we know anything, a
large class of poor Jews in Hereford. It may have been for their
protection that the king appointed in 1282 twenty-four burgesses to
act as guardians of the Jews of the city, and to make public
proclamation that none should harm them.3 But we know nothing of
the pursuits of these poor Jews. We are in the same condition of
ignorance concerning them as concerning the poor Jews of Continental
Europe in the Middle Ages. We know, for example, that there were
hundreds of thousands of Jews in Spain and France and Germany,
But when we read the chief sources of Jewish history for the period,
the martyrologies, we learn nothing about the poor. We are told of
men who met death bravely and cheerfully “for the Name’s sake,” but
they are all learned or highly placed in the Synagogue. Of other
classes nothing is said. So it is with the history of the English Jews.
Perhaps the historian of the future, if ever he looks at the Hereford
list, may be glad to be reminded by it, as he must be, of this gap in the
information at his command.
There are other points of less importance which are illustrated by
the documents now printed. One is, that priest-ridden as the
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 Roll of the Household Expenses of Bishop Swnifleld (Camden Society),
c, ci.
2 Flores Historiarum (Rolls Series), III., 70.
3 Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281to 129, p. 15.
142 | the debts and houses |
“displays of silk and cloth of gold, horsemanship or an equestrian
procession, stage-playing, sports and minstrelsy,” all in so magnificent
a style as to induce many of the citizens to attend it, though Bishop
Swinfield had threatened to excommunicate any Christian who should
be so impious as to accept the hospitality of Jews.1 A glance at
our list will be enough to show how small was the Jewish aristocracy,
and how great a portion of the wealth of the Jewry was in its hands.
Now, when it is remembered that the Jewish population of
England at the time of the Expulsion was more than 16,000;2 that
the number of the towns in which Jews were living at the time was not
more than twenty, if as many; and that Hereford was, in the wealth,
and probably in the number, of its Jewish inhabitants, among those of the
first rank, it becomes clear that in all probability there was, in addition
to, and far outnumbering, the families of which we know anything, a
large class of poor Jews in Hereford. It may have been for their
protection that the king appointed in 1282 twenty-four burgesses to
act as guardians of the Jews of the city, and to make public
proclamation that none should harm them.3 But we know nothing of
the pursuits of these poor Jews. We are in the same condition of
ignorance concerning them as concerning the poor Jews of Continental
Europe in the Middle Ages. We know, for example, that there were
hundreds of thousands of Jews in Spain and France and Germany,
But when we read the chief sources of Jewish history for the period,
the martyrologies, we learn nothing about the poor. We are told of
men who met death bravely and cheerfully “for the Name’s sake,” but
they are all learned or highly placed in the Synagogue. Of other
classes nothing is said. So it is with the history of the English Jews.
Perhaps the historian of the future, if ever he looks at the Hereford
list, may be glad to be reminded by it, as he must be, of this gap in the
information at his command.
There are other points of less importance which are illustrated by
the documents now printed. One is, that priest-ridden as the
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 Roll of the Household Expenses of Bishop Swnifleld (Camden Society),
c, ci.
2 Flores Historiarum (Rolls Series), III., 70.
3 Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281to 129, p. 15.
142 | the debts and houses |
“displays of silk and cloth of gold, horsemanship or an equestrian
procession, stage-playing, sports and minstrelsy,” all in so magnificent
a style as to induce many of the citizens to attend it, though Bishop
Swinfield had threatened to excommunicate any Christian who should
be so impious as to accept the hospitality of Jews.1 A glance at
our list will be enough to show how small was the Jewish aristocracy,
and how great a portion of the wealth of the Jewry was in its hands.
Now, when it is remembered that the Jewish population of
England at the time of the Expulsion was more than 16,000;2 that
the number of the towns in which Jews were living at the time was not
more than twenty, if as many; and that Hereford was, in the wealth,
and probably in the number, of its Jewish inhabitants, among those of the
first rank, it becomes clear that in all probability there was, in addition
to, and far outnumbering, the families of which we know anything, a
large class of poor Jews in Hereford. It may have been for their
protection that the king appointed in 1282 twenty-four burgesses to
act as guardians of the Jews of the city, and to make public
proclamation that none should harm them.3 But we know nothing of
the pursuits of these poor Jews. We are in the same condition of
ignorance concerning them as concerning the poor Jews of Continental
Europe in the Middle Ages. We know, for example, that there were
hundreds of thousands of Jews in Spain and France and Germany,
But when we read the chief sources of Jewish history for the period,
the martyrologies, we learn nothing about the poor. We are told of
men who met death bravely and cheerfully “for the Name’s sake,” but
they are all learned or highly placed in the Synagogue. Of other
classes nothing is said. So it is with the history of the English Jews.
Perhaps the historian of the future, if ever he looks at the Hereford
list, may be glad to be reminded by it, as he must be, of this gap in the
information at his command.
There are other points of less importance which are illustrated by
the documents now printed. One is, that priest-ridden as the
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 Roll of the Household Expenses of Bishop Swnifleld (Camden Society),
c, ci.
2 Flores Historiarum (Rolls Series), III., 70.
3 Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281to 129, p. 15.
142 | the debts and houses |
“displays of silk and cloth of gold, horsemanship or an equestrian
procession, stage-playing, sports and minstrelsy,” all in so magnificent
a style as to induce many of the citizens to attend it, though Bishop
Swinfield had threatened to excommunicate any Christian who should
be so impious as to accept the hospitality of Jews.1 A glance at
our list will be enough to show how small was the Jewish aristocracy,
and how great a portion of the wealth of the Jewry was in its hands.
Now, when it is remembered that the Jewish population of
England at the time of the Expulsion was more than 16,000;2 that
the number of the towns in which Jews were living at the time was not
more than twenty, if as many; and that Hereford was, in the wealth,
and probably in the number, of its Jewish inhabitants, among those of the
first rank, it becomes clear that in all probability there was, in addition
to, and far outnumbering, the families of which we know anything, a
large class of poor Jews in Hereford. It may have been for their
protection that the king appointed in 1282 twenty-four burgesses to
act as guardians of the Jews of the city, and to make public
proclamation that none should harm them.3 But we know nothing of
the pursuits of these poor Jews. We are in the same condition of
ignorance concerning them as concerning the poor Jews of Continental
Europe in the Middle Ages. We know, for example, that there were
hundreds of thousands of Jews in Spain and France and Germany,
But when we read the chief sources of Jewish history for the period,
the martyrologies, we learn nothing about the poor. We are told of
men who met death bravely and cheerfully “for the Name’s sake,” but
they are all learned or highly placed in the Synagogue. Of other
classes nothing is said. So it is with the history of the English Jews.
Perhaps the historian of the future, if ever he looks at the Hereford
list, may be glad to be reminded by it, as he must be, of this gap in the
information at his command.
There are other points of less importance which are illustrated by
the documents now printed. One is, that priest-ridden as the
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 Roll of the Household Expenses of Bishop Swnifleld (Camden Society),
c, ci.
2 Flores Historiarum (Rolls Series), III., 70.
3 Calendar of Patent Rolls from 1281to 129, p. 15.
of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 143 |
Christians of the Middle Ages may have been, they were not
prevented from dealing with the Jews on Sunday and Christmas
Eve. Nor, indeed, was this a sign of great laxity, for there exists in
the Household Roll of Bishop Swinfield an entry which shows that an
archdeacon of the thirteenth century went on a Sunday to a banker
in London, there transacted some business for the see with which he
was connected, and reported his proceedings to his bishop.1 The
Jews also may, perhaps, not have been so strict in their observances
as mediaeval Jews are generally thought to have been, for one of the
Hereford bonds was executed on a Saturday.
Another striking fact concerning the list is that eight of the
creditors mentioned in it are women. This is only natural, for in the
Middle Ages women had every opportunity of carrying on business.
In London, for example, a married woman who followed a craft
without the help and interference of her husband was, according to the
regulations and customs of the City, regarded as independent of her
husband with respect to all that concerned her craft.2
A last remark that I would make is that the bonds were evidently
all drawn up in Latin, not, like those published by Mr. M. D. Davis, in
Hebrew. This is proved by the use of the Saints’ days for dates.
Both of the lists, of which abstracts are given, are contained in
the series of MSS. in the Public Record Office known as Queen’s
Remembrancer’s Miscellanea, Jews. The list of debts is No. 557/16
in the series, and the list of houses is No. 557/11 supplemented by
No. 557/9.
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 Roll of Household Expenses of Bishop Swinfield, 127.
2 Munimenta Gilâhallæ Londoniensis (Rolls Series), I., 204-205; III.,
38-39.
144 | the debts and houses |
LIST OF THE DEBTS OWING TO THE JEWS OF HEREFORD WHICH
WERE SEIZED BY EDWAED I. AT THEIR EXPULSION IN 1290.
The names of those places which. I have been able to identify are given in
their modern spelling-, the others are printed in italics and spelt as in the
Manuscript.
The price of corn, wherever it is mentioned in the list, is half a mark per
quarter.
Aaron, Son of Elias le Blund of Hereford. | ||
From the Old Chest. | ||
Richard Pauncefot | £30 | St. Nicholas’ Day, 47 |
William de Bliss, knight | £20 | Wednesday before Easter, |
William de Solle | 10 marks, | Thursday before St. Lucy, |
William de Solle | 10 marks | Monday after St. Denis, 50 |
Robert de Mucegros of Bishop’s | 15s. | Eve of Holy Cross Day, 51 |
William Mael, citizen of Hereford | £8 | Morrow of St. Edmund King, |
William de Solle | 20 marks | Morrow of St. Nicholas, 53 |
William de Solle, John le Aumb- | 10 marks, | Eve of St. Laurence, 53 |
William Mandut, Lord of Bulley | 17 marks | Annunciation Day, 54.Henry |
Robert de Weston of Preston | 31/2 marks | Friday before St. Laurence, |
William, son of Roger le Meroer | 10 marks | Eve of St. Luke, 54 Henry |
John Dorlone | 40s. | Easter Week, 55 Henry III. |
William Mael, citizen of Hereford | 100s. | Morrow of Finding of Cross, |
Robert of Weston in the Forest of | 6 marks, | Eve of Ho’y Cross, 55 Henry |
Roger de la Felde of Banham, Ralph | 8 marks | Morrow of St. Andrew Apostle, 55 |
Aubrey del Park | 4 marks,2 | Eve of SS. Peter and Paul, 55 |
David Morewight | 2 marks | Morrow of Holy Cross Day, 56 |
David Morewight of Dewchurch | 2 marks | Morrow of Michaelmas, 56 |
of the jews of hereford in 1290 | 145 |
Roger Peytevyn of Marston, John | 8 marks | Morrow of Michaelmas, 56 |
Reginald Rossell, son of Henry | £10 | Friday in Easter Week, 56 |
William Dames | 40s. | Morrow of Sunday after Easter, |
David, son of Richard de Bires- | 40s., 4”truges” | Tuesday before St. Ethelbert |
Richard de Chaundres of Wil- | 30s. | Eve of St. Ethelbert, 56 |
William de Solle | 12 marks, 4 | Morrow of Easter, 56 Henry |
William de Solle, Philip | 20 marks, 6 | Sunday after St. Giles, 56 |
Adam, son of John de Wiltune of | 10 marks | Morrow of St, Martin, 57 |
Roger of Colwall | 50s. | Eve of St, Martin, 57 Henry |
Bartholomew del Park Mareseall | 6 marks, | Morrow of AH Souls, 58 Henry |
John of Whitney, Richard Duners | 12 marks, | Finding of the Cross, 1 |
John le Aunblur Sayell | 6 marks,8 | Beheading of St. John Baptist, |
Adam, son of John de Wilton of | 14 marks, 6 | Morrow of St. Mark, 1 |
William Mael of Hereford | 4 marks | Eve of St. James, l Edward |
John, son of Miles of Wormbridge | 2 marks | St. Mark’s Day, 1 Edward I, |
Henry Hichel of Clehonger | 4 marks | Eve of Nativity of the Virgin, |
William de Mail | £40 | Morrow of St. Barnabas, 1 |
Walter le Plain of Morant, Walter | 2 marks | Monday after Translation of |
John Cache of Newton, Roger | 100s. | Eve of Purification, 1 Edward |
Stephen the Smith atte Wodygate | 40s. | Friday after Easter, 1 |
Robert of Weston | 10 marks | St. Ethelbert’s Fairs, 1 Edward |
John Rigge of Sutton, Henry of | 4 marks | Eye of Purification, 1 Edward |
Robert, son of Robert of Weston | £10 | Morrow of St. Mark, 1 Edward |
vol. i | i, |
146 | the debts and houses |
Henry, son of Henry de Penbrugge | £60 | Eve of St. Laurence, 1 Edward |
Thomas Parys of Pipe | 2 marks | Eve of the Epiphany, 1 |
Walter of Mainestune1 Robert de | 40s. | Easter Week, 2 Edward I. |
William de Trumpington | 40s. | Eve of the Purification, 2 |
William de Trumpington | 4 marks | Eve of St. Martin, 2 Edward |
John, son of Walter of Marden | £20 and ½ | Eve of St. Denis, 2 Edward I. |
Robert Mucegros of Bishop’s Frome | 60s. | Morrow of St. Lucy, 2 |
Richard of Peterchurch, Walter | 40s. | Morrow of Michaelmas, 2 |
John, son of Roger Peytefin of | £6 | Morrow of Translation of |
Walter, son of Reiner of Straddell, | 2 marks | Thursday before Easter, 2 |
William of Bureóte, John le Verreor | 54s., 4 geese | St. Thomas the Apostle, 2 |
Adam Botiller Pauncefot | 1 mark | Eve of St Peter in Cathedra, |
Richard de Hurtesle, knight | 6 marks | The Week of Whitsuntide, 2 |
Geoffrey of Broomfield | 2 marks | The day on which is sung |
William de Penbrugge | 100s. | Eve of St. Denis, 2 Edward |
Roger le Vinur of Lidney, William | 20s. | Eve of St. James Apostle, 2 |
John of Marden | £12 | All Saints’ Eve, 2 Edward I. |
Walter de Eardeshope | 30s. and 1 | Eve of St. Bartholomew, 2 |
Nicholas, son of Adam de Siptune | 40s. | Ootaves of the Purification, 2 |
Hugh, son of Roger of Hinton in | 2 marks | Eve of SS. Philip and James |
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 A place called Manetune in Herefordshire is mentioned in Domesday
(Duncumb, Hereford, 1. 65), but cannot now be identified. Perhaps Mainestr’
or Mainestune was the same place, or perhaps Mainestune is the same as
Munstone.
of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 147 |
Walter le Neyr of Mainsrer’1 | 50s. | Eve of St. Nicholas, 2 Edward |
Ralph of Munsley, William de | 12 marks | Morrow of St. Laurence, 2 |
Philip de la Hulle of Weston | 40s. | SS. Peter and Paul. 2 Edward |
Adam, son of John de Wylton of | 30 marks | Eve of St. Martin, 2 Edward |
William, son of John le Brun of | 5 marks, ½ | Morrow of St. David, 2 |
William Manlagh of Straddel | 20s. | Easter Week, 2 Edward I. |
John, son of Robert of Weston in | 12 marks | Morrow of the Sunday after |
David de Burghill | 5 marks and | Eve of St. Martin, 3 Edward |
Nich’ Wase of Ferne | 2 marks | Morrow of the Annunciation, |
Richard de Hurtesle, knight | 100s. and 1 | Eve of St. Peter in Cathedra, |
Richard, son of Richard de Hurtesle | 10 marks, 6 | Eve of St. Laurence, 3 Edward |
Alex. le Marescall of Lincestre | 2½ marks | Morrow of the Purification, 3 |
Hugh Baudewyn of Byford | 4 silver | Morrow of St. Nicholas, 3 |
Arnold de Grimscote, John le Caret, | 6 marks | St. Agatha’s Day, 3 Edward |
William de Rokeley of Staunton | 4 marks | Morrow of St. John Baptist, |
Walter of Brockhampton | 2 marks | Morrow of Ascension Day, 3 |
John Frernon of Stoke Lacy | 2 marks | Eve of St. Margaret, 3 |
Roger le Waleys of Dorstone. | 2 marks | Morrow of St. Peter ad Vin- |
Walter Kanne of Caple | 50s. | Eve of St. James, 3 Edward |
Roger de Eherton’ of Bodenham | 60s. | Eve of Whitsunday, 3 Edward |
William de Penbrugge | 8 marks | Morrow of Palm Sunday, 3 |
Symon, son of William de Solers | 4 marks | St. Denis Day, 3 Edward I. |
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 Walter de Neyr is no doubt the same person of Walter le Blake, or black,
of Mainestune, who appears lower down as a creditor of Elias son of Aaron.
2 Perhaps Dorrington in Shropshire.
l 2
148 | the debts and houses |
Thomas de Wyk of Garway | 8 marks | Morrow of Dedication of Here- |
John Daniel | £20 | St. Francis Day, 3 Edward I. |
Henry, son of William de Solers | 22 marks, 2 | April 1, 3 Edward I. |
John Daniel | 20 marks | Morrow of St.Mary Magdalene |
Roger de la More of Castle Frome | 2 | Morrow of St. Barnabas, 3 |
Walter Ouerset | £15.4s, and | Eve of St. Mark, 3 Edward I. |
Robert de Chaundres of Strongeford | 60s. | Eve of Annunciation, 3, |
Nich’, son of Nich’ de Cuerewas | 40s. | Eve of St. Peter in Cathedra, |
Roger Yue of Clehonger | 28 marks | Eve of St. Martin, 3 Edward |
John de Balun, lord of Marcle | £50 and one | Eve of St. Laurence, 3 |
Hugh, son of Nicholas Devereux of | 6 marks | Eve of St. John the Baptist, 4 |
Peter, son of Hugh le New of Caple | 4 marks | St. Denis’ Day, 4 Edward I. |
Hugh Baudewyn of Byford, Nich’ | 13 marks, | Morrow of the Nativity of the |
Roger de Vinclegh | 2 | Morrow of St. Denis, 4 |
John, son of Richard Rumel | £45,2 qrs. | Morrow of Holy Cross Day, |
Richard, son of Roger of Clehonger | 40s. | Morrow of St. Denis, 4 Edward |
William de la Mere | 4 marks | Michaelmas, 4 Edward I. |
Hugh Pantif of Stanford Regis | 16. | October 3rd, 4 Edward I. |
John, son of Robert of Weston | 14 marks | Michaelmas, 4 Edward I. |
John, son of Richard Daniel | 100s. | Morrow of St. Laurence, 4 |
From the new Chest.
William de la More of Staunton | 30 qrs. of corn | The day of St. Andrew the |
John of Swanston, Robert Bensire, | 100qrs. of corn | Morrow of St. John the |
Nich’ de Sarweton of Pencombe | 20 qrs. of | The day of St. Peter ad Vincula |
Stephen le Paumer of Sutton, | 60 qrs. of corn | Tuesday. St. Denis’ Day, 13 |
of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 149 |
Nich’ le Archer, son and heir of | 200 qrs. of | Gule of August, 13 Edward I, | |
Laurence de Hounaldewode. Wrena- | 20 qrs. of corn | The Tuesday after the day of | |
Roger de Caple of Upton, and | 40 qrs. of corn | Sunday, Eve of the Annuncia- | |
Walter de Frene of Sutton, John | 19 | Sunday after St. Ethelbert’s | |
Hugh Baudewyn of Byford, and | 5 marks and | Morrow of St. Peter ad | |
Roger Fremon, son of William | 30 qrs. of corn | Tuesday after St. Augustine’s | |
John, son of Lord Walter de | 20 qrs. of corn | Tuesday before Easter, 14 | |
Isabel, formerly wife of Simon de | 6 score, and | Friday after St. Barnabas’ Day, | |
William of Weston, William le | 40 qrs. of corn | Monday after St. Laurence’s | |
Miles Pichard, son and heir of | 10 qrs. of corn | Sunday, morrow of St. | |
John of Swanston, Robert Bensir’, | 35 marks and | Monday, morrow of Sunday | |
Robert Boter, son and heir of | 9 marks | Sunday before St. Matthew’s | |
Andrew de Chaundos, Walter de | 50 qrs. of corn | Sunday after Epiphany, 15 | |
Roger le Waleys of Dorstone | 6 marks and | Tuesday in Easter week, 16 | |
John Fremon of Stoke Lacy | 20s and 2 qrs. | Eve of SS. Peter and Paul, 16 | |
John of Marden | 45 marks, 28 | Wednesday before the An- | |
John, son of David of Burghill | 16 marks | Wednesday before Easter, 17 | |
John of Caple, son and heir of | £45 | Wednesday after Whitsunday, | |
150 | the debts and houses |
Bonenfaunt of London, Son of Aaron of Hereford. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
William de Solle | 20 marks | April 28, 1 Edward I. |
William, son of John de la Mere | 12 marks, | St. John’s Eve, 1 Edward I. |
William, son of Geoffrey de Hat- | 6 marks | Eve of St. John the Baptist, |
Roger Pychard of Staunton | 12 marks | Eve of St. John the Baptist, |
Roger Ken of Mordiford | 2.marks | Mid Lent, 2 Edward I. |
John de Wyk of Garway | 5 marks | Morrow of Palm Sunday, 2 |
Walter Ouerse | 26 marks, 2 | Morrow of Epiphany, 2 Ed- |
William Freman or Marden | 3 marks | Morrow of Ascension Bay, 2 |
John Swemest | £20 | Eve of St. Guthlac, 2 Edward I. |
Nich’, son of Nich’ Devereux | 40s | Eve of St. Francis, 4 Edward I |
New Chest.
Richard de Crowenhull of Sutton, | 40 qrs. of | Purification Day, 13 Edward I |
John, son of Walter de Balun, | 40 qrs. of | Monday before St. Nicholas, |
Hugh Godard, Stephen de Newton | 12 qrs. of | Friday, Eve of Finding of |
Nich’ le Archer, son and heir of | 10 sacks of | Thursday after Nativity of |
Nich’, son of Lord Nich’ le Archer | 6 sacks of | Wednesday after Octaves of St. |
Brian, son of Brontun’ | 24s., 1 cloak | Sunday after St. Bartholomew, |
Henry de Molers, knight, Lord | 30 qrs. of | Friday after Translation of |
Nomen Christiani ignoratur1 (a. | 10s. | Friday after Translation of |
Wiliam, clerk of Baysham | 20 marks | Sunday after Assumption of |
Philip, son of John Storel of Here- | 60 qrs, | Morrow of St. Andrew Apostle, |
––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
1 The name of the creditor in this case is given as Fauntynus, which is pro-
bably a way of describing Bonenfaunt, who on page 159 appears as Fauntekyn.
of the jews of hereford in 1290 | 151 |
Hugh Godard (a tally) | 43s. 4d. | Quinzaine of St. John Baptist, | ||
Henry de Hereford, knight | 40 marks | Tuesday, St. Benedict’s Day, | ||
Belia, Daughter of Aaron. | ||||
Old Chest. | ||||
Robert, son of Nich’ de Furches | 24s. | Tuesday before St. Valentine, | ||
John Lannare of Sutton | 9 marks | The day on which “Rejoice | ||
Bonamy, Son of Aaron. | ||||
New Chest. | ||||
Henry of Gloucester, living at | 100s. | Monday, Eve of St. Luke, 17 | ||
Josse, Son of Aaron of Caerleon. | ||||
Old Chest. | ||||
Ralph de Frene of Cowarne | 4 marks | Eve of St. Peter, 3 Edward I | ||
Elias, Son of Aaron. | ||||
Old Chest. | ||||
John of Northwis’ | 12½ marks | Eve of Lent, 55 Henry III. | ||
Walter le Blake of Mainestune 1 | 30s. | SS. Peter and Paul, 1 Edward I. | ||
Roger de Calewehull of Dorstone | 10 marks | Eve of Assumption of Virgin, | ||
William Mantage of Straddel | 40s., 3 | Morrow of St. Nicholas, 2 | ||
Sarah of Hereford, Daughter of Elias of Gloucester | ||||
Old Chest. | ||||
Peter the Vicar of Aylton | 4 marks | Eve of St. Valentine, 1 Edward | ||
Mael of Caple | 9 marks | Whitweek, 2 Edward I. | ||
William de Huntes | 100s. | Sunday after Trinity Sunday, | ||
Robert de Walssenede | 2 marks | St. Dunstan’s Day, 3 Edward I. | ||
Hugh, son of Alan of Staunton | 4 marks | Morrow of St. John Baptist, | ||
William de Rokeleye the Smith | 4 marks | Morrow of Michaelmas, 4 | ||
New Chest. | ||||
Walter Canne of Fawloy | 10 qrs. of | Friday before Annunciation, | ||
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1 See footnote 1, on p. 147 above.
152 | the debts and houses |
Henne, Daughter of Elias, Bishop of the Jews. | ||
Robert le Saler of Byscopestrete | 2 marks | Christmas Eve, 51 Henry |
Hugh, son of William de Bliss | 5 marks | All Saints’ Eve, 51 Henry |
Bona, Daughter of Elias. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Richard de Hurtesle juvenis | 11 marks, | Whitweek, 56 Henry III. |
Mael of Caple | 100s | Eve of St. Thomas, 1 Edward I. |
John le Tighel of Wormelow, | 20s | Eve of St. Edmund King, 2 |
John le Macun of Dewsall, | 2 marks | St. John’s Day, 2 Edward I. |
Benedict, Son of Elias. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Walter Chapel, Robert Semen | 2 marks | Eve of St. Thomas Apostle, 54 |
John Lannare of Staunton | 5½ marks | Morrow of All Souls, 56 |
Adam, son of William Deme of | 30s. | April 38 (sic), 1 Edward I. |
Reginald de Furno of Evesbach, | 24s. | Whitweek, 1 Edward I. |
William of Pencombe Mill | 40s. | St. Barnabas Apostle’s Day, 3 |
William of Pencombe Mill | 5 marks | Morrow of SS. Peter and Paul, |
William de Aventre of Staunton | 4 marks | Morrow of St. John Baptist, |
Thomas, son of William de Bo- | 4 marks | The morrow of the As- |
Elias, Son of Benedict. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Richard of Bromfield | 2 | Trinity Sunday, 2 Edward I. |
William, son of Odo, Richard de la | 4 marks | St. Kenelm’s Day, 2 Edward I. |
Cuntessa, Daughter of Benedict, | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Thomas, son of William de Bo- | 5 marks | St. Kenelm’s Day, 2 Edward I. |
Hagin, Son of Elias. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Hugh, son of William de Bliss | 5 marks | Eve of All Saints, 51 Henry |
of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 153 |
William de la Pirie of Sutton | 40s., 3 | Morrow of St. Gregory, 56 |
Richard Gernun of Sutton | 40s., 2 | Octaves of the Annunciation, |
David de Hockel, Robert, son of | 40s., 2 | Whitweek, 57 Henry III. |
David of Eckle | 20s. | St. Matthias’ Day. 1 Edward I. |
Richard Gernun of Sutton, John | 3 marks | Thursday after Easter, 1 |
David of Eckle | 4 marks, 6s. | St. Thomas’ Day, 1 Edward |
Richard, son of Philip of Broomfield | 4 marks | All Saints’ Eve, 2 Edward I. |
John and Richard Gernun of | 40s. | Morrow of All Souls, 2 Ed- |
William Bade of Hinton in Peter- | 4 marks | Easter Week, 3 Edward I. |
Robert of Weston | £10, 1 cart- | Morrow of St. Bartholomew, |
Robert, son of Ralph of Norton | 5 marks, 1 | Morrow of the Assumption of |
Josse, Son of Elias le Blund of London. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Alfred del Brok of Bromyard | £4 | All Souls’ Day, 47 Henry |
Robert of Stottesdon | 100s. | Eve of Michaelmas, 3 Edward |
Josse, Son of Maunser or Maunsellus. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Robert of Norton, David of Eckle | 40s. | Friday after Easter, 1 Edward |
Richard of Broomfield | 4 marks | Monday after Nativity of the |
Robert Pedayn of Snodehull | 2 marks | Monday after Octaves of |
Adam Botyller Pauncefot | 60s. | Eve of Palm Sunday, 3 |
Adam Botyller Pauncefot | 6 marks | Eve of St. Margaret, 3 |
New Chest. | ||
Stephen Cocus of Much Marcle | 10 qrs. of | Tuesday, St. Barnabas’ Day, 14 |
William de Hatfend of Ledbury | 12 qrs. of | Wednesday after Nativity of |
154 | the debts and :houses |
Hugh Godard, Hugh Hakelutel of | 30 qrs. of | Friday, Eve of SS. Peter and |
William de Hatfend of Ledbury | 30 qrs. of | Friday after Epiphany, 15 |
Robert Buter, son and heir of | 40s. | Morrow of St. Laurence, 16 |
Roger de Hereford, son and heir of | 6 marks | Sunday, St. Peter ad Vincula, |
Robert Buter | 10 marks | Wednesday after the As- |
Robert Buter | 11 marks | Wednesday before St. John |
Miles Pichard, son and heir of | £4 | 17 Edward I. |
Robert Boter, son and heir of | 10 marks | Sunday after St. Hilary, 17 |
Ralph, son of Lord Adam de | 100s. | Thursday before Christmas, 17 |
Hugh de Patynton | 40s. | Tuesday before St. Guthlae, |
Roger, son of Roger de Lugone1 | 2 marks | Tuesday after SS. Tyburcius |
Hugh de Patynton | 100s. | Monday after St. Katherine, 18 |
Roger de Butterley, knight | 16 marks | Monday after St. Valentine, I8 |
Robert Boter, son and heir of | 8 marks | Saturday after St. Milburg, 18 |
Robert Boter, son and heir of | 8 marks | Tuesday after St. Edmund, 18 |
Walter Hakelutel, son and heir of | 12 (sic) | Monday, Morrow of Trinity |
Maunsellus, Son of Josse of Worcester. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Aukin de Hulhamton | 40s. | Morrow of the Finding of St. |
William Morel of Dorstone, | 10 marks | St. Denis’ Day, 4 Edward I. |
John de Mewes | 12 marks | St. Francis’ Day, 4 Edward I. |
Cok, Son of Maunsellus. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Philip of Ocle | 1 mark | Morrow of the Assumption of |
1 Perhaps “of Lugwardine.”
of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 155 |
John Byket of Hereford | 40s. | Eve of St. John Baptist, 4 |
Isaac of Worcester. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Robert Blundel, knight, of Shrop- | 40s. | Monday before St. Laurence, |
Elyas, Son of Isaac. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
William, son of Philip de | 1 silver | Eve of St. Martin, 2 Edward I. |
Robert, son of Robert de Weston | 10 marks | Michaelmas, 2 Edward I. |
Thomas Paris of Peaune | 20s. | Morrow of All Saints, 2 |
Adam of Broomfield | 8 marks | Eve of St. Edmund King, 3 |
Adam of Broomfield | 4 marks | Eve of St. Margaret, 3 |
Adam of Broomfield | 3 marks | Easter week, 3 Edward I. |
Aaron, Son of Isaac of Worcester. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
William de Cancell, William | 100s. | Eve of St. Margaret, 3 Edward |
William, son of William de | 48s. | St. Denis’ Day, 3 Edward I. |
William Clericus of Lincestr’ | 30s. | Morrow of Michaelmas, 3 |
Robert, son of Thomas of Hinton | 100s. | Morrow of Holy Cross Day, 3 |
Alexanderle Marescall of Lincestr’ | 8 marks | St. Denis’ Day, 4 Edward I. |
Sampson, Son of Isaac of Worcester. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Nich’ de Trillec | 2 marks | Monday after St. Ethelbert, |
Adam Phelipp of Great Gowarne, | 4 marks | Morrow of St. James, 3 |
Roger, son of Gilbert Freman | 4 marks | Morrow of Michaelmas, 3 |
Robert Fraunceys of Eaton | 16s. | Eve of St. James, 3 Edward I. |
Henry, son of Ythel of Clehonger | 1 mark | Morrow of St. Giles, 3 |
John de Sully of Newnham | £8 | Morrow of St. Giles, 3 |
Roger, son of Gilbert Freeman | 4 marks | Morrow of Michaelmas, 3 |
Roger of Burton | 100s. | Morrow of S. Denis, 4 Edward |
156 | the debts and houses |
Roger le Lumyner of Kingston | 40s. | St Denis’ Day, 4 Edward I. |
Moses, Son of Isaac. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
John Patrick of Peesch | 40 (sic) | Eve of Dedication of Hereford |
Joye, Son of Isaac. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Richard de Borleghe | 5 marks | Thursday before St. Edmund |
Mirable, Daughter of Isaac. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Roger de Calewehull of Dorstone | 27 | St. Kenelm’s Day,2 Edward |
Moses, Son of Abraham. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Walter de Newbury of Bromfield | 40s. | St. Mary Magdalene’s Day, 3 |
Symon Guthlac of Woolhope | 25s. | Morrow of St. Bartholomew, |
Cuntessa, Daughter of Moses. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Henry le Mound of Evesbach | 20s. | Tuesday after St. Barnabas, |
Robert Fraunceys of Eaton | 20s., 1 “truge” | Morrow of St. Valentine, 1 |
Robert Fraunceys of Eaton | 30s. | Eve of St. Denis, 2 Edward |
Henry Coppe of Eaton, Robert | 30s. | St. Lucy’s Day, 2 Edward I. |
William, son of John le Brun of | 5 marks | Eve of the Annunciation 3 |
Ursellus, Son of Hagin of Gloucester. | ||
New Chest. | ||
John Wyberd, son and heir of Wil- | 20 qrs. of | Hokeday, 14 Edward I. |
Hugh, son of Reginald Moniword | 60 qrs. of | St. Denis’ Day, 14 Edward I. |
Nich’, son and heir of Nich’ le | 1 sack of | Annunciation Day, 14 Ed- |
William, de la Forde of Heytherley | 20 qrs. of | Friday before All Saints, 14 |
Philip, son of Symon of Maddesdon | 30s. | St. John Baptist’s Day, 14 Ed- |
of the jews of hereford in 1290. | 157 |
Jacob, Son of Sadekyn of Hereford. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
John de la Legh of Burl’ parish | 1 mark | Eve of St. Matthew, 3 Ed |
Walter of Stretton, clerk | 5 marks | Wednesday before Michaelmas, |
John de la Heth’ of Lastres pariah | 40s. | Eve of St. John the Baptist, |
Hagin, Son of Jacob of Gloucester. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Robert de Mucegros of Frome | 2 marks | Tuesday before St. Denis, 51 |
Robert of Weston | 6 marks | Eve of St. Martin, 2 Edward I. |
Hagin, Son of Belia of Gloucester. | ||
New Chest. | ||
Stephen of Bodenham, clerk, Ni- | 15 qrs. of | Tuesday before St. Luke, 14 |
Gente, Daughter of Hagin. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
John de la Hope of Bastn° parish | 40s. | SS. Cosmus and Damianus, 3 |
Hagin, Son of Hagin. | ||
Old Chest. | ||
Richard, son of Hugh de Kinardes- | 8 marks | Eve of St. Mary Magdalene. 3 |
William lee Waleys, son of John le | £10 | Michaelmas, 13 Edward I. |
Hagin de Weobley of Hereford. | ||
New Chest. | ||
Philip Storel, son and heir of John | 32s. | Michaelmas, 13 Edward I. |
John of Swanston, Robert Beausire, | 60 qrs.of | Sunday after Guie of August, |
Adam, son of John de Wilton, of | 10 qrs. of | Friday after St. Hilary, 15 |
Richard, son of John de Morton | 4 marks | Friday before St. Bartholo- |
Richard, son of John de Morton | £10 | Friday, Morrow of the Purifi- |
John Caldecote of Holm Lacy | 60s. | Tuesday after SS. Nereus and |
Walter, son of Philip lo Marescall | £10 | Tuesday after SS. Nereus and |